Opinion The Salina Journal Sunday, April 7,1985 Page 4 HP1 SsilfM] T 1 1 ne Journal Founded In 1871 FRED VANDEGRIFT, President and Publisher HARRIS RAYL, Editor KAY BERENSON, Executive Editor SCOTT SEIRER, News Editor LARRY MATHEWS, Assistant News Editor LORI BRACK, Weekend Editor JIMHAAG, Night Editor Matthew 28 Now after the sabbath, toward the dawn of the first day of the week, Mary Magdalene and the other Mary went to see the sepulchre. And behold, there was a great earthquake; for an angel of the Lord descended from heaven and came and rolled back the stone, and sat upon it. His appearance was like lightning, and his raiment white as snow. And for fear of him the guards trembled and became like dead men. But the angel said to the women, "Do not be afraid; for I know that you seek Jesus who was crucified. He is not here; for he has risen, as he said. Oome, see the place where he lay. Then go quickly and tell his disciples that he has risen from the dead, and behold, he is going before you to Galilee; there you will see him. Lo, I have told you." So they departed quickly from the tomb with fear and great joy, and ran to tell his disciples. And behold, Jesus met them and said, "Hail!" And they came up and took hold of his feet and worshiped him. Then Jesus said to them, "Do not be afraid; go and tell my brethren to go to Galilee, and there they will see me." While they were going, behold, some of the guard went into the city and told the chief priests all that had taken place. And when they had assembled with the elders and taken counsel, they gave a sum of money to the soldiers and said, "Tell people, 'His disciples came by night and stole him away while we were asleep.' "And if this comes to the governor's ears, we will satisfy him and keep you out of trouble." So they took the money and did as they were directed; and this story has been spread among the Jews to this day. Now the eleven disciples went to Galilee, to the mountain to which Jesus had directed them. And when they saw him they worshiped him; but some doubted. And Jesus came and said to them, "All authority in heaven and on earth has been given to me. "Go therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, teaching them to observe all that I have commanded you; and lo, I am with you always, to the close of the age." Colleges play numbers game £• A controversy is revived by the former editor of The Journal who served eight years on the Kansas Board of Regents. By WHITLEY AUSTIN - With the best bf intentions, the Kansas Legislature continues to perpetrate a fraud upon many college freshmen. By statute, fhe state institutions of higher learning" must admit any Kansan with a high school diploma. But a number of high school graduates are not capable of taking college level instruction, either because of faulty preparation or a low IQ. Yet they are induced to matriculate. - The colleges first han-| died the problem in an accepted but brutal fashion, f After a semester or so, .they simply flunked the! youngsters home. This was costly and frustrating for the dismissed student who thereafter bore the Austin psychological stigma of failure, a secret burden that sometimes sapped his entire future. ; One would think the colleges would object strenuously to the open admission policy because of the costs of gearing up for a large freshman class that inevitably would shrink. Yet college presidents like numbers, numbers impress the Legislature, numbers are used by the Regents to set budgets and salaries. - This itch for big. numbers led to a second step. The colleges now go to great length to provide remedial classes in elemental studies although the expense of maintaining enrollments in this fashion detracts from funding of serious academic endeavor. ; ~. The Board of Regents and the institutions have found yet another way to meet the extra expenses and to get around the statutory requirement. Year by year, they jack up the tuition toward a goal of 25 percent of the college budget. This may permit the incapable youngsters with well-to-do parents to enroll but it also tends to keep out of college the bright but impoverished. In this day, there are not enough Kansas jobs for many students to "work" their way through college. Yes, but what about scholarships? Scholarships are unevenly distributed among the disciplines, often depending upon the whims of rich alumni. Federal aid is diminishing rapidly.. At the b^jst, scholarships do not do much for the broad middle range of students. So, while claiming to admit all Kansas high school graduates, the colleges, abetted by the Regents and the Legislature, are erecting a dollar barrier that many prospective students, particularly in these days of high unemployment, cannot jump. Are there answers? Dr. Franklin Murphy, then chancellor at K.U., and I used to spend pleasant hours framing one. As I recall it, our scheme was a 3-tiered system. Any Kansas high school graduate would be allowed to matriculate at the low-cost community or junior colleges. But if they wanted to enter the state institutions — now, by courtesy, called "universities" just as an auctioneer is called "colonel" — they would have to pass a rigorous examination along the lines of College Boards. Late bloomers or slow starters who did well at the community schools could transfer without difficulty to the four-year institutions. The graduate schools, mostly at K.U. and K^State, would be the third tier and would have further requirements for entrance, although good grade point averages at the college level probably would suffice. In theory, this scheme would improve college instruction, end the ruthless weeding out of freshmen, give new strengths to the community schools and help cause high school standards to rise. Why didn't Dr. Murphy and I get anywhere with this plan? Numbers again. Most college administrators were fearful of sharply reduced enrollments and equally reduced appropriations. Alumni were fearful, especially for their football teams. Fraternities and sororities were aghast. Chambers of commerce at the college towns were ready for war. Local taxpayers saw a jump in juco costs. So Franklin went to California to head UCLA and I went back to my desk to worry about circulation — numbers again. Letter to the Editor Get the facts It is estimated that greyhound breeders in Dickinson County alone generate $5 million for the local economies. Kansas has long produced greyhounds for other states. Is it not hypocritical that we continue to produce the racing animals in this state and yet remain unwilling to have a pari-mutuel industry of our own in Kansas? Your well-worn argument that gambling breeds everything from organized crime to a regressive tax system is simply your moral judgment, not substantiated by surveys -nor borne out by facts. '• I think Kansas should vote on the issue. - In 1976 a survey was conducted of the 41 greyhound racing communities engaged in racing at that time. There was not one single instance of an influx of crime in any of those communities. The cost of law enforcement and regulation has in no instance increased to the detriment of tax benefits in those racing jurisdictions. I think it is high time that the editor of The Salina Journal wakes up to the realistic facts. Keep your moral judgments to yourself. Legislated morality only works when it is attuned to the will of society. I would like to take this opportunity to cancel my subscription to The Salina Journal. I'm sure I can find a less biased medium in which to gather facts and assimilate information. - JOHN SEASTROM Abilene Japanese successes shouldn't amaze Americans WASHINGTON - On the whole, William Manchester enjoyed his 63rd birthday more than his 23rd, during which he thought, reasonably: How unlikely I am to have a 24th. He was born April 1, 1922, and on April 1, 1945, he was among the Marines who began the last great battle of the war, on Okinawa. One of his memories of that experience is relevant to something occurring in Washington today. The Marines were amazed by the extraordinary proficiency of Japanese artillery on southern Okinawa. Every road and other vital point was brilliantly targeted. So amazed were the Marines that a surmise became widespread: The Japanese must have German artillery advisers. Similarly, the brillance of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor had caused some American officials to suspect that the planes had been piloted by Germans. There were other explanations. Prior to the war, Japan had an artillery school on Okinawa. A standard exercise for fledgling officers was to answer this question: How would you defend the school against attack? A generation of officers had thought hard about fighting on Okinawa. And beginning in 1931, every graduate of Japan's naval academy had been required to answer one question: How would you execute a surprise attack on Pearl Harbor? In the 1940s, many Americans had a racist impulse to assume that the "yellow peril" could not be such a peril without Caucasian assistance. However, the Japanese were good warriors because they were what they still are: a great disciplined people, tenacious in pursuit of their interests as they saw them. In his marvelous history, "The Glory and the Dream," Manchester recalls the com- George Will WASHINGTON POST WRITERS GROUP placent, condescending American attitude immediately after Pearl Harbor, as jukeboxes blared "Goodbye Mama, I'm off to Yokohama." Scoffers said that a Japanese soldier on parade "resembled a poorly wrapped parcel of brown paper — soiled, crumpled, and threatening to come apart." But Japanese sharpshooters were accurate at 1,000 yards, infantrymen carried 400 rounds of ammunition (twice what U.S. infantrymen carried) and five days' rations of fish and rice. In 1941 their ships were faster, their guns bigger, their torpedoes better and they had more and better aircraft than the United States. It has been asked: Who in 1945 would have believed that, a generation later, Japan and a Jewish state would be considered a great trading nation and a great warrior nation, respectively? But great nations do what they must do. In 1985 it cannot be said too frequently that Japan, a densely populated nation dependent on imports, would be a formidable commercial competitor even if it respected the rules of free trade. Free trade ranks just below Christianity and just above jogging on the list of things constantly praised but only sporadically practiced. As a cause of the U.S. trade deficit, Japan's protectionism, although significant, is less so than the U.S. deficit, which drives up the value of the dollar and the price of U.S. exports. Another factor is U.S. restrictions on such exports as oil and lumber. Today, Japan is seen not merely as commercially aggressive or candidly protectionist. Rather, it is considered disingenuous, and contemptuous about U.S. readiness to retaliate. Well, Japan is disingenuous: It uses dilatory negotiations as distractions, and keeps its markets closed with maddening regulations, such as until recently the stipulation that American cigarettes cannot be advertised in Japanese. But Japan's disdain for U.S. resolve is not unreasonable, given the years of U.S. tolerance of Japan's tactics. Besides, a nation that has no response when its soldiers are hacked to death with axes (Korean DMZ, 1976) or shot and allowed to bleed to death (East Germany, 1985) should expect tougher nations to doubt its determination. If Japan wonders why retaliation may at last occur, Japan should listen to Horace Busby, a Washington consultant. He notes that as long as the focus of contention was automobiles, U.S. resentment was regionally concentrated, primarily in the Great Lakes states. Now attention is focused on electronics, telecommunications, pharmaceuticals, forest products and other goods, so the base of congressional resentment is correspondingly wider. ' Congress can in good conscience prod the administration to push Japan toward a more open market. But Americans should not make the mistake of assuming, as was done 40 and 45 years ago, that Japanese successes are to be explained — explained away, really — without reference to this fact: The Japanese do many things very well. Someday they, and we, may be amazed 'to learn how little they needed the commercial trickiness that has become a big problem. GOP moderates mobilizing for '88 comeback WASHINGTON - It is spring, and everything is possible. So please do not laugh when I tell you that the moderate-progressive Republicans are plotting their comeback. Yes, I know that sounds silly in the Age of , Reagan, when conservatism is in the saddle — especially in the Republican Party. All I can tell you is that three quite sane and professional Republican members of the House sat down on a couch recently and told me how they and their friends hope to redirect the policy of their party in coming years. They were Reps. Stewart B. McKinney of Connecticut, Olympia Snowe of Maine and Tom Tauke of Iowa, and they are three of the leaders of the "92 Group." The name was chosen to reflect their eagerness to be part of a Republican majority in the House by 1992 and their belief that such a majority cannot be achieved without broadening the philosophical range of the GOP beyond the confines of "the New Right." There are 30 declared members of the group and another two dozen of what Tauke calls "closet members," who for a variety of political reasons do not want to affiliate formally. They began meeting shortly after the 1984 election, spurred by a shared fear that Reagan's victory would be turned into a right- wing ideological triumph by the activist conservatives in the House. The shock troops of those forces are the members of the "Conservative Opportunity Society" (COS), led by Reps. Vin Weber of Minnesota and Newt Gingrich of Georgia. In 1984, the COS adherents became the most vocal Republican debaters in the House. They put their stamp on the 1984 platform. They recruited and indoctrinated challengers for Democratic-held seats and generally acted, Snowe said, as if "they were the future of the party." • , While insisting they are not trying to "undermine" their conservative colleagues, McKinney said that "two-thirds of my con-, stituents disagree with the planks on abortion and school prayer those people put into the platform.... Those people may reflect David Broder WASHINGTON POST WRITERS GROUP their districts, but if we're ever going to win a majority we sure as hell have to have people like us running in districts like those we represent." Snowe chimed in to claim that, "We have abandoned traditional Republican values in the field of arms control, environment and equal rights." And Tauke, going even farther, asserted that, "The majority of House Republicans would be more comfortable with a platform we would write than the one that was written in Dallas." That remains to be tested, but the moderates are' mobilizing around an issue that will gauge the future direction of the GOP as clearly as any: the budget. They are drafting a budget proposal of their own envisaging "across-the-board cuts" in both military and domestic spending, Tauke said, and have informed their party leadership that they will insist their views be considered before they are called upon to line up behind whatever the White House and the party leadership finally endorse. It is a measure of the moderates' weakness that not one of their members has a seat on the budget committee. But Tauke is probably right in saying that "if we can pull 30 or 40 people together on the principles of our moderate budget, we can have an impact on the process." That is particularly true, since House conservatives are divided among themselves on the spending issues. When I wrote recently about Rep. Jack Kemp's (R-N.Y.) running budget-policy debate with Rep. Bill Gradison (R-Ohio), COS leader Weber called to say that he and many other conservatives disagreed with Kemp's faith that economic growth could substantially solve the deficit problem, and were prepared to vote for spending cuts — including the military. But the ultimate test of the moderates' comeback efforts will be determined, not in the 1985 budget battle but in the 1988 convention fight. They are not without allies. There is a significant cadre of moderate-progressive GOP senators — including Majority Leader Bob Dole (R-Kan.) and the chairmen of such committees as budget, finance, appropriations, intelligence, foreign relations, commerce, environment and public works, and small business. There is a similar cadre of moderate-progressive governors in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Tennessee, North Carolina, Rhode Island and Delaware, and there wi|l probably be more in 1986. •_ McKinney, a backer of Vice President George Bush, said: "Most of us will end up in the same camp in 1988." But how effective they will be depends on how much real political organizing they do off Capitol Hill in the years between now and 1988. Staff members from the "92 Group" offices have begun monthly meetings with the few, tiny progressive Republican organizations that exist, such as the Ripon Society. But the moderates simply do not have the political and financial infrastructure the conservatives have built over the past two decades. As Tauke said, "For too many years, being a moderate in the Republican Party has been synonymous with being lackadaisical. We are learning from the conservatives that we have to be activists." It is news — and good news — that the moderates are trying. But is obvious they are starting late and have a long way to go. Letters The Journal welcomes letters to the editor but does not promise to print them. The briefer they are the better chance they have. All are subject to condensation and editing. Writer's name must be signed with full address for publication. Letters become the property of The Journal.
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