The Washington Sentinel from Washington, District of Columbia • 2

PasMngfoit gtuHntl BY BEVERLEY WcKEK. I EDITED BY WM. OVERTON AND CH. MAURICE SMITH. CITY OP WASHINGTON.

oTemJeR George E. French, Bookseller, King street, Alexandria, is our authorized agent to receive adveitisemeins and subscriptions. Single numbers can be procured at counter every morning. J53-Mk. E.

K. Lundy, bookseller, Budge street, Georgetown, will act as agent for the Sentinel in receiving subscriptions and advertisements. the names on the register nt the National Hotel, we notice those of the Hon. Win. Dickey, of New Jersey, and the Hon.

Win. Lawrence, of Ohio at the United States Hotel, Hon. Linn Boyd, of Kentucky and at Brown's Hotel, Hon. C. J.

Faulkner, of Virginia Hon. A. Richardson, of Illinois; Hon. J. A.

Dix, of New York; Hon. Richard Rush, of and Hon. John B. Weller, of California. MANIFEST DESTINY.

The age in which we live is prolific in originating new ideas, and new names for expressing old ones. To these names is attached a i great variety of meanings, depending upon the fancy or the prejudice of the interpreting oracle, One class, always on the qtii rirt for something horrid in a degenerate era, turns with gloomy foreboding from the party, whose youth inspires an enthusiasm, which readily dispels the horrors which the prejudices of the former suggest. There are those who are afraid of that which is high, and fears are in their way and the grashopper is a burden while there are others, whose joyous youth? or whose experienced age, with never-failing vigor, and their youth renewed like the eagle's to see the world changing in its advance, though in its journey, it may inflict some slight inconvenience upon the peevish victims of the gout, or the shaking limbs of the paralytic, superfluous veterans lagging on the stage." We hate to see them jolted but the world cannot stand still for the benefit and comfort of those who dread change, lest it should disturb the cqbwebs hangiug in splendid festoons about the decaying habitations of an era which is passing away forever. We must live in the present not to bemoau that which is in the to prepare for, and make the future better and more glorious than all. Among the most horrible ideas to the ultra conservatism (as it delights to style itself) ol of this period in our history, is that which is involved, as is supposed, in the ominous words selected for our editorial comment.

It is the bug-bear with which manj good and honest people endeavor to frighten themselves and the indeed, if a man should present himself to a coterie ol these, who suppose themselves to be the receptacles of all the wisdom of the present and the experience of the past, and proclaim his advocacy of the as it is termed, of manifest destiny," he would be regarded by these illustrious worthies with a horror akin to that which a nervous gentleman would find himseh in close proximity to a rattlesnake. By many it is regarded as the embodiment of progression in advance of wrong upon the ConSnes of the Bpirit of universal a constant and indiscriminate intervention in the private concerns of other of the idea of a territorial expansion, which will seek to attain its purpose by the prostration of every principle of national law, and at the sacrifice ol every notion of common honesty. We do not deny that there are those who, tinder the cover of these words, hold many wild, heretical and monstrous views. And yet, as the words express, according to our understanding of them, a high and noble idea which should inspire the American mind, we propose to vindicate them from misconstruction, which, on the one hand, might dangerously extend its meaning, and the other, might, by a narrow bigotry, deny it a place altogether in the lexicon of American politics. The meaning of these English words is not difficult to ascertain in this connsction.

In the reference they have to the mass of yet future events, which will inevitable result from known and manifest causes, they convey an idea truly and simply harmless. But we do not deny a further and a higher tiigwification. These future events thus apparently or manifestly to result from present causes in operation, are and should be the subjects of an anxious consideration and objects eagerly sought after in the direction ot our present energies. One qualification, naturally inferable from the terms themselves, we would place upon the general significance of the phrase. It is that no results are manifest in our destiny which are evil, oj unjust to which spring from causes illegitimate and improper.

No destiny is manifest which does not accord with the eternal principles of justice and honor. A destiny may result from known aud evil causes now none can be said to be a manifest consequence of the present relations of things which conflicts with the unchangeable precepts of morality and right. We must seek, then, to know our destiny? to consider our capability for good to the human far our powers and our position imposes the consummation of this or that policy as a duty, either to ourselves or to others. No mau liveth to himself. No nation can pursue alone its destiny.

Its duties are to the world, as well as to itself. Its obligations to others it cannot deny or avoid; for it is its unquestionable duty so to use the bounteous gifts of the Creator, and to improve the opportunities afforded to it, as to effect the highest possible good which they are adequate to attain. In the eternal order of things, it so happens that cur duties to ourselves and to others become inseparably interwoven. The error confute in keeping them separate and distinct. Tbey believe, never be found really in conflict.

A deviation from a course of right, even to pursue an apparent good, is always followed, sooner or later, by evil consequences. We may not, then, in the pursuit of our mani lest destiny, disregard our internal interests in the discharge of external obligations, or neglect external relations in complying with the demand- of duty to internal concerns. They modify and control each other: and it is only when each regarded, far only us is not inconsistent with the fair demands of the other, that our highest destiny is attainable. Thus construed, these words plainly involve limitations of constitutional power, the restraints imposed by domestic policy upon foreign such as international law would involve a calm consideration of our capability for good to others, consistently with a regard to their rights and our internal demand, in fine, that in oil our policy, right and justice should precede the exercise of power or the dictates of interest. We can conceive, under this plain view, nothing more essential, not to add captivating, than a constant and earnest searching out of the manifest destiny of our great How shall we know how to direct our present energies and use our present means, unless we look ahead to the results which may be attained, and the glory which may be achieved.

Unless blindly and inertly fatalized, how can our manifest destiny be wrought out, unless we contemplate our own wants and tendeneies of our situation and that of other susceptibilities for commercial a higher development, and a more glorious civilization? How can we use our means to any uoble ends, unless we measure results in the future by our means in the present, and so contrive them as to aecom- plish those worthy results to which they are adecpiate, instead of blindly wasting them, for no purpose beneficial to ourselves, or to no end which would bring a blessing upon others? We admit the practical difficulties in the determination of our manifest destiny." We admit the absurd vagaries which have sometimes been promulgated. We admit that we can only speak with defiuiteness upon any poiut, much'more upon the whole of our destiny. when we shall have thoroughly mastered the elements already indicated as entering into the determination of the question. The field is the wider, because, as we believe, the destiny of our country is the grandest that has ever fallen to the part of any people to fulfil. It will be fouud, however, never to be our destiny to do wrong to ourselves, or to any other people, but always to do right and justice, as the only mode by which an all-wise Providence will consummate his grand designs in the establishment and wonderful preservation of this great and growing people.

If we are asked what compass we give to this idea, we answer frankly. It Bhould be the purpose of those who direct the policy of the country to make its manifest destiny consist in the inviolate, preservation of its Constitution, by avoiding all increase of federal authority by doubtful implication, as opposed to the genius of our institutions, and tending to a fatal centralization of leaving the States to develope their own resources and manage their domestic shielding the humblest citizen from every invasion of his rights by any foreign power; in making the American flag sponsor for every enterprise sanctioned by American law, upon every sea; in the excluiion of foreign intervention in our own, and in I self-exclusion from foreign affairs in cultivating the arts of peace, and the most liberal commerce with every people: in granting, not guiding, individual enterprise; in lessening burthens and decreasing expenditures, until industrv and energy will spring forward and onward, unchecked by the weight of government, and parasites and drones shall cease to feed the overflowing treasury of a free people. These are some of the grand points of policy which would make it our destiny manifestly to attain the greatest freedom for the citizens of the confederated highest glory for the American the most beneficent results for the human race. In this sense we are believers in a manifest destiny for our country, and rejoice in hoping and an- i tieipating its glorious realization! I SEW ATTRACTIONS TO FOGIES AND ANTI-PROGRESS MEN. The perturbation of that very respectable, but tiinid, class of men who oppose all progress, is, at this time, truly pitiable.

The bare contemplation of annexation throws them into consternation, but the prospect of the acquisition of the Sandwich Inlands excites a trepidation, which, but for its accompanying sufferings, would be altogether ludicrous. There are men who live frotn childhood to old age under the constant dread that the world is coming to a speedy end. The thought takes such complete possession of their minds thnt they finally cherish it as a loved idea. True they dread the appalling thunders of that final day, but they have so long predicted, and so long expected, its approach, that the pride of opinion makes them desire the dear danger. They are disappointed from day to day, from year to year, that it does not come.

They die under the belief that the mistake is not their's, i but nature s. There is a like class of politicians, who have I so accustomed themselves to the idea that progress and expansion will bring ruin to the country, and have so long predicted that annexation will prove to be positive and incontestible death, that they believe it as firmly as the Mormon believes in polygamy, the Jew in circumcision, or the North American Indiau in the great spirit. Disappointment only increases they take the appearance of prosperity to be only hollow and sort of hectic flush that precedes and on.thc bed of death their sustaining hope; their comforting belief, is that the country will not long survive them. We began our national career with the good old thirteen States. We have increased to thirty-one.

Every link added to this chain of confederated sovereignties has made the govj ernment more respectable and influential, in! stead of causing it disaster and ruio. The reciprocal benefits of this quality in our government, by which and from which, acquisitions of new territory are made, have been signally manifested. A small State that caunot nlonc and unaided sustain itself, is received as a separate sovereignty into our confederacy. It adds, alike, to the strength of the national i government, and to the power and respecta1 bility of the sovereignty thus received. When small nations are incorporated with large na tions, their nationality usually obliterated.

It matters not that the form of nationality is preserved, by a small representation in the goveminent, when the substantive and material powers of sovereignty are lost by amalgamation with controlling powers. Like rain drops falling in the ocean, they are lost. Not so with acquisition by, or iinnexationto, the United States. If a territory be annexed, it immediately enjoys a new and large accession of powers. If annexation takes place, there is not only a retention by the annexed country of the powers of sovereignty, but there is alao a retention of its national name.

In a word, annexation to us, implies no extinguishment of incorporation with other countries, does. From this consideration it arises, that su many people and countries desire a union with us. We would not ruthlessly disturb the serenity, or mar the happiuess of those gentlemen of the olden time, whose only hopes of our prosperity, gtowth, and development are based on the nation's standing stock we feel it to be our bounden duty to mention some of the events that are likely to take place ere long. Cuba wants to be Hawaiian Islands are pleading with us for annexation. Honduras, even, begins seriously to think of it.

Nebraska, Utah, and divers other territories will soon apply for admission into the Union as States. The limits'of this article will not admit of a specific and particular illustration of the merits of each of these applications. We will, therefore, content ourselves with a simple reference to oue. It has not been many days since we devoted two columns to the consideration of the application that the Hawaiian government has made to us for annexation to the United States. treated the subject as seriously as we could.

But all our facts and figures were thrown away upon the grave, cautious, timid gentlemen who believe that progress consists in lying down, and advancement in "retrograding backwards," as we once heard an orator express it. Having treated the subject seriously, without exciting their sympathy, perhaps, if we change from grave to gay, Ave may not altogether fail of accomplishing our object. If we pipe to them' mayhap they will dance. Inaccessible to argument, will these gentlemen prove also insensible to poetry? A group of twelve islands in the Pacific, covered with verdure, vocal with the songs of with sandal wood and filled with flowers and knocking for admission. The climate is as delicious as the fruits it produces.

It abounds in sunlit lakes, in purling streams, in limpid springs, and in shady groves. As lovely as houris are the Hawaiian damsels, who now desport themselves in the water, and now, with romantic avidity, devour the raw fish with which the waters abound. These grave old gentlemen, so opposed to work, to progress, to locomotion, can live there without labor. They can live on the spontaneous productions of the earth. The only trouble that they will be put to, will be to gather the fruits as they fall.

Here, even, it not averse to love, they can find most willing substitutes. King Solomon despised not the charms of the fair, and as for King David, he was a regular ladies' man. These instances, from the remote and venerable past, will, perhaps, reconcile our fogy (we mean no offence) friends, to receiving, the assistance of blushing aud lovely barbarians? that word is unfortunate. It will, we fear, seriously alarm our venerable friends. In place, therefore, of barbarians, we will write, damsels.

Does not this picture of luxury and love melt, thaw, and dissolve our obstinate and hardhearted opponents. Can they longer resist the appeal of the beautiful Hawaiian groupe, with its fruits and its lakes, its sandal wood, and its matchless houris? If so, then, indeed, are they inexorable. SOI'JJD DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINE. We are permitted, by a distinguished friend, to publish the following extract from a letter, dated the 15th November, 1853, and received by him from an able and prominent democrat ot North Carolina. He expresses such sound, honest, patriotic, and republican sentiments, and expresses them with such force and brevitv.

that we hope our readers will all mark them. They deserve to be written in letters of gold. The distinguished writer savs At no period in our history have the people stood in greater need of an independent first, in times gone bye, there were more of that order than now and, second, I fear that the affection for principle of the few who can claim that honor is not sufficiently strong to resist the passion for modern jxirty ties. "Now, do not for this set me down as a noparty from it. Principles should make party, and to that party which inflexiblv adheres to the old republican creed I shall ever be indissolubly united.

But if party is to manufacture principle to suit particular exigencies, or to respond to the demands of selfish politicians, then I am an outsider, and shall set up for mytelf. ''I wait with restless impatience the anticipation of the first message of our sound and patriotic President. If he shall come ont all the great issues of the day, and in unmistakable language, that all can vindicate the great cardinal principles of the republican party, as taught by a Jefferson and Macon, our redemption is at hand; if not, then all is lost. I sincerely hope thit ice are not destined to see realized the assumption of many, that practicc is as essential in forming statesman as in making the race horse. are two things I fear; the riches of the fjorernment (its lands and surplus revenue) and the suppleness of the press.

An independent press is the freeman's shield. A conspiracy of the press and politicians, no people will ever be found able to stand up against." THE TRUTH CAW DO IfO If ARM. Whilst some unscrupulous presses and politicians have grossly and wantonly misrepresented our position and purposes, and attempted either to cajole us into servility or drive us into both of which they have signally failed, other presses, characterized by more integrity, a manlier spirit, and a more correct conception of the duties and the mission of such a journal as oars, have been so kind as to express their flattering approval of our course. Articles in other papers, containing compliments to the Seniinel, we have forborne to copy. By none, coald they be more appreciated than by ourselves; bat good taste, we think, forbids our copying compliments to us, unless they are so mingled with other matters of public interest aud consideration that they cannot well be separated.

Such in the case with the following article, which is extracted from the Dubuque Daily Herald. It shows a better appreciation of our position, and a more correct understanding of our motives and purposes than have been exhibited by some other journals. Until convinced that it is wrong in a political journal to speak the truth, we shall continue to do so, without fear, favor, or affection. ashington appreciated or not by the administration, it is reallv lot innate for it that such a paper as the Washington Sentinel has been established at tho seat of government. Borne into power by an almost unprecedented unanimity, it was the more likely to make mistakes and to commit blunders which it required a friendly monitor to point out, and it persisted in, to rebuke and censure.

1 here are those who do not appreciaio friendly advice if it conflict with preconceived notions, but every one's exjierience will oear testimony to the fact that ho is not the true friend who, perceiving the faults of his triond, fails point them out lest he give offence. 1 he Sentitul is acting the part of a true friend of the administration. It can look at matters affecting us honor and integrity from a disinterested but commanding point of view, and though its clidings may be now resented by official frowns, the time will doubtless come when its motives and services will 'be appreciated. It is evident that the Sentinel is determined to uplgdd democratic principles aud to sustain the administration in carrying out to the fctter the ideas of the Baltimore platform the purposes enunciated inaugural, the principles of both of which have received tne unanimous approbation of the democratic partyprinciples and purposes the partv want to see practiced and out. It cannot be possible but that the President wants to hear and know of any well-founded complaint which his friends may have to Hake against each other in cases arising from the( distribution among them of executive favors.

certainly is no more than just to all paries that such complaint, when made, should be into, aud if founded on real grievances, that a decision warranted by the mcHts of the complaint be made. With an at the seat of government through aggrieved may be heard, and by which tty President and his cabinet may be informed the injustice done to his true friends, and firm and consistent believers in democratic jrinciples, by bestowing the patronage of the government upon unprin-1 cipled, faithless is a hope that while I the judgment of the Resident can be reached by appeal, justice may yet be done. We commend the Washington Sentinel to the patronage of the democracy of Iowa. THE NEW ORLEANS DELTA ON THE BALTIMORE PLATFORM, AND THE VAN Bl'REN VERSION OP IT. publish a very able and well written article from New Orleans Delta.

Its statements are well put; but yet it contains remarks which we 4o not approve of. For instance, we object lo the manner in which the compromise is mentioned, and we believe that full justice is not done to Mr. Polk. But, conducting an independent press, it is not our i habit to erase even from our correspondence, much lesi from our extracts. Our purpose is to present public opinion to men in authority, for it necessary, for the safety of the country, that the honest, virtuous public opinion shall have its full weight.

hen anything can be gained by representing John Van Buren and his allies as having repented of and abandoned freesoilism, the assertion is unblushingly made that, by virtue of such repentance and abandonment, they are good, honest national democrats. When, on the other hand, any responsibility can be gotten rid of by separating him from the softs, as they are called, and making him out a freesoiler, that is done in the same unscrupulous and unblushing manner. Now, what is John Vau Buren lie is both a soft and a freesoiler. He is the leader and chief of the softs and the freesoilers. The article which we copy from the Delta shows, on his own authority, that he considers himself bound by the Baltimore platform only during the continuance of the present administration.

At its expiration then he will consider himself authorized to renew agitation on the slavery question. Moreover, he considers himself as bound only by the specified stipulations of that contract he and all his allies, the softs. Cuba is not named in this bond." How will he and his dlies uct should the Cuban question be sprung upon us What has the have the national has the administration to expect at his and their hands. We buj throw out this our crowded columns will not admit of our dilating on the idea. If confidence is given to the softs and the freesoilers, and withdrawn from the national constitutional democrats of New York and the north generally, deplorable indeed will be our condition when the Cuba question comes up? as come it doubtless will.

These things should be the subject of serious reflection. But we will no longer, detain our readers from the following extract: The Baltimore Platform, WITH THE LATE IMP0VEMENT8 AND ALTERATIONS SUGGESTED BY JOHN VAN RETROSPECT and a warning. The nmsk is off at last, and the real value of the Baltimore compromises of 1852 is clearly indicated by one of the most prominent parties to the arrangement. John Van Buren has given us, at the eleventh hour, his estimate' of their intrinsic worth and probable duration. cannot be inattentive to the words of John.

He is the ablest of his clan; the foremost freesoiler of them all; the most ready, though the most licentious in debate; the boldest and most unscrupulous in action; the Coryphasus, in a word, of the dangerous principles which have leavened the politics of New York ever since tho presidential disappointment of his subtle and scheming father. We like candor, and John is candid. He has rarely been mealy-mouthed in expressing his on the agitation of the slavery question. hile it was difficult to fix the exact places of other leading disturbers who coquetted with abolition, while the position of Seward himself was somewhat equivocal, the opinions and political statvn of this heir to the Van Buren notoriety, were not mistaken for a moment. The south never saw him anywhere but in the ranks of her enemies.

His helm, like Henry the fourth's, was the "oriflamme of His words acted like a and his influence was felt, as an inspiration from one wing of the rebellious array of freesoilers tothe other. He personified the restless and reckless disaffection of New York. It is true he forgot his characteristic candor during some months, and even went the length of deceiving many of his friends and enemies. He became a patriot suddenly, and was even 0f faujng desperately in love with the I nion. He stood upon the Baltimore platform and struck a most becoming attitude.

All parties looked up to him with amazement Soma regretted his recreancy, and there was wailing and gnashing of teeth amongst the The hope of terror of the gOne over to the enemy's camp, and carried off the orderly rolls and colore with hint. Lucifer, son of the morning and of Martin, had fallen. Others, hailed the conversion of the agitator with delight. When he laid down his arms, they were confidant of peace. The calumet had replaced the tomahawk, and the Narragansetts came to the tents of the Mohicans, and the Mohicans forbore to smite them.

John was to he seen no more upon the war-path. We never believed much in his conversion. We had investigated his ns Mr. Guthrie would say, and were sceptical of his sincerity. We saw him mount the Baltimore platform with astonishment.

We knew not whether he came there as a criminal to receive punishment, or as an erring friend to be forgiven. When he assumed the latter character, we said amen to the absolco te of the party, though we had little faith in the heartiness ot his contrition. We believed him to be like Goldsmith's Italian, even in penace plotting sins auew." What has he done Simply, then, has announced that the Baltimore reconciliation, which made the presidential election of '52 so proud and sweeping a democratic victory, was by no means a definite settlement of the slavery question. It was only a temporary and convenient arrangement, by which the spoils''? the ultima thule of "a Van Buren's patriotismcould be conveniently attained. It was a coalition between Peter and Paul to deprive Michael of the keys of that heaven which we profanely designate the Treasurv, after which they were free to fight with each other over the plunder as soon as they pleased.

It was the union and harmony of profit, not of patriotism place-beggar's bargain. Of course it was not the intention of its authors to make it this slovenly piece of avaricious patch-work; but such is" John Van Buren's interpretation of it. Such is his reading of it by the light of the Tammany lamps, and amid the applause of his followers. If we are not mistaken, the following proposition, with the accompanying resolution, was not the least important plank in the Baltimore convention. It was, in fact, the central beam on which the safety of the whole edifice depended "That Congress has no power under the Constitution to interlere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs, and prohibited by the Constitution; that all efforts of the abojitionists or others made to induce Congress to iuterfere with questions of slavery, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people and endanger the stability and permanency ot the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions.

Resolved. That the foregoing proposition covers, and was intended to embrace, the whole subject ot slavery agitation in Congress, and therefore the democratic party of the Union, standing upon this national platform, null abide by and adhere to the faithful execution of the acts blown as the cotripromist measures, settled by the last act for the reclaiming of fugitives from service or labor included, which act, being designed to carry out an express provision of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, ot so changed as to destroy "or impair its efficiency." The people who hailed this expression of the opinions of the convention with extravagant delight, were probably under the impression that the words used in the construction of the resolutions embodied some meaning, and were not the mere froth and fury" of the momentary excitement. Here, said the masses, is an end to the battles of the north and south. South Carolina may lay down her arms, and Massachusetts must be content. The fiat of the great united national democracy has gone forth, and the era of agitation is over.

The rights of the States and tne principle of non-interference are fully vindicated. Van Buren has pledged himself to this platform. He has accepted every stick of it. He is no longer a freesoiler, but a nationalist; he belongs to no but to the whole party. He must break his word of honor before he can tip over this platform, and John is an honorable man.

His conversion is complete, and the us sing Hallelujah for the last, forever. The platform will remain sound while there strength in hearts of oak. Such were the popular origiual understanding and interpretation of the Baltimore resolutions. But it was a vulgar one. What a different meaning they assume when John an Buren essriys an explanation The following is his view of the question, aud shows how far he considers the ''holy alliance" of '52 binding and obligatory on his conscience and that of his followers: When the platform was constructed, I stood upon it here, and ventured to predict that the State of New York would do so likewise.

The action of the first democratic State convention that followed this prediction, and.the election, by an overwhelming majority, confirmed its regard this platform as in substance a declaration, that the. compromise measures, including the fugitive-slave law, are to remain undisturbed during the administration of General Pierce, and to be faithfully enforced; that the slavery agitation is not to be renewed in or out of Congress, under any pretext whatsoever. This involves no approbation of those This is certainly a new version of the point and purpose of the resolutions the convention. We will soon need a variorum edition of them. Meanwhile, we must congratulate John on his return to those ways of candor and truth which used to distinguish his early days, when he was regarded as the ''young Ascanius" of abolition.

It will be perceived that, according to his opinion, the Baltimore platform was intended to last only four years. The contracting parties engaged to leave the planks standing during the administration of Franklin Pierce, and no longer. At the expiration of his term of office, the calumet was to be flunc aside, the tomahawk unearthed, and the old rallying-cries renewed in the startled ear of the nation. The war between State rights and abolition was to rage again. The era of agitation was to return, and John to be at lull liberty to raise the old Kinderhook banner and return to his legitimate of an eloquent rowdy and a smooth-tongued disturber.

So he understood the Baltimore compact. So he expresses his understanding of it. So he freely translates that passage in the resolutions which provides that all efforts of the abolitionists, or others, to interfere with questions of slavery, mtght not to be countenanced- by any friend of our political institutions. These views of the barnburners may have been known te the national democracy of the north for some time, and are, perhaps, the key to the somewhat mysteries conduct of the adamantine section of the party. As long as the Van Burenites acknowledge the Baltimore resolutions as a final settlement of the slavery agitation, it was not easy to justify any secession from the one harmonious gathering.

But the instant they proceeded to paint oyer the platform with cunning designs, and interpret its provisions to suit their own inBtant they became false to the obvious intention of the compromise, and declared it to be a mere a satisfactory truce for four years, not a peace forfeited their title to national recognition? they ceased to have any right to appoint spntinels and watches in the assumed the character of spies, and not of confederates, and it was time to drive them out, or pull up the stakes and pitch the tents on safer ground. We confess the question did not strike us in this light before. But John Van Buren's speech has given light where there was darkness, and made the pnzzle intelligible. By the gleam of his wit we are enabled to see the marshalling of his followers and the organization of his plans. We perceive that the truce teas only for a brief space, and John usee it for hit own purposes.

In time of peace he prepares for war. Already their eves are fixed on 1856, and every office filled by a barnburner thcv count as a fortress gained. Give them the guns, and not the euemy, hut their confiding allien will feel the shot! Of course, if the barnburners were sincere in their devotion to the principles of the party which had pledged itself to non-agitation of slavery, there would be no excuse for refusing them a share of the spoils, commensurate with their numbers and influence. But they lose, by a hasty admission of their real objects, all claim to the charucter of sincerity. They admit that they are time-servers, not patriots, temporary allies, not genuine They declare openly their disaffection, which does not yet assume the desperate aspect of rebellion only because their conspiracy is not mature, and all their plans are not ready.

They must gain additional force before they revolt. They must hold the keys of New York before they proclaim their rule. They must have every gun shotted, and have free access to the ammunition before they hoist again their ominous black flng! Are not these fair deductions from Prince John's explanations of his position? The New House of RelUge. The new house of refuge for juvenile delinquents, between Parish and Popularand Schuylkill, Second, and Willow streets, will soon be completed. The building, including the part occupied by the colored house of refuge, and whicn has been in use over two years, is 400 by 473 feet.

The part for white boys and girls, extend east ana west 360 feet by GO feet in width. The wings, containing the dormitories for the boys, extend north and sonth 350 feet. They have 304 sleeping apartments. The portion of the building intended for girls extends 102 feet, andcontaius 128 sleeping apartments. Attached to the centre of the main building is the boys' dining room, 84 by 42 feef, with a chapel above it of the same size.

This is a room of noble proportions, the ceiling being 28 feet in height and having a gallery appropriated to the girls. A hall leading from the girls' department, which adjoins, communicates with this gallery. The grounds of the two departments are separated bv a high wall, and the boys, as well as the girls, are to be divided into two classes, their dormitories being located in different wings. The bovs' school-room is also a spacious apartment, 65 by 52 feet. A separate building, four stories in height, designed as the workshops, is located near the boys' department, and is 225 feet long by 25 feet wide.

In the basement is a capacious brick basin, designed as a plunge bath for the boys. This has an outlet by a sewer, so that the water can flow off, and be replenished when required. The officers' rooms are located over the school-room, and the infirmary close by it is a light airy apartment. Connected with the female department is a spacious kitchen, washing-rooms, school and class room. The cooking and drying of clothes are all to be performed by steam, the boiler for which is to be located beneath a shed outside of the main building.

This vast edifice, now very near complete, was commenced by Messrs. Kilgore Huader, the contractors, in April of 1852, since which time no less than five millions of bricks have been laid. The colored house of refuge, which is separated by a wall, has also been receiving extensive additions. An addition, four stories in height, has been made to the boys' dormitories, giving increased accommodations for fifty-six, nud a similar enlargement to the girls' dormitories, adding forty to the capacities of that department. Theouilding originally used as the shop has been converted into school-rooms, and a new edifice erected, four stories in fifty-five by forty feet in dimensions.

This excellent institution will soon remove the white department from the sight on which it was originally established. The new sight, though far beyond the inhabited limits of our growing city when purchased, only a few years since, ha? been already reached by the spirit of improvement. The expenditure made in the erection of the buildings, and the furnishing and getting up, will not fall short of a quarter of a million, excluding the value of the ground. Register. Dkatii ok Conscientious old Dutchman, named Shuinm, who lived in one of the wretched hovels thut stand in the rear of Sheriff street, and whose apparent poverty and manifest suffering from a dreadful case of hernia, had long excited the sympathy of his humane neighbors, died of asthma and a complication of other diseases.

He was well known to be of a very obstinate and eccentric disposition, and although he had been confined to his bed some weeks, he not only rejected all medical aid, but persisted to the last in his singular habit of sleeping in the whole of his wardrobe, which consisted chiefly of a pair of breeches, that at some remote era had been constructed of blue velvet, and a sailor's jacket and a frieze overcoat; all of which exhibited accumulated proofs of the old man's attachment. He sent for Mr. Van Duerson, a respectable countryman of his, residing in the neighborhood, who had given hiin charitable relief, and privately requested him to make his will. To this gentleman's great surprise, he bequeathed various sums of money, amounting altogether to $3,700, to children and grandchildren residing at Newark and Albany; and confidentially informed him where his property was deposited. He then narrated to Mr.

Van Duersen the following remarkable facts in his history: He stated, that about twenty-five years ago he was a porter to a mercantile house in Hamburg, and having been long in its employ, was frequently entrusted with cohsiderable sums of money for conveyance to other establishments. In an hour of evil influence he was induced to violate his trust, and abscond to this country with a large sum. Having arrived, he invested the greater part of it in the purchase of two houses, which adjoined each other, and which, before he had effected an insurance on them, were burnt to the ground. Considering this a judgment of heaven upon his dishonesty, he determined to devote the remainder of his life to a severe course of industry and parsimony, with the single object in view of making full restitution to the persons whom he had injured, or to their descendants. He adopted another name, and, with the means ho had left, commenced business in this city as a tobacconist; and although his trade was a retail one, and he had suffered a heavy loss from fire, he had succeeded five years since in acquiring sufficient property to accomplish his just and elevated purpose.

He then, accordingly, sold his stock in trade, and was preparing to transmit the necessary amount to Hamburg, where the mercantile firm he had defrauded still Continues, when he ascertained that it had a branch establishment, or agency counting house, at Philadelphia, whither he went, and paid the sum of 14,000, being equivalent to the original sum he had embezzled, with a certain rate of interest. The latter, however, was generously returned to him by a son of one of the partners, and this, together with some surplus money, he has bequeathed as above stated. For the last five years he has lived in utter obscurity, and in severe accordance with his long formed habits of parsimony. His executor, Mr. Van Duersen, found the above named sum of $3,700, principally doubloons, curiously concealed in a certain private department of the tenacious breeches before specified; and it was ascertained that the old man's dreadful case of hernia was a case of something far less objectionable.

The remainder of his money was (bund under the patches of his jacket, with the exception of a small sum in shillings and sixpences, discovered in'an old snuff jar, which seems to bare been the depository of his current funds. paper. Jotal aitir A Tale of the prosperity, generally, of the of Washingion, there is much suffering in the community, unknown to the majority, whose tastes and nations do not lead them to seek objects of chanty but there are many who freely respond, with their substance, to the plaints which reach them from the suffering and distressed. We have heard, recently, of the appeal to a benevolent gentleman, from a half-distracted und des pairing mother, who represents that her son, her sole support, is ill, while she is still weak from a severe attack sickness, and compelled to wateh over and minister to her diseased offspring, deprived of fire and light; such is her destitute condition. She, it appears, applied to one individual for relief, but was repulsed and this but increased the measure of her wo.

From the morning of Friday until the following Saturday night, she had no food whatever for herself and three or four children. Her rent remains unpaid, and she been threatened with ejection from the house which she occupies. Oh!" she exclaims, in a well-written and touc' mg note, did you know my distress, I am satisfied you would pity and assist me and my suffering children, groaning in pain, begging me for something to relieve them, and still insisting not to apply to you. My youngest sitting, crying for something to eat, with his dear head turned from me to keep me from seeing him; another poor little one. as hungry as he, trying to comfort hiin! Oh! sir, be.

Iieve not this is fiction. It is no overdrawn 'picture to excite pity and elicit charity. God above only knows what I have suffered for weeks before I could ask charity. He has promised that whoso g.veth even a cup of cold water in his name shall not go unrewarded. He will repay, though I never may.

My dear sir, if it is not asking too much, come and see for yourself, and the ol those who are ready to perish shall be yours." Perhaps we have taken an undue liberty in thus quoting from the letter addressed to a friend but as we intend to ponceal the name of the writer, we may find an excuse for our conduct in the motives by which we are influenced, viz: to excite a little sympathy in behalf of the' poverty-afflicted sufferers in the midst of us, in view of their present as well as prospective need. The Medal days ago this deformed individual" was arrested, charged with having passed off one of his brass medals (which he sells to support himself) for a gold piece of money! At the fixed by Justice Clarke for an investigation into this affair, the accused, unlike many who are unceremoniously seized and taken before the magistrate, rode up to the door in his own carriage; and, having commanded his dogs in lieu of lie down, he managed to enter the office, where he was provided with a seat. It appeared, from the examination, that the man who had lodged the complaint had never seen the medal merchant; but that a joker in a tavern had given him the medal, instead of a quarter eagle, (representing it, sportively, as such,) in exchange for an old cigar-case, the actual worth of which, probably, wa? not more than the price of two drinks The accuser, in fact, had been partaking of lager beer, and had got an impression on his mind from the raised representation of the man and his dogs on the medal. Medicines for the from an official communication, transmitted to the city councils by the mayor on Monday last, that the following named sums were expended during the quarter ending the 30th September last, by the agents of the corporation to supply the indigent poor with medicines, viz: first ward, $55 38; second, $12 21; third, SI 1 96; fourth' $38 76; fifth. $25 50; sixth, $31 81; seventh' $22 37 total, $197 79.

The return of the apothecary for the first ward is too confused for our understanding; but in the six other wards, during the quarter, one hundred and ninety-three persons were supplied with medicines, of whom only eighteen were colored. Mexican a meeting of "the remnants of the Maryland and District of Columbia volunteers" in the late war with Mexico, held on Thursday James E. Stewart in the P. B. Bell.

Joseph P. Shillen, Horatio Fitch, Joseph C. Keilley. and Captain Stewart, were appointed a committee to confer, by correspondence, with the District and Maryland regiment, and such officers and aeldiers who participated in the Mexican war, to unite with the meeting in a permanent organization. Ethiopian and La ndis's company, now performing at Odd Fellow's Hall, are delighting crowded audiences nightly, with their excellent songs and burlesque entertainments.

The old favorite, H. K. Johnson, in his humorous dances and by-play, is received with great applause, while the inimitable and merry Landis produces sho uts of laughter by exhiliarating jokes. Washington gaslight company has employed persons to make monthly visits to the various houses where gas is for the purpose of keeping the metres in order by replenishing them with water; an absence of which, it is known to consumers, prevents a supply of the illuminating agent. Every one, however, ought to learn how to attend to his own metre, and to regulate the flow of gas; the lesson being exceed, ingly simple.

Three Indians, New York, in citizen's dress, are now in Washington, abundantly provided with moccasins, beautifully worked with bends, which they sell in the streets to the lovers of comfortable and fanciful" foot-gloves." At Home in the of the n.e^'e.c^8 a youth, producing incalculable mischief and ruin, is the spending of his evenings. Darkness is temptation to misconduct; suffering the youth to be out, when the light of day does not restrain them from misconduct, is training them to it. We have already an abundant harvest of this seeding. Riots, mobs, crimes, giving fearful foreboding, are the results of youth becoming fit agents of outrage, by running, nncared for, in the evenings. What we see in these respects is rable what is this compared with what we do not making themselves miserable and noxious to the wond and what is that to come to Parents slfould'look at the truth, that pleasures and recreations are often dearly price of their own impaired comfort, and the blighted prospects of their offspring.

It must be obvious that in tins matter there can be no prescribed rule. There can be no interior of all the evening recreation and employment, yet there is au evu not only destructive to youth, but planting thorns many paths, and covering many lives with desolation. The information demanded must proceed from judgment and conscience? must be enlightened. Heads of families must learn that the place on earth best adapted to be a Messing, is home; aud by example and wholesome restraint they must teach this troth to all under them. WA-The man that borrowed trouble" has returned it.

but without any expression of thanks. Tne man who borrowed the Boston 1 Pott keeps it. Good taste, bnt bad morals..