Logansport Pharos-Tribune from Logansport, Indiana on October 9, 1977 · Page 4
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Logansport Pharos-Tribune from Logansport, Indiana · Page 4

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Logansport, Indiana
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Sunday, October 9, 1977
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<—The Pharos-Tribune. Logansport. Ind. Sunday, October 9,1977 Editorial Comment ««»*•»**•* *•**»***»**»***'** NATIONAL WEEK-; NEWSPAPER Freedom In Our Hands Every time you pick up your ~ newspaper at your doorstep or take it out of your .mailbox. freedom is in your hands. Your newspaper is a living, everyday illustration of the freedom that is embodied in the very first amendment to the Constitution of the .United States of' America. The Founding Fathers of this nation, who wrote the blueprint for the greatest experiment in government the world had ever seen, felt so strongly about freedom that they themselves annexed the Bill of Rights amendments before the Constitution could be submitted to the several sovereign states for formal ratification. Through its free choice to present the news, to interpret the news, and to make comment on the news, your newspaper in every edition relies upon those basic rights and freedoms. In the. process of pursuing its every day, duties and obligations to you, your newspaper stand? as the first line of defense against any action or any effort that, may tend to infringe upon those rights and freedoms. What is the newspaper's freedom is your freedom. One is dependent, upon the other. One cannot be free without the other. Every newspaper reader has the freedom of his or her choice in selecting the newspaper, the stories, the features, or • the editorials he or she may want to read. Every reader has the freedom to respond to any of those Articles or to any of those cony mentaries. As long as choice is readily available and the avenue of response is open, your freedom is secured. When you have no choice or you cannot take issue, the freedom of the' press is imperiled and your freedoms are consequently restricted. Certainly newspapers are different. Certainly they reflect opposing views. Certainly they . support conflicting ideas. Certainly they espouse different programs and policies. As surely as there are different types of readers, there are different types of newspapers. This in itself is the guarantee that freedom belongs to both,the press and the public. That fact is important and essential to our system. As surely as there are differences, both/in the press and in the public, there, will be those who are critical of the press. That, too, ensures a basic freedom. Think back to the years and the circumstances that produced the totalitarian regimes in Europe. Did any Italian newspaper endure under Mussolini? Was any German newspaper permitted to take issue with Hitler? Essential to their control and power was a press that presented only what they wanted presented. There was no choice or freedom,either for the press or for the public. They could not afford to permit the press to be free, because they could not allow the people the freedom of thought, choice and expression. Freedom is basic and essential toallofus. : •- .,-..! When you have your newspaper :; in your hand, you have freedom in . your hand. (James E. Olson, Pres., Wisconsin Newspaper Ass'n.) : MILWAUKEE JOURNAL 'Don't involve me in your petty bickering!' Full Circle With Bakke High Accident Rate On Hazardous Roads Hazardous roads ; cause nearly 42,000 accidents a year in Indiana. Since the average cost per~ accident js almost $6,000,. .Hoosiers can gain•, some idea .of the tremendous economic loss caused by our failure to appropriate sufficient funds to ^et those hazards eliminated. That does not take into consideration the fact that those same hazards are causing an average of more than 200 deaths and almost 14,000 injuries every year. And who can measure Jives in dollars and cents? ,. roads would pay for a lot of road .improvements. "'•• Our General Assembly has set asi.de $358 million, in dedicated state funds for our state highway ''department for the next fiscal year. But we are actually spending more than $600 million when we consider the $250 million extra that hazardous roads are costing us each year. Wouldn't it-be far better for all of us if the ^ General Assembly appropriated that extra $250 million for the elimination of the highway hazards? Every dollar we spend now for the elimination of sharp curves, soft shoulders, steep rises arid dips, and roadside obstructions Vill save us at least one hundred times that much in future accident costs in addition to saving a ByJAMESJ.KILPATfttCK Members of the U.S. Supreme Court will hear argument on Wednesday in the already celebrated case of Allan Bakke. Many of the rest of us will hear echoes. Almost a quarter century after- Brown v. Board of Education, we have come full circle. By this, time, everyone svho is interested in either race or law has become familiar with the Bakke case. Bakke' is the'37-year- old California)! who five years ago applied for admission to the University of California's medical school at Davis. He was rejected lor one reason only: the color of his skin. If it is denied a! all, it is only feebly, denied thai Bakke would have been; admitted -.if- he .had been born black. r Un- fortunatel.Vi so to speak,: he was born white.- •-- -.••.!.;.-•'.. '--'•:• •-* ' . ;H The Southerner who follows the Bakke case is struck by ironies at every hand. I arn a Southerner, born, bred and brought up in a segregated society; Forgive me a backward glance. . : ' In December of 193S, I was a sophomore student at the University of Missouri in Columbia..! had just lurried 18. and I was bursting with the accumulated prejudices of. a Southern boy's upbringing. . On December 12, Chief Justice. Hughes handed down a 7-2 opinion for the Court in the case of Gaines v. Canada. The university that night was in shock. It is hard to convey the sensation. Lloyd Gaines. you see, was a Negro. He had been graduated three years earlier from Lincoln University with a B. A. degree. Now he had the temerity—the audacity, the cheekmess the sheer gall!—he. had actually applied, this black man, for--admission to the law school of the University of Missouri at Columbia. And the Supreme Court had ruled that he was entitled to be ; admitted! ... That horrible prospect scarcely could be comprehended. I remember writing my mottfer a long and portentous letter in which 1 swore that 1 would leave the university before i would attend the same. institution with'a Negro. The campus, you see, was not large enough for both of us. When ) went home to Oklahoma, for the Christmas holidays, my friends commiserated with me. They were attending' ', the University of Oklahoma at Norman: it "was sti)l,a!l white 1 , and they were sure it would remain so forever. They could not ' jsee the case of G.W. McLaurin a decade ^down the road. • It is worth taking a moment to recall a couple of things 'that Hughes s"aid in the Gaines case. The University of Missouri had advance^ all. sorts of splendid reasons for'keeping Gaines out: Not many • Negroes really wanted to be lawyers: in any event,..a separate but equal facility was being planned: meanwhile. Gaines could get a perfectly adequate law school education somewhere else. Hughes dismissed these defensive arguments out of hand. "The essence of this constitutional right." hesaid, "is that it is a personal one." It is the individual, he said,-who is entitled to equal protection of the laws. ' . ". x -.•-'-' Now the Bakke case is being heard, and Ihe echoes comeTdaring in with the crash of heavy surf. The California regents who rejected Allan Bakke also had the very best of reasons. They were engaged in "affirmative action." Their purpose was "benign." They meant nothing personal in discriminating against a white applicant because he was white. They simply fell it wise to be race-conscious. Ah, my brothers, lawyers and educators -have come a long way along a rough and, wretched road, only Uf.find themselves at the point of beginning, the Southern Slates used to bus little children past their nearest neighborhood schools because the children were black, or because they were white, and the Supreme Court condemned the practice .absolutely. Now the Court approves the identical practice absolutely. Our institutions are as racist as they were before. We witness what is called "racism in reverse," and the phrase does nicely: We go backward, not forward. Well, I too have come a long way from a boarding house in : Missouri, and a long -•way from the Brown case in s J954. 1 long ago came to understand that for the states to discriminate by reason of race Is wrong, dead wrong? I am sorry I ever defended the abominable practice. For a, state to deny its facilities to a human being because of the color of his skin is barbarian. And that is exactly what the State- of California did to Allan Bakke; '• ..; ' If the Court meets this issue squarely,. and does not duck or flinch, Bakke will win in 1978 as Gains won in 1939. And then we will start' again, .perhaps, on the tortuous road we have traveled before—the road to a color-blind Constitution. by Briclcmcm When the General Assembly skimps on appropriations for the State Highway Department, it isn't saving Boosters Any money. Far from it. We arejpaying in higher automobile ^insurance costs every year for the narrow lot of lives, lanes, worn down, shoulders, •: - WS time that we recognized pavement drop-offs. steep .dj ps > we're not saying money when we sharp curves, and roadside ob- ..skimp on appropriations for the structions. <^;;';';>/ correction of,highway hazards. The quarter of a billion dollars a "We're actually taking the most Carter's Mid west Mi stake By ROWLAND EVANS *v -, ., -.- ; .Garter plan. The White House reaction at ' and ROBERT NOVAK ;'V- : - -i \f thlswriting is wonderment ai the outcry. WASHlNGTON-In the greatest of U.S. policymakers try to justify the deal' many ironies .that have.,thwarted, U.S W , .with, Russia., on grounds that the Soviet peace efforts in llic: Mideast;fpr : a : decadev^ "Unio'hV'as.'po-chairrhah" of. the Geneva President 'Cartel's .sudden^paftnershipj •eonference.ris'a tull;partnev in its recon- with Mosco.w-,in."laying 4own;brbadLpeaCe& ;vihing.?;: In^'fact.C nothing could keep" terms has roiighly'doubleid Israel's ability Moscow away from 'Geneva. Kicked out by lo block the "'"''"' ference. . On that issue; and even on the issue of "rights" for the Palestinian people, Mr.. Carter had.strorig political support.-When' the battle with the American Jewish" community began, the President would .hold high cards. Now. following-the joint U.S.-Soviet announcement, that battle has. begun in earnest, but with an emotional year we are paying cidents • .caused- by for the ac- expensive route possible both hazardous money and in lives. - •''. in v: THE PHAROS-TRIBUNE v ' ?. :',! ':•• ; "'^ . Doily ond Sunday (except Saturdays and Holidays) $1.00 per week by carrier in.all.cities and . towns and o'n'rural motor roufes.,Prepoyment i'noHi'ce.13 weeks J13.00—26'weeki JJ6.00— : '52 weeks $52.00:.8y mail in Indiana wnere^no carrier or motor route service is'maintained, 3 months-JlS.OO. 6 months-SJo.OO, $52.00 per year: by mall outside Indiana. $52.00 per year. Ouiside'lndiono-3 months. $20.00, 6 months. $31.00, 1 year. $52.00. All mail subscriptions payable in Advanced No mail subscriptions told where carrier or motor service is main, toined. . . . . / On oil subscriptions paid in advance, whether by mail or home delivered, publisher reserves the right to gd|ust the expiration date on a pro*rota basis in the event any increase is made ia the price of the newspaper Said ad|JstmeAI shall be made on the effective dote ol any an nownced price increase-. .; ' , , Pharos es'oblilhed . 1B44 Journal es'toblishod' 1849 Reporter established 1889. Tribune established ... - "07 v „ . - kind of settlement Mr. Carter Egypt and on shaky terms -with Syria, the begun in earnest, but with an emotional wants. #.rv s¥ f ;*v ^ f *i^V s -?RuSs'ians : have;no other road back. linking of the Jewish and anti : Soviet In short, Ihe Presi^nji'h^haiidedjsraet ¥ Now,^he*Pfesident'has sacrificed get- lobbies. :• an ally of great. r ,.(^tential.,jmportance:« 1 ,;;ting;fuir:political;credit from the Arabs for those anti-Soviet "narHliners who' have"This acceptance of Palestinian "legitimate taken an even-handed approach to the rights." After long demanding but .failing Mideast until now. They fear Russian . : ;to get precisely that formulation from the encroachment on the' : regioh's. oil riches 'iU.S.. the Arabs are now crediting Moscow, more IhaiHhey fear that;contihuing Israeli ;tnot Washington., ••:'-• intransigence will bring-a war which could..,...... In New York early this week..the foreign wreck: the. :"economies>;bf the industrial;,' ministers of Jordan and Lebanon privately 'democracies.' " , : '. : , •. called-the U S Soviet joint statement a ;• Thls.cpuntry^pro-lsrael'lbbby by Itselfj.t.'Hremendousfy important event " To has jundermined" peace efforts rof recent •• c them, it signifies full agreement by the two American Presidents: Mr. Carter now superpowers on overall settlement. It does no such thing: Leading, questions between Moscow and Washington are in dispute. The Soviets have been given extraordinary bargaining advantages over crucial negotiating points if—and it is a verv big if—Geneva is actually recbn- vened , But the worst of the new atmosphere Jimmy Carter has built in the Mideast is the great''advantage he has unwittingly must also face'the full potency of the anti- Soviet bloc on Capitol Hill.. Typical of conservative Republicans whose support for the Carter Mideast peace plan has been undercut is Sen." Malcolm Wallop of " Wyoming, who called the joint U S -Soviet declaration "an act of insanity." Little if any political planning seems to have gone into Mr Cartels latest attempt ' to reconvene the 1973 Geneva conference" lobbies. Why did the President do.it? High ad? ministration-officials insist privately that the Russians are serious about bringing peace to the Mideast. In thatjielief, they consider Sovie.t-acceptance of final peace treaties, instead of an end of belligerency, as a major Soviet concession. But U S diplomacy had labored for four years following the Yom Kippur war to- keep Moscow out. So. even if Moscow has made genuine concessions, the transition to .a joint U.S.-Soviet policy is far too abrupt logonsporf Prets EHoblifhed 1931 i ," ^ v > » n ' *• i Published daily except Saturday ond holidays by logansport Newspapers Broadway Logonsport Indiana 4o»47 (Secqrd clots pcstooe poidoHOflantporl, Ind., under the oct Of Wore" 3 18™', ^i * v*^' 1 * "*- •* j * 5 ^ <i f - . ' *urjk«c* AiiKiY •iiBCAiix^c ^IB^MI xfmtJ •. ^ ** •" 5)7 Eo i *MEM«» AUDIT BUREAU Of CIRCULATION , There^was. no advance consultation,.w(th..given Israel—and its,Amencan backers— congressional leaders They "would have lo humble Jimmv Carter. , * warned"agauist bnnging Moscow back to « pu^ ^ weeit oeiore the jdlnt U.'S.- ' - the Mideast action after Henry-Kissinger ^ ^ lel statement was" made public' Mr had sklllfullv kept them out carter and Israel were on a collision Nor did White House aides .understand course with no exit in sight- The issue was how U S -Soviet partnership played into Palestinian participation in a pan-Arab -the -hands* of >farae!V opposition r to"(He""- ttelegatWat *a reconvened"tfeneva f coh-" Oddly Israeli Foreign Minister Mosnc r _ Dayan' seems to have understood ,the \-and vote American political process better than Mr » American Carter -and his aides -Preferring farjteep,. the- Russians out'of the Mideast above all Dayan warned -the President and 'Secretary ol Stele Cyrus Vance of bitter" - reactions in lhe r C S- The handful of top officials' in on the secret of the joint statement never saw the political issue in its true perspectives For that. Jimmy Charley Reese I could write about the evils of the British Labor Party and by extension American liberalism until the cows come home and no liberal would pay any attention. They know I'm a limited government guy. . So how about listening to a genuine left wing, Oxford-educated British intellectual, a man who for 48 years had been a leading spokesman of socialism and the. Labor Party, He is Paul Johnson..former •edilorjof ".New Statesmen." and'he. just called it quits.with collectivism... ; '"' His farewell'" blast: one of the' .most eloquent indictments of collectivism I've ever, read, was reprinted in the Sept. II issue of. the Sunday Telegraph, a London newspaper. It's too long to quote verbatim, but I will summarize it for you. Please note the parallels with American libefalism. Johnson's first reason for. quitting was the tabor Party's surrender to the trade unions on the question of the closed shop. Our own liberals are trying to make the same surrender either by repeal of I4b of the Taft-Hartley Act or by the. backdoor approach . using HR.'8410 which masquerades as a reform of the National Labor Relations Act. , This, in turn, led to an alliance between government, big business, and big labor which Johnson terms corporatism. He writes about how the law's protection of the individual was warped to protect instead the union bureaucracy. He talks about how this contradicts the socialists traditional concern for the in- , dividual worker and his dislike of mass industrialism. •.' ,. "But it is the essence of corporatism that the units must be large," he writes, "and it is the essence of modern union bureaucracy that workers are easier to control in big factories where the organized militant clique rules all." A feature of this corporatism is hostility toward the small business, the' little workshop, and the self-employed. "So,the thrust of Labor policy is how to crowd everyone into the giant firm where they can be dealt with and disciplined' more easily." ' . • ' ' ';•_' Here again you can see this happening in America. The thrust of many of the government's tax laws and other rules and regulations, is to push the small business into the arms of the giant corporation. Johnson rightly says you cannot crush individualism without destroying creativity and he eloquently describes the intellectual sterility of the Left. "There they all are. Labor's mercenary army: the burgeoning bureaucrats of expanded.local and central government; the new; breed of administrators who control schools, hospitals and even the arts; sociology lecturers and others on the • fringe of the higher education afflatus; so- called social workers with their glib pseudo-solutions to non-problems." That sounds familiar, doesn't it. : _ "Johnson then describes how into that intellectual vacuum came the Marxists and he blames that in part on the decline of the quality of public education... ' . Next came the Labor Party's condoning of violence on the picket line. "Needless b> say. when reason flies, violence, takes over, and Labors new masters, the Marxists and onion satraps form a unique combination for promoting it." • Finally, Johnson writes of now the Labor Party, having abandoned its principles and its ethics to what he describes as „ Marxist fascism, degenerated into cynicism ^corruption Tboae, particuUr passages, telling of fovoritum, cronyism selling, .sound -remarkably f f- -. •*• -... J t '•*> * , the Western world Remember, this is* man.«l)0 spent his life arguing the menu of socialism and defending unionism But be is an^ui- lelligent man and he has seen how both CM be corrupted as indeed any party or movement can be . ^ England., its, economy^ a ."wrack with millions unemployed and the hiflattoi rate running at 18 per cent, is, sliding fasclstdictatorshlp' ~'f**

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