The Napa Valley Register from Napa, California • 4

Marquis Childs Wat jNapa tA Napa, Calif. Opinion Page Fragmented Demos Slight To McGovern Would Split primaries. The worst toner was iiis $1,000 a year to every man, woman and child with a complex formula to take it away and a lot more from the middle and upper income brackets. That was the surest way to alienate not just the affluent tax payer but a lot of liardworking men and women in revolt against taxes. And however far he may back off from this Rube Goldberg substitute for the welfare system it will be a millstone around his neck.

A second serious error was his meat-axe cut of the defense budget with a proposed $30 the horrendous performances in Chicago four years ago. In a party divided and in disarray with fractions old and new clawing at one another McGovern and his followers represent the only sizable coherent force. The fragments that have been glued together in the stop-McGovern movement could not by the wildest stretch of imagination cohere around another candidate. They are ego tripping, sustained by fantasies of what might happen if a thousand ifs. McGovern has made serious errors of judgment in campaigning to win those billion reduction.

The swollen military budget is a vulnerable target. The mistake was to use a flat figure that could be shown not only to damage the defense structure but to enforce cuts in a wasteful and impractical way. Yet when these and other errors are added up the fact is that McGovern and McGovern alone has strong, active support from a sizable force among the young and among many of their elders. They believe the system is not working and they look to McGovern as a radical surgeon who can it. However unrealistic this may be in terms of American politics the McGovern forces should have their inning.

They represent a choice and not. in that fateful phrase out of 1964, an echo of the established order. The parallel with Adlai Stevenson comes to mind. While McGovern is no Stevenson, the senator from South Dakota inspires something of the same enthusiasm that a generation of intellectuals and the young gave to Adlai, the brilliant campaigner who infused his speeches with a warm, splendidly phrased idealism. But a look at the Stevenson record in 1952 and 1956 shows how formidable a task McGovern must face as the nominee of a party so sadly fragmented.

In 1952 Stevenson carried nine states with an electroal vote total of 89. Of the nine, seven were states of the old Confederacy. Those states in 1972 will go either for George Wallace, if he runs on a third party ticket, or for Richard Editorial A 'Strict' Path Down The Middle The Supreme Courts vaguely indecisive decision to ban the death penalty was a fitting climax for the first year of President Nixons strict constructionism. The recently ended session was the first in which all four of President Nixons appointees sat on the court. And while the session showed the court definitely headed in the general direction of caution and a passive role (strict constructionism boils down to not reading anything into the Constitutions list of duties of the Supreme Court), it also showed that the fears of civil libertarians who worried about a massive loss of rights established by the Warren court were unfounded.

The death penalty decision was not one of the courts alltime classics of clarity. With nine separate opinions written in a case, you can find a precedent for just about anything. The overall result, though, did lean toward banning the death penalty as cruel and unusual punishment, which is forbidden by the Constitution. And even that less than roaring victory was something more than a lot of people would have expected when the court session began last year. From the time last October when it upheld a lower court decision requiring racial integration quotas for construction unions on federally financed jobs to the recent decision requiring court orders for government wiretaps on citizens suspected of domestic subversion, the Nixon court has shown that, strict construction or no, it was not about to vengeful ly undo everything the aggressive, individual rights-oriented Warren court had done.

There have also been enough conservative decisions oriented toward protecting society from individuals to keep the strict constructionists among President Nixons supporters from being too disappointed. The same decision day last October that produced the construction union ruling also found the court upholding a federal law that makes it illegal for U.S. government employes to strike. And the last weeks of the session found the court refusing to take an active role in stopping Army intelligence agents from spying on civilians, declining to change the privileged monopoly status of professional baseball and deciding that the First Amendments guarantee of freedom of the press did not protect reporters from being called upon to testify in court on criminal information they have obtained on a confidential basis. For the time being, we appear to have gone from a Supreme Court that was liberal-tending-toward-radical to one that is moderate-tending-toward-conservative.

This will please those who shuddered at the liberalizing impact nine men made on society during the years when Earl Warren was chief justice. It will displease those who see the court as not only the last resort protector of our civil liberties but the active force that maintains those liberties and rebuilds them where they have been eroded. And it will not at all surprise students of the court who long ago learned that it is the least predictable of George Marder This Convention WASHINGTON Hope, gun, posion-the Democrats have several ways of committing suicide and in the deepest trough of gloom on the eve of the convention at Miami Beach the only decision seems to be how it will be done. The surest way is to deny the nomination to George McGovern after he has taken 10 primaries with a delegate total, omitting the California division, of more than 1200. That would make the re-election of President Nixon a certainty barring the accidents that defy all certainties.

It would also turn the convention into a bloody shambles, a match ofr Art Buchwald Scenario WASHINGTON Everyone has his own scenario for this weeks Democratic National Convention. The way things have been going with the party, one scenario has as much validity as the next. This is the one that I have written and if it comes true, remember, you read it here. It is the fourth day of the convention and the Democrats have been unable to decide on a presidential candidate. The fight to seat delegations has taken up three days and those people who were ruled ineligible have refused to give up their seats to those who were officially designated as delegates to the convention.

Almost every state delegation has two people sitting in every chair. No one dares leave the floor for fear that someone will grab his seat. When someone tries to speak he is hooted down by the opposition faction, torry OBrien, mm ms Potato lAsrvm i kef toelai sb, CgoqyETTE BRUSSELS SPROUTS, SAUTEED, Nixon. They are lost to a Democratic party of the Stevenson or McGovern order. In 1956 Stevenson carried seven states with an electoral total of 74.

Six of the seven were Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Mississippi, North and South Carolina. In the 16 years that have intervened the Old South lias abandoned the loyalties to the party that emerged from the ruins of the civil war. Those six states could not conceivably today vote for a Stevenson or a McGovern. In 1952, after 20 years of Democratic rule the party was also fragmented. The media chivvied at president Harry Truman for peccadilloes, most of them minor.

Such hard line Texas Democrats as Lyndon Johnson and John Connally sat on their hands in the campaign and Texas went Republican. Stevenson was running against a national hero. The disarray, the deep hostilities are this year much greater. In contrast President Nixon has with great political shrewdness welded his party together, bringing liberals and conservatives into what is at least a working coalition. His successes in foreign policy have won overwhelming approval.

About the feuding in his party Stevenson once had this to say. Sure, those cats are fighting, clawing, yowling, but remember they are making more cats. Whether that is true in 1972 is the great imponderable. Copyright, 1972, by United Feature Syndicate, Inc. Than Some people on the credential skirmishes and much the same is expected in crucial tests on the convention floor.

McGovern representatives were not averse to proposing deals to bolster their ranks after losing the vote in the Credentials Committee on the California delegate case. In some respects, the Democratic in-fighting over credentials at the convention resembles Republican power plays which won Dwight D. Eisenhower the GOP presidential nomination 20 years ago. At the 1952 Republican convention, the major battle involved the Texas delegation. The Eisenhower camp charged that the Robert A.

Taft forces were trying to make off with an improperly selected Texas delegation supporting the senator from Ohio the Mr. Republican of his day. Those who knew Taft knew that to accuse him of delegate piracy was akin to saying hed steal gum from the mouth of a child. He was Mr. Integrity itself.

Nevertheless, the Eisenhower forces made a major test issue of the Texas case and won. That put Taft forces on the run. Of such things are presidential nominations made and it could be much the same at Miami Beach this week. United Press International (W Wi hr MIA Monday, July 10, 1972 Napa and now a minister of the at the Napa Christian Church. through the decades, is that people in a good, well-balanced society ought to be rewarded according to merit.

Fine, fine. But who decides what merit is, for millions upon millions of people0 Obviously, such decisions could only be made by persons or groups holding power power not only to decide, but to enforce decision by some means. Bu if such a course produced jistice, it would be a consequence of authroity, not freedom in the strict sense. The historian of civilizations, Will Durant, makes the further argument that freedom and equality do not go hand-in-hand. Quite the reverse, he says in his took, The Lessons of History: toave men free and their natural inequalities will multiply almost These men are taking the long view, but what they are saying has vital meaning right now.

The For The Convention Calmer MIAMI BEACH -Presidential ambitions, rather than political philosophies, are tearing at the fabric of the Democratic Party this convention week. Reforms or no reforms, whats going on at the Democratic National Convention is a display of power politics, old-fashioned style. There are no longer deep differences over party platform such as threatened the party just a few weeks ago. The platform draft was made so broad that it can cover every major and minor candidate, except for Gov. George C.

Wallace of Alabama. And no matter how kindly the convention deals with the wounded Wallace, no one thinks its going to hand him the presidential nomination. There no longer is any such overriding issue as the war in Vietnam which ripped the party four years ago. All the presidential hopefuls say they would bring the war to an end promptly. On domestic issues, all the Democratic candidates promise change.

The difference is a matter of degree. Even in the squabbles over seating of delegates, there's no issue like the battle over lily white delegations which caused southern delegations to bolt conventions in the past. Humphrey agents have been horse trading with Wallace In Days Gone By July 10, 1947 A new schedule of salaries for principals in the Napa School Discrict provides increases for three men. George Strong, principal of the Napa Junior College, will receive $6,000. Roy Patrick, vice principal of the junior college will receive $5,500 and Loren Critser, principal of the junior high school will be paid $5,200.

Top teachers salaries were raised from $3,240 to $4,056. Elbert (Pat) Patten, son of Mrs. Marguerite Patten, won the coveted gold medal award in roller skating at the Roller Skating World Championships held in the Oakland Auditorium. Laurence C. Sunkler, formerly of gospel in Oklahoma, will preach Sunday Napa Countys first purebred Hereford hogs have been delivered to Bert Devita, Los Carneros Avenue rancher.

Fifty years ago (1922): Edgar Beard, treasurer and director of the Napa Chamber of Commerce, urges that Napa take greater steps to place the Napa Valley on the map as a tourist attraction. He says it has a great deal more to offer than the barren Los Angeles area. One hundred-six years ago 1866 The schooner Altabelle has put into San Francisco from Hong Kong carrying a load of silks. the chairman of the party, has the podium ringed with the National Guard so no one can grab the The nominating speeches have not been heard, but the candidates have been nominated McGovern, Humphrey, Wallace, Chisholm, Jackson and Muskie. There have been no demonstrations for the candidates in the hall because everyone is afraid if he gets up and marches they wont let him back in his section again.

On the first ballot McGovern picked up 1,234 votes, well shy of the 1,509 he needed. The rest were split between the other candidates with the uncommitted refusing to vote for anyone. The second and third ballot found no one budging. By the tenth ballot of Wednesdays all-night session, the convention was hopelessly deadlocked. The state delegations caucused right on the floor, because they were hand-picked.

The outcome was simply dictated by party reform rules specificaly established to provide participation for these people in rough proportion to their presence in the population of that area. There was absolutely no way for "freedom to guarantee that. A vote of the people, which we are persuaded is the surest gauge of freedom, could very well produce a delegation entirely composed of women, or of white men aged 30 to 50. Again, men acting freely do not represent proofs that justice and equality will be done. To make any decisions that even approach attainment of these goals, we need authority at work.

If there are reasonably proper numbers of women, young, blacks, at the Democratic convention, authority not freedom saw that it was so. Newspaper Enterprise Assn. trying to get people to change their minds. But it was impossible. On NBC, John Chancellor and David Brinkley became short-tempered and refused to talk to each other.

Howard K. Smith and Harry Reasoner on ABC were also not speaking to each other, and on CBS, Walter Cronkite wasnt talking to himself. It was obvious to everyone in and out of the convention hall that a compromise candidate had to to found one who had not already been nominated. But who? The Democratic Party leaders call a recess behind the podium. They argue and thrash it out for several hours.

The only man whose name is proposed as the compromise candidate is a very famous, but controversial, figure on the American scene. He has announced many times that he is not a candidate for the Presidency or the Vice lYesidency, and has said under no conditions would he accept a draft. Yet, the leaders argue he is the one person who can save the party. This young man, whose name had been associated with a very embarrassing incident, is a household word now. Because of the deadlock at the convention, he is the only one who can possibly beat Nixon in November.

The compromise candidate is not at the convention. He has purposely stayed away so people would believe he was not interested in the nomination. OBrien puts in a call to him. Everyone, in turn, gets on the phone and tells him he has to be the candidate. The compromise candidate speaks to George McGovern, Humphrey, Muskie and Wallace.

They urge him to run. The candidate finally agrees to a draft and says he will take the next plane to Miami. And thats how Bobby Fischer, the U.S. chess champion, became the Democratic presidential nominee for 1972. Copyright 1972 I xis Angeles Times Bruce Biossat Justice, Freedom Not Fland In Fland WASHINGTON Americans today, more "democratized than those who went before them, haven't yet got it clear that justice" and "equality do not flow automatically from widening freedoms.

Free men do not by definition art justly tward one another. If they did, there would be very little need for any law at all. Author Irving Kristol, again in that new book of his, On the Democratic Idea in America," suggests that justice is a lot harder to come by than freedom, slow as that may have been in arriving for lots of Americans and others. He quotes the conservative Friederich von Hayek as reinforcing this view, with the latter writer indicating that we pretty much know what freedom is, but have no generally accepted knowledge of what justice is. A simple example.

One of the most entrancing social notions, which we hear over and over conflict their comment highlights is baffling some earnest active in tne puoiic arena this very season. As the more than 3,000 delegates to the Democratic national convention gather at Miami Beach in a short time, they will hear their party indulge in much self-congratulation for having reformed itself and "opened up its presidential nominating processes. That means, clearly, making them freer, to allow more people of more and more kinds to take part. Yet there is hard question to to asked: Are these many different categories of Americans present at the convention because the processes are now freer? The candid answer is Only in part. Many of the women, young, black, Chicanos, Indians, and others whose presence there is regarded as a just result of the process are in fact there "Martha, why don't you just call ME, instead of those newspaper people.