Calgary Herald from Calgary, Alberta, Canada • 4

AS ENGLAND SEES IT THE CALGARY HERALD A SOUTHAM NEWSPAPER Published by the Proprietor, The Smitham Company, Limited, at Tie llereid Building. Calgary. Alberta. Canada. Letters BUTTERFLIES IN THE STOMACH WILL AN QPIRWOH BE SOUTHAM.

FANE POIXEY PHILIP S. FISHER. President. JOHN Vice-President TUESDAY, Member of The Canadian Press The Canartlan Press I). of afl news dispatches credited to or to The Associate! Press in this paper, and also the focal news IX JH (m "JM.l, OKI UIW pUDUMtfU UltiCiri, ill HKflia UI.

ui fy'ri it ,.1 i-iffi mnil LVn r'w I One Man's Opinion flUllllHlitU 3 li.mi Moscow Versus Rome: The Reports from Poland say tnat the Communist governmcm there is prepared to discuss with the Catholic hierarchy proposals to establish a working relationship between Church and State. Since 97 Poles out of every 100 are Catholics, Poland was more closely affected than any other European country by the recent Vatican decree that any Catholic adhering to Communism must suffer excommunication, The fact that Poland's Communist rulers are prepared to discuss the matter at all with the Church is evidence enough that Rome's stern action has made them think. The threat of excommunication has made open war inevitable unless some arrangement acceptable to both sides can be worked out. Nevertheless, it is difficult to see what form such an arrangement could take. The most critical point of friction between Catholicism and Communism has been the question of control over schools.

And both these powerful movements hold it essential to their purpose that they should exercise such control. Both exact loyalty from their adherents in a measure which is matched by no other great movement, political or religious. Eoth movements have their dogma which, in each case, is mandatory on all their followers and which is subject to no compromise. Not even the most, specious Calgary Grows-But is Sire An unofficial census made by Eric McGreer, secretary of the Calgary Board of Trade, gives a population of 120,011 for Greater Calgary. Within the city limits, an estimated 108,235 people now live, which is an Increase of 8,189 over the figures given in the 1946 census.

Calgary is growing; and in many ways this is an encouraging sign of strength and vitality in our city. It offers people what they want: otherwise they would not come to live here. It also offers them a way to make a living: otherwise they would not stay. At the risk of committing a grave heresy, however, we want to whisper in a very soft voice that we hope nobody ever confuses the fact that the city is getting bigger with the fact that it is getting better. One may follow from the other; but not necessarily and certainly not inevitably.

Edmonton, for example, is considerably bigger than Calgary, both in population and in area. We hereby offer a genuine original copy of, the franking-stamp which they devised up north, designating Edmonton as the "Oil Capital of to anybody who can find a single person who, having been exposed to the advantages of Calgary for six months, thinks that Edmonton is a better city than Calgary. Before Calgary Will become a better place to live as a result of growing bigger, we have to get over the discomfort of growing pains. Among other things, we have to have a of in as of The long-term student of history is struck by the fact that neither World War I nor World War II really settled the Twentieth Century struggle for power. The major participants in World War I were Britain, France, Germany, Russia and the United States.

These, with Japan, were also the major participants in World War II. Are they not still the major powers, and hence, the ones most likely to provoke future wars? It is true that Britain and France have been seriously weakened, but we think they may still claim to be major powers. It is true, also, that Germany and Japan are languishing in defeat, but we have a very strong conviction that both of them will be heard from, again. Not next month or next year, but within the lifetime of men now living. We believe that this is particularly true of Japan.

It is commonly assumed that Japan practised aggression during the 1930's out of sheer cussedness, that cussedness culminating in the foolhardy attack on Pearl Harbor. The Japanese went around invading people because it was their nature so to do. But that is not the case: the Japanese had sound reasons we do not say good reasons, but sound ones for trying to gain territory by force. This has recently been endorsed by General Douglas MacArthur. Writing to the American business magazine, Fortune, General MacArthur said that the chief reason for Japan's aggression was her population pressure: too many people on too little land.

He remarked that if Japan depended entirely on her indigenous natural resources those within the home islands she could support only 50,000,000 people on a reasonable standard of life. But during the 1930's the population of Japan reached and passed the 70,000,000 mark. Given free trade, says General Mac-Arthur, Japan could have supported all these extra people through her industrial plant. She could have sold her manufactures to buy food and raw materials from abroad. But after World War and particularly after the great crash of 1929, the world turned away from free trade.

Japan was thus forced into a corner, where she either had to starve or else fight her way out. She chose to fight her way out. to the Weralci Request From England Editor, The Herald: Please, could you help me to find a young lady with whom I could correspond and exchange views. It has been a very great wish of mine for some time to bs able to write to someone in your very beautiful country I am a young married woman in my 24th year, with two very lovely children. Owing to a recent illness, I have to rest quite a lot, and would be most.

grateful to you if you would pass my address on to some young lady who, like rr.3, Uses writing. JOYCE MARGARET CLAH S2, 92 Andover Road, Beswood Estate, Bulwell. Nottingham, England. Our Perspiring Police Editor, The Herald: On a recent visit to your city to attend the Stampede, my sympathy went out to your policemen. The heat was terrific for me, in a thin, cool dress, and I could not help but wonder how those poor souls live in that terrible uniform.

I havs travelled considerably, and at no other place have I seen men made to suffer in that way. Surely something more suitable to the hot weather could be designed. In most other cities, the police wear a cotton shirt and a light hat, and I can assure you don't lose any of their dignified appearance. The Calgary men looked to be in torment, and I certainly have to congratulate them on keeping their tempers, with all the crowds, in such awful clothing. Surely they deserve consideration.

I expect it is too Tate to do anything this year, but I would suggest it be kept in mind for coming summers. (Mrs.) P. B. HITCHCOCK, 456 Kingswood Road, Toronto, Ontario. Those Letter Boxes Editor, The Herald: A recent report in your paper stated that further letters were being sent to home owners whose letter boxes did not conform to regulations.

But what about the other end, the postal delivery? When we moved into our home, we put up a mail box, and as we both work during the day, put on a lock for safety. Our mail was placed in the box with half of each letter protruding a certain come-on for dishonest people, and easily scattered by strong winds so I removed the lock. The letters were immediately placed fully inside the box, and were, to some degree, much safer. This worked all right until today, when I arrived home amid the rain and wind, again to find our mall scattered over the lawn. In this case, the letters must have been placed in the magazine rack, along with a I don't believe I'm being unreasonable in asking for a little consideration from our mail carriers.

L. Calgary. Old Age Pensions Editor, The Herald: First, I would like to thank B. A. Scovil for his letter on the old age pensioners' difficulties, and from there I'm going on to talk abous the old age pensioners' wives.

Most of them are few years' younger than thair husbands. How are they expected to Jive? As everyone knows, it is almost impossible for one to exist on the $37.50, much less two, and the disgusting part is that in the May cheque received by the pensioners, there was a slip informing them that the government was holding back the $10 (promised bj iU government before the election) for the purpose of finding out If they really needed it. Can anyone tell me what chance a woman has, in her sixties, to obtain the employment that would help both of them in their extremity, for needless to say, no one will employ an elderly woman when there are so many younger women clamoring for a job? Wake up, look around and see how many of the older folks are living; it's a crime how they are trying to get by on such a pittance. Ours is a rich province, and why can't it be the first one to Kb'? the old age pensioners' wives an even break? CITIZEN, Heinsburg, Alberta. Symbol of Paganism bailor.

The Herald: Being a member of the Church of England for at least 50 years, I think I am entitled to an opinion, and here it is. The majority of the bishops, and clergy of the Church of England desire and insist oh ritualism hnd the ministry of sacraments or Romeward movement, leaving out, at least to a certain extent, the trua worship, prayer and thanksgiving to 6od. Many of our clergy appear to delight in looking pious by bowing down to a cross made of brass which is placed on the altar. The cross, as a sacred or mystic symbol, dates from antiquity, and bowing- to it is a pagan practice. The cross as an instrument of punishment also dates from antiquity, and was used as such when Our Lord was The cross was therefore the instrument of death, suffering and agony it was the shedding of the blood of our Redeemer that saves.

What was the cross of Christ? We read that He said to His disciples: "My soul is exceedingly sorrowful, even unto death," and prayed that, if possible, this cup pass from Him, nevertheless, not "as I will, but as Thou wishest." Surely that was the cross of Christ. When our Lord became at one time the victim sacrificed and the sacrificing priest, he determined for ever the Aaronic priesthood, and the ritual contained In the ordinances. Roman practices and doctrine are not of the Church of England Common Prayer Book. It is safe to say the Church of England would do well to follow the example of John Wesley and his followers by doing away with Roman practices and doctrine, and staying with the Church of England Prayer Book, burying the brass cross so prominent on the altar, and putting on the altar in its piace the the Bible. Union could then be considered.

LONGTIME C. OF Calgary. snd Publisher. Secretary-Treasurer. AUGUST 2, 1949 is cvlfietilv enfltloil thr hop nf rp nuhili'atlrin friaf dispatches herein are also reserved.

Post Office Department, Oltawa. Next Round casuist in the Kremlin could find any point on which Catholic dogma on the one hand and Stalinist dogma on the other could occupy common ground. Essentially, what is happening now in Poland and elsewhere is a trial of strength. The Catholic Church has never believed in compromise with other organizations as an instrument of policy and, indeed, its strength lies in its unrelenting reliance on its own rock-bsdded faith. It is, therefore, inconceivable that the Vatican would accept any arrangement in Poland which would deprive it of any of Ihe sources of its power; the necessary concessions will, have to come from the other side.

Whether those concessions will be made depends on whether Poland's Communist party considers itself strong enough to face a direct and open collision with the Church. It knows that Communism cannot exist permanently side-by-side with Catholicism; but the question is whether Communism considers that now is the right moment to take up the challenge. It is more likely that the Polish government will try to delay the show-down, by making concessions which the Church will find acceptable, in the hope that later there will be a better opportunity to strike at the Church again. If this is its intention, it is forgetting one important fact: Rome knows how to wait, too. Everything: City Council whose outlook grows with its environment.

Are we quite sure that we have such a Council now? Size, of itself, is of less consequence than balance and proportion. It has a number of indisputable advantages at any rate in theory. It means, or should mean, better public services, better amenities, legitimate theatres, concert halls, bigger football teams and maybe even paved suburban streets. But what you gain in size you often lose in convenience. Is Toronto, for example, as convenient a city to live in as Calgary? And if it isn't as we are quite sure it's not do its other amenities (its culture, for example) make up for the difference? We have to ask ourselves whether we want to be like Toronto at the cost losing the ability to get to the office 10 minutes or thereabouts on the trolley-bus.

We aren't arguing against size as such. Before the war, London was both big and attractive though singularly inconvenient. But size, an end in itself, is an unrewarding goal. Size without balance can be downright repulsive. There is a charm about Calgary which may or may not result from the fact that it never grew too big.

Perhaps we can keep it in the process of expanding; but let's not forget that it is one the chief of our civic virtues. Possessing it, we can afford to eschew the fetish of the population statistics. In Washington, London and Paris there is well-founded apprehension of the rebirth of militant German nationalism. The circumstances created for Germany make it inevitable. Machiavelii who had a first-rate intellect-said, "A defeated enemy must either be utterly destroyed or made into a friend." Germany has not been utterly destroyed.

Her eities are one-fourth to two-thirds ruined. One-seventh of all Germans are penniless refugees. Twenty-five per cent, of her male population in the younger maturity groups are dead or missing. Despite powerful injections of Marshall Aid, her basic economic condition is appalling. Western Germany, whose population has increased 18 per cent and whose war damages are calculated in tens of billions, exports only 38 per cent of what she exported in 1936, while imports are 83 per cent.

Of exports, raw materials are 50 per cent of 1936 and manufactured goods only 15 per cent. Exploited by Russia in the East, Western Germany also is treated like a colony, a source of raw materials to be profitably worked up elsewhere. Dismantling continues. There is immense unemployment, practically all refugees being in this category. But the biological fabric of the Germans has not been "destroyed.

Nowhere have I seen such swarms of strong, healthy children. Technological skill and willingness to work have not been destroyed. Vital peoples are not defeated even by seemingly insoluble problems. On the contrary, they are sharpened by them to extraordinary effort and ruthless measures. With no security or home except in the deathly embrace of the Soviets, since a unified Western" Europe remains a platitude, Germaay must Inevitably turn" in upon herself in a tightened nationalism.

She must be prepared to bargain ruthlessly between her divided -victors and if she must sell herself to sell herself to the highest bidder. And if the West will not guarantee her security, the West wiii eventually lose its own. There is no European security without Gem. any, and no European security against Germany in the present constellation. That a fact is unpleasant does not change Its factualness.

As Moscow Sees If An Editorial in The Times, London The Scrap Book By BEVERLY GRAY It isn't a question of how cheaply two can live but where? The modem girl's ambition is the same as her mother's was to make some man a good husband. Nothing it quite so disheartening as to return from your vacation and find everything hat gone well In your absence. POWER The most powerful men are not public men. The public man is responsible, and a responsible man is a slave. It is private life that governs the world.

The world talks much of the powerful sovereigns and great ministers; and if being talked about made one powerful, they would be irresistible. But the fact is, the more you are talked about the less powerful you are. Lord Beaconsfield (1804-1881). Sailing watermelon by the pound seems to us like charging for air by the cubic inch. PROGRESS Progress is a very recent invention.

In the age of Queen Elizabeth and William Shakespeare, men bejieved that the race was in a state of chronic decay. In spite of printing, the compass and gunpowder, the earlier was considered the riper world. Those who actually lived through what we have learnt to regard as one of the most brilliant and progressive epochs of all history regarded themselves as men of the decadence. We, on the contrary, regard ourselves as men of the dawn and the threshold, an army in advance, not in retreat. It remains to be seen what the judgment of future historians will be.

Aldowr "Texts and Pretexts" Stealing it a piece at a time, a Par' isian thief carried moay an entire railroad train. Or what to give the growing boy, too large for key-winding toys. HEROICS, I have never understood why our politicians are so frightened of announcing a crisis. If I were Prime Minister I would be tempted to invent crises, and our backs would be for ever against the wall. When I was a small boy, one of our favorite pastimes was enacting "Major Wilson's Last Stand." And the English are Major Wilsons to a man.

Because we are so undramatic in our ordinary behavior, we have an unconscious self that screams for drama, for towering heroic attitudes, for Last Stands and All Is Lost Save Honor. Our real national heroes are never quietly efficient successful men but glorious failures, tragic blunderers, poets in action. The worst slogan ever offered to the English people was "Safety First!" Most of the English I know, old and young, have no deep-seated craving for a drab security stretching from the cradle to the grave, for the minor civil servant's idea of life, and, I believe, would uproariously welcome the statesman who cried: "We will now, with fantastic self-sacrifice, attempt the impossible." J. B. Pilestlev In The New Statesman The man who spent hit vacation at home says it's a nice place to visit, but he wouldn't want to live there.

REVENGE Revenge, one of mankind's most rudimentary emotions, has long interested Dr. Preston Holder, a social anthropologist of the University of Buffalo. Eteep in the jungles of South America, he has noted the elaborate lengths to which primitive men and women will go to get even with a temporarily triumphant opponent. Of late, however, he has concluded that civilization refines, rather than tempers, the impulse and often provides opportunities for spiteful action that would make a savage weep with envy. He points to the story of the Detroit taxi driver who told him, with unmistakable satisfaction, how he settled his score with an obnoxious customer.

The cabbie was hailed by a pompous, expensively dressed gentleman who asked to be taken to a distant suburb. The driver complied, although he knew that a return fare was most unlikely. Throughout the long haul, the man in the back seat criticized the driving and made derogatory remarks about the cab. At the end of the trip, with the meter reading $9.95, he handed over a $10 bill and told the cabbie to keep the change. Standing on the curb, he watched the driver curiously.

"You don't mind that I gave you such a small tip?" he asked. "Nah," said the hackie cheerfully, "I knew you were that kind. But it's okay I took you to the wrong address!" And he drove off. Less subtle was the revenge of the prison guard who was fired from his job to make room for a policeman's relative. Dr.

Holder relates that the discharged employee did not take his dismissal at all gracefully. On his last day of employment, he unlocked all the cell doors and shouted to the prisoners, "Okay, boys, run!" They did. June Koliblna In The N.Y. Herald Tribune. Richard J.

Needham General MacArthur puts it thus: "Only the high degree of pre-war industrialization supported a large population, but the growth of protective barriers, and the trend towards autarchy in various parts of the world during the early I930's, raised increasing obstacles to the flow of Japanese goods abroad and the securing of raw materials to feed the Japanese industrial machine at home. This, more than anything else, led Japan's leaders to take the gamble of war." Now, it is quite obvious that the present world the world of the late 1940's and early 1950's does not believe in free trade any more than the world of the 1930's. It is, if anything, more protectionist. So Japan's predicament remains the same as it was then, and has indeed become worse, since her population is much larger now than it was then. Today, the population of Japan is more than and by 1970 it will be close to All these people are crammed into an area about the same size as California, only one sixth of which is arable.

We may understand, then, what The Manchester Guardian means when it frankly warns: "The war in the Far East did not settle the Japanese problem. In the past two or three years, there has been the comforting thought that Japan is now an American problem and that it need cause no further trouble for the time being. That period is now ending. The Japanese problem is likely to be with us for the next generation or more." Once the Americans go and we may be sure they will not stay forever there are six ways out i'or the Japanese people. They can quietly starve, which is unlikely.

They can practice severe birth control, which is equally unlikely. They can migrate but who will take them? They can try to live by selling manufactured goods--but who will buy them? The fifth and sixth alternatives are the only feasible ones for Japan. She can practise armed aggression, as during the 1930's, to obtain her own sources of food 4 and raw materials. Or she can throw in her lot economically, and hence poiiti- cally, with a Communist China and a Communist Russia. Which she will choose remains, of course, to be seen.

But neither is pleasant, and the latter is close to a nightmare. approaching crisis of over-production which will only depress still further the position of the workers." Turning to the second of the contradictionsthe one "among the capitalist powers themselves" they see Americans, fearful of a slump, Intensifying the' struggle against British trade and mounting "new offensives of the dollar against the pound." The Marshall Plan is already written off. "Not only are United States expansionists trying to freeze Britain's goods out of Western European markets, but by cutting down their purchases in Western Europe they are also trying to reduce the output, and bring about the collapse, of enterprise in Marshall Plan countries as a whole." 1 About the third contradiction between the possessing powers and the colonial or former colonial peoples Moscow finds sufficient evidence in the struggles across South-East Asia; and, as the Russians insist that the British withdrawal from India and the more enlightened Dutch policy in Indonesia really betoken no fundamental change, they expect the Western countries to suffer further reverses and to lose all influence throughout the region favor of the Soviet bloc. On the basis of all such reasoning about the three contradictions, they regard it as proved that the "general crisis of capitalism" is intensified. It may be wondered whether so confident an interpretation wiil have any effect on Soviet policy at this time.

Perhaps the Marxist teaching that "imperialist" governments are always apt to find an escape from economic difficulties in aggressive war helps to explain the Soviet denunciation of but on the whole Soviet statements on the question of war and peace have expressed much more confidence in recent months that peace would be preserved. Nor does the present flow of comment oh Western difficulties though pitched in the usual strident tones suggest that the Soviet leaders "think that any sudden collapse will befall the Western countries. What they appear to envisage, if their statements are any guide, is a slow, prolonged crisis leading as they declare the war led to a relative increase in the strength of the Soviet wrorld. In line with this thought they appear to expect that the Western powers, in the search for export markets, will be readier to enter into trade negotiations with East European countries, offering perhaps lower prices. More generally it must be assumed that the Communist parties in Western countries will do all they can to exploit the difficulties through strikes of all kinds.

On The Record -ey Doroth ThmPsn A man who prophesied that an earthquake would engulf an enemy stronghold, and who lived to see it happen, could not be more gratified than the Russian professors and propagandists now writing about the American as they term it, and the British struggle to make ends meet. 1 Jubilant comment i from ill-wishers abroad is always a stimulant to greater endeavour at home. The Russian Marxist diagnosis may be examined a little more closely because with all its crudities and it sets out in the clearest possible manner the mistakes which the Communists hope that the Western world will make, the mistakes from which the Communists alone could profit. According to the Marxist thesis the capitalist or non-Marxist world is subject to three fatal contradictions within itself the first between labor and capital; the second among the capitalist or "imperialist" "powers themselves as they compete for markets; and the third between the ruling nations and the colonial and dependent peoples. These contradictions, the Marxists say, must inevitably develop into strikes and lock-outs tending to revolutionary conditions, into imperialist wars, and into wars of independence whjch will bring the liberated peoples into the Soviet camp.

What makes the Russian political scientists especially jubilant now is the evidence which they gather to show that all three contradictions are now being aggravated in the Western world. With regard to the first, "the clash between labor and capital," they do not see the "crisis" in American economy as an inevitable and, so far, controlled adjustment after a time of threatened inflation. They see it already as the condition to which it might deteriorate if there were no controls and if fear once more gripped American business as in 1929. They see it as another manifestation of the struggle between capital and labor, another of the recurrent crises of over-production, bringing with it the certainty of a large increase in unemployment and in the num-. ber of bankruptcies.

When they look to this country's present difficulties in its overseas payments they do not take account of the. nation's wartime losses of overseas income and dividends nor do they conclude that the nation as a whole is living above its means in the endeavor to ensure for all members a high standard of life (far higher than the Russian, for example). Whst they see is littie more than the orthodox clash between classes, with "an The weakness in the Atlantic Pact is that it makes no provision for Germany's defence. An armed attack on any one of the signatories will, the treaty states, be regarded as an attack on all. So also will an attack on the occupation forces of any of the signatory parties in Europe.

The only sucn occupation forces are In Germany. Thus, the protection of Western Germany de- pends upon the un- limited continuation 4 of the occupation, ''J Germany may not rearm for her own protection, nor is she included in the system of collective securiiy. She is not, by the Atlantic Pact, protected against armed attack by the Soviets nor. even, against attack by the Atlantic Dorothy Thompson powers. Her security rests on permanent division and occupation.

Defeated and disarmed countries most require collective security. When a nation is denied measures for its own defence. Its victors assume moral responsibility for its protection. If divided, as the victors are, they aiso expose themselves to dangers arising from its vulnerability. This is recognized in Italy.

Despite Immense efforts of Communists plus Socialists to defeat the Atlantic Pact, its security advantages outweigh the opposition. Twelve army divisions are palpably insufficient to defend a country that has only a shore-protection navy, unless that army is standardized within a larger defence force and the country protected by external naval and air power. A nation cannot resist without means. If national means are not permitted, they must be externally supplied. By Including Italy in the pact, Western strategists admit that a line without Italy exposes Africa, the Mediterranean and the Middle East.

But a strategic line without Germany exposes France, the Atlantic and Great Britain. Western Germany should not be rearmed. But it must be prqtected. And to protect Western Germany it is essential to include all of Germany, with or without East German consent, in the security of the Atlantic Pact..