The National Tribune from Washington, District of Columbia • Page 3

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5. Copyright, 169S, by CHAPTER VII. THE BON HOMME RICHARD, HER OFFICERS AND CREW ESTIMATE OF HER RATING PAUL JONES'S AMBITION. MEETING WITH THE" SERAPIS, A CRACK, SHIP OF THE ENGLISH NAVY. THE BATTLE BEGUN.

Jones, who had commissions or warrants executed in blank for all subordinate officers and absolute- power to appoint or remove, made Richard Dale First Lieutenant, and replaced more than half of his original warrant and petty officers with the new men. The reinforcement included, besides Lieut. Dale, such men as Samuel Stacey, of New Hampshire, whom he commissioned as Master; John Mayrant, of South Carolina; John Louis White, of Philadelphia; Nathaniel Fanning, of Massachusetts; Thomas Potter, of Baltimore, and John "West Southwaite, of Savannah, whom he warranted as Midshipman; Henry Grafton Gardner, of Nantucket, whom he rated First Quarter Gunner, or Gunner's Mate The Serapis. Outboard profile and stern perspective of the ship, showing contour of hull and arrangement of battery. She was a full square-rigged ship.

At the time of her capture she was new, having been built at Chatham Dockyard in 1778, and received her first commission, as convoy to the Baltic merchant fleet, in May, 1779. The picture is a rough tracing from the Atlas of Plans accompanying Charnock's Naval Architecture, London, 1798. (and soon afterward Acting Gunner); John C. Robinson, of Philadelphia, Boatswain; together with about a dozen or more whom he rated petty officers of the more important stations. What the Richard did with these genuine American sailors aboard is a matter of history.

What her fate might have been without them can fortunately perhaps never be known. Thus frefitted. rearmed and with re organized crew, the Richard may have been me iair equivalent oi a. muii: under the rating of that time, including the metal of her 18-pounder battery in the steerage. Built at Nantes in 1760, she was now an old ship, having made several voyages to Pondicherry as an East India-man.

Her principal dimensions were: Length on main deck 152 feet. Length of keel for tonnage 128 feet. Extreme breadth 40 feet. Depth of hold 19 feet. Burden (French measurement) 908 tons.

Built for carrying passengers and heavy cargo, she was roomy and comfortable between decks, and had plenty of stowage for stores, provisions, water, and ammunition. She was as good a sailer as the average of English frigates, except when extremely close hauled, on which point of sailing she was dull and much given to leeway. The Alliance, which was notably the fastest ship of her rate in the world at that time, could sail all around the Richard in working to windward. JONES'S ASPIRATIONS. Under date of Aug.

9, 1779, five days before sailing, Jones wrote to his friend, Mr. Hewcs, also sending copies of the letter to Gen. Washington, Franklin and La Fayette. After some account of his embarrassments in dealing with le Roy de Chaumont, he says: "In spite of these drawbacks and difficulties I can now see my way clear to a real cruise. I hope to realize in it some cf my ambitions toward promoting the reputation of America on the sea.

"The capture of the Drake, small as the ships were and unimportant as the result was in regard to the operations of the war, still produced a wonderful moral effect upon the continent of Europe and alarmed tho English more than they have been alarmed in many years. "Now, with the force I have, ill-assorted and hampered as it is by untoward conditions, 1 can, if fortune favors me with the opportunity, fight a much more impressive battle! "With this in view I should not deem it a misfortune if I fell in with a ship of the enemy superior enough to make the taking of her an event of more than ordinary note. Mindful of all I have said and written to you about the great naval benefit which would accrue to our cause from a striking naval success, demonstrating our ability to cope with the English on the element they have so long ruled, I shall welcome the approach of such a ship. "In all sincerity, my friend best of friends, I assure you that if such opportunity shall come to me, I will improve it in a manner that neither country will soon forget. "I might have a better ship, and my crew would of course be better if they were all Americans.

But I am truly grateful for ship and crew as they arc, and if I should fail and fall, I wish this writing to witness that I take all the blame upon myself!" A NON-SECTIONAL CREW. The roster called for 241 officers, petty officers, seamen and boys, and 132 marines; 373 all hands theday the ship sailed. In view of the imperishable renown these mn won, it may not be uninteresting to the present generation to know from wh parts of the Union the 155 Americans of the Richard's crew came. The original roster, a copy of which I have, gives the States or ports from which they hailed, as follows: WEk vt JmQ SiyC IPS' lLl JBBL iVVMUri IKSf Officers. Men 37 Massachusetts 6 29 New Ilampshire 3 23 1 South 2 8 If men actually belonging to other Slates or ports were on board they did not hail from their proper homes, the above being all that are mentioned in the roster.

It is worthy of nolo that in the crew of tho Richard, as in many other matters of Revolutionary history, Philadelphia took the lead both in numbers and rank of her citizens on board. THE OTHER VESSELS. For the other vessels it suffices to remark that the "Alliance was officered and manned as follows: Captain, Pierre Landais, France; First ormuj QIe3; l) IV- Herd. v- By AuttsiU3 CBue H. Augustus C.

Buell. Lieutenant, James Arthur Deggs, Boston; Second Lieutenant, John Buckley, Portsmouth, N. Third Lieutenant, James Lvnde, New York; Master, John Lachar, Providence; Surgeon, Arnold Winship, Philadelphia; Captain of Marines, Matthew Pake, Boston; First Lieutenant, Thomas Ellenwood, Virginia; Second Lieutenant, James Warren, Boston. The warrant officers, petty officers, seamen and boys numbered 169, and there were 60 marines, nearly all French volunteers; the total being 2M all hands. The Pallas, commanded by Capt.

Henri de Cottineau, had a crew wholly French, mustering 201 all hands. The brig Vengeance, commanded by Gipt. Philippe Ricot, had 85) officers and men, and the cutter Cerf, under Lieutenant-Commandant Paul Varages, 84 officers and men, also wholly French. The total force under Jones's command was five ships, mounting 140 guns and carrying 985 men. ThcjCerf, however, soon left the squadron, parting company in a fog on the Irish coast and then putting back to 1' Orient.

Nondescript and irregular as the Richard was in the man-of-war sense, the crew JW MMwi.l MHwMWWHM wp TnE Bon Homme Eichai4l. Outboard profile and stern perspective of the Bon Homme Richard, from an old French sketch made at l'Orient in June, 1779, just before she sailed. The rig is not shown, because it is only necessary to say that she was a full square-rigged ship, except that she had no cross-jack yard; but carried her mizzen topsail a-lug, bracing was even more unique. The officers were Americans, Irish and French. The petty officers were similarly divided in nationality.

As already stated, the whole force and 132 enlisted men, were all French, and not one of them could speak English; very few being able to understand it. Of the 238 sea officers, petty officers and seamen less than 160 were familiar with the English language Thfo hSs being French Prtu- UP uar-language, uie oincrs ueinj, a rt-ncn. i onu lcr the sc.rapis distant about a cable's guese and a few Swcdesand Maltese. Of lfinfrth T. the sea officers, Capt.

Jones, Lieut. Dale and Midshipmen Mayrant, Linthwaitc and Fanning, could speak both English and French; Lieuts. Stack and Macarty could speak English, French and Portuguese. But three of the French sailors could speak English. Which, by the way, they had learned in English prisons.

They were Pierre Gerard and Pierre Fane hot, whom Jones rated Quartermasters, and Leonard la Roche Jacquelin, whom he rated Quarter-Gunner, in one of his letters to the Countess de la Vcndahl, Jones says: "My forecastle is a Babel, and my ward-room not much better. Commands i on board are uttered indiscriminately in English. French and Portuguese. I do not know what 1 would do without Stack and Macarty, your young Irish proteges of 'alsh's Marine Artillery, who are regular polyglots and who alone are masters of all the" languages that must be spoken in handling the ship! Fortunately they are as good sailors as they are linguists." With such an improvised squadron and such a motley crew, Paul Jones sailed Aug. 14, 1779, from l'Orient.

Running around the west coast of Ireland lie went to Scotland, north about, making several prizes and alarming the British coasts as they had never been alarmed before. Passing over these comparatively common place events, we observe that on Sept. 21 1779, lie learned from a vessel captured oft Spurn Head that the Baltic merchant fleet had just arrived from that sea and rendezvoused in Bridlington Bay, under the lee of Flam boro Head. He at once resolved to attack them. Any injury he could do this fleet would be directly felt by the Britsh navy, because the cargos of the Baltic ships were almost wholly composed of naval stores, particularly hemp, ship-timber and resin.

IN SIGHT OF HIS ENEMY. So, about midnight, the 22d, ho wore ship around Spurn Head, and boro up, looking lor tne Ualtic licet in LJridhngton Bay." in order to keep off shore and out of sight of tho enemy's signal stations, Jones made a long reach north by east until he had well northed FJamboro Head, when ho tacked to the southward and westward and with northwest wind abeam, stood straight in for the land. "About 4 p. says Jones in his journal, "the Richard, with the Pallas in company, brought Flamboro Head on her weather beam, bearing due west, distant about seven miles, the wind west-northwest and moderate, the sea smooth." Notwithstanding Jones's precaution of keeping off shore, it appears that tho news of his movement had been semaphored along the coast, and as he rounded Flamboro Head, he saw the Baltic fleet, about forty or forty-tine sail, under way, reaching out of Bridlington Bay, on a bowline with a heavy frigjfto and a sloop-of-war in Convoy, stretching to windward and interposing between them and the Richard and Pallas. The Alliance was at that moment hull down to leeward, and the little Vengeance out of sight astern.

Jones signalled to Capt. Cottineau in the Pallas to chase the sloop-of-war and leavo the frigate to him; crossed royal yards on the Richard and wore ship, which brought the frigate on his lee bow about a mile and a half distant. By this manuver Jones held the weather gage, and edged down toward his big adversary, who, under all sail, was standing bold out to sea, evidently wishing to draw him offshore and away from the convoy. The ship with which the Bon Ilommo Richard was now closing was the British man-of-war, the Serapis, 44, Captain Richard Pearson. She belonged to a special class known in that p'eriod of naval construction as two-decked forty-fours, built expressly for tho duty of convoying merchant fleets; thoy were too heavy for rating as frigates proper and not heavy enough for the line-of-battle.

DIMENSIONS OF SERAPIS. The dimensions of the Serapis were as follows: Length on the gun-deck 146 feet Length oLkeel for tonnage. i icci Extreme I feet Depth of hold 17 eet Burden (British measurement) .806 tons She carried her main battery in two tiers 22 long 18-pounders on the lower gun-deck and 22 long nines on the upper gun-deck, with six long nines on the quarter-deck and four long nines on the forecastle; a total armament of 54 guns; throwing in smgle broadside 333 pounds of metal as against the Richard's 27 pounds with her 18-pounders, and 213 pounds without them. Comparison with the previous description of the Richard will exhibit that, the Serapis was a trifle smaller in general dimensions, though more heavily armed; but she had the additional advantage of being new, this being her first cruise, regular man-of-war built, and like all ships intended specially for convoy service, designed and sparred for smart sailing and quick working. Her complement was 332, all hands; but the crew of the Serapis were all regular English man-of-wars-men, perfectly homogeneous and completely disciplined and trained, which counted for a great deal when compared with the motley crew of the Richard, which at this time was also slightly inferior in numbers to that of the Serapis.

We have scon that the Richard, when she sailed from L'Orient, Aug. 14, had aboard 373, all hands; but by Sept. 23 this force had been considerably reduced. Second Lieut. Cutting Lunt had been captured, with 18 men, in a descent on the coast.

His brother, Third Lieut. Henry Lunt, had been placed with 10 men in charge of a prize taken on the morning of Sept. 23. Four warrant officers and 18 men had been previously detached as prize crews. This left First Lieut.

Dale arid Fourth and Fifth Lieuts. Stack and Macarty and 317 other officers and men for duty on board the Richard when she boro up for the battle. There was another element of disparity between the two, ships more important than the difference in design, build or weight of metal. That was the fact that the Serapis was the crack ship of her class in a regular navy whose history for more than a century had been an unbroken record of victory over all foes and whose morale thereby had risen to a point of exultant arrogance, which was equal to half the battle at the first shot, whie tho Richard was a converted Indiaman, without definite rate; armed Imp-hazard, manned at random; belonging to a navy low down. This was a favorite rig for French East Indiamen of that time, and was calculated for sailing with tho wind abaft the beam "trade-wind rig," as tho English and Amoricans used to call it.

As she was the pioneer ship of tho American Navy to fight a great battle, a comparison of her contour with that of our most modern battleship is interesting. without record, and flying a flag without prestige! Jones comprehended all this and was prepared to encounter the odds in moralo as well as in physique. Thus matched the two ships manuvered for some time until about 7:30 p. when they came within hail, both heading about norm oy west, tne Richard having the in that latitude, but a full moon was rising and the sky was clear. Capt.

Pearson, backing his topsail to let the Richard range alongside, stood with speaking trumpet at his taffrail and hailed: "What ship is that?" One of the officers, Lieut. Brcnton, writing an account of tho battle in the London Magazine some time afterward, says he was at Pearson's side when the hail was made, and that Pearson, as he took tho speaking trumpet from his lips, remarked to him: "It is probably Paul Jones; if so, there is work for us ahead!" Brenton also says that Cant. Pnnrnn expressed some impatience at his inability to determine from the contour, size and rig of the Richard exactly what her rate ought to be, but had no doubt that she was superior in force to the Serapis. "These observations," continued Brcnton, "were addressed to me by Capt. Pearson before he hailed the stranger for the last lime" "'At any said he, 'wo must fight him.

We will beat him off the coast if we do not take By this time the Richard had ranged up abeam and Pearson repeated his hail, to which Jones responded with his broadside! "Ihe two ships were now fairly beam-abeam, about 600 feet apart, on the same tack, the wind forward of the beam; light uuiowdujf, bua. smoom ana moon full and bright. Time, 7:45 p. (Extract from berapis's log.) The Richard still held tho weather gage. TERRIBLE BROADSIDES.

As they ranged slowly along close-hauled and hugging to windward, tho Richard, being less weatherly than tho Serapis. gradually sagged towards her with leeway while the Serapis, sailing the smarter and tho quicker of tho two, forereached until Pearson thought he had room to luff across Jones's bows, rake him and then gam the weather gage on the other tack ii, imwcvcr, miscalculated either his own distance or the way the Richard had and as the Serapis. lost way by keeping her luff while the Richard forged up it bo-came apparent that tho latter would foul tho former, bows on about midships, if both courses were Pearson, not wishing the Richard to foul or grapple him, box-hauled his ship on her heel to avoid his antagonist, but uwumise as tne bow of the Serapis paid off her stern swung to and the Richard's jibboom came in over her quarter deck on the port side, while the starboard bow of tho Richard grazed her port quarter. Jones promptly threw crrannlinrr irnno the mizzen backstays of the Serapis, but the latter gathered way again and shot 1 unuau mo lines parted and the ships cleared in line ahead, but half a ship's length apart, neither being for some minutes able to bring her broadside to bear. The Richard now rapidly gathered way ant ranged alongside the Serapis again, and broadsiding was renewed.

The battle had now lasted over an hour. Excepting the few minutes when they were afoul and afterwards ranging alongside again, this time had been passed in the most terrific broadsiding at the closest quarters. In this kind of combat tho heavier metal of the Serapis served, as her guns were, with a vim and accuracy remarkable even for English seamen, told frightfully on the Richard's hull. Two of the Richard's six 18-pounders mounted in the steerage or gun room had burst at the second broadside, tearing everything to pieces around them, killing and wounding most of their crews, and causing the crews of tho other four 18-pounders to desert them. Acting Lieut.

Mayrant, who commanded this section of tho Richard's battery, at once reported to First Lieut. Dale, com manding the mam or gun-deck battery. that in his judgment the other four 18-J pounders, being of the same 1 as the two which had burst, were also unsafe, and reminded him that they had all been condemned for use.in the French navy beforo being furnished to the Richard at l'Orient, whereupon Dale told him to abandon them and report with liis remaining men to tho main battery. This at onco reduced the Richard to abouinhe rate of a 32-gun, 12-pounder, frigate. Capt.

Jfines was, of course, shocked at the loss of his 18-pounder battery, on which he had placed gjfcat. reliance, and after' the renewed I ro tlsiding had gone pn for some time he leftfthe upper deck, where he had been working the ship, went below to the gun-deck and, said to Lieut. Dale:" "Dick, his metal is for us at this kind of work. He will hammer us to pieces. We must close with him.

"We must get hold of him. Be ready at any time for closing!" (Account of the battle by Lieut. Lunt, 1783.) GETTING CLOSER, TOGETHER. Returning lo the upper deck, Jones now began to wear his ship off the wind to close, gaining way as he brought the wind aloft the beam, while Pearson, i nder-standing the significance of his antagonist's manuver, edged the Serapis away to avoid him. But the Richard was now so close that she fouled the wind of the Serapis, blanketing her, sails and causing her to lose way, while she herself continued to gather way'of her own.

Nathaniel Fanning says that Jones had the wheel himself during some part of this manuver. Pearson realized perfectly that his success depended on keeping clear of the Richard, because if the ships fell foul the advantage of his heavier battery would be lost, and the volume of musketry he had received from the Richard's upper deck and tops all along convinced him that she would prove superior in boarding force. Beyond all this he realized the desperate bravery of tho man he had to deal with. In this crises Pearson ordered Midshipman Hood, who was at that moment acting to "Go forward and muster boarders in the waist to repel; unless we can get steering way lie will be foul of us in a few minutes. Get all ready!" (Life Admiral Hoodt) -The time was now about 10 p.

and the ships had been fighting about two hours. The broadsiding had been the most terrific ever known both in rapidity and accuracy. The wind being off shore and light, and the almost as smooth as a pond, both ships were perfect gun platforms, so that nearly every shot on both sides told. The ships were most of the time so close aboard, however, that neither could elevate her guns enough to work on the spars or rigging of tho other, wherefore, while the hulls were being riddled littlo damage was dono aloft. At the start tho Serapis fought 11 long 18-pounders and 15 long nine-pounders on broadside, throwing 333 pounds of metal while the Riclmrd, after the disablement of her 18-pounders in tho gun-room, had only 14 12-pounders and five nine-pounders ki brocidside, throwing 213 pounds the odds'being as three to two.

Tho Richard's guns beJng lighter in tho main battery, were faster than the 18-pounders of the Serapis, but by no means enough so to make up for the disparity in weight, while no superiority of gunnery could make up the difference between 18-pounders and 12 in ballistic power. THE MUSKETRY TELLS. As tho ships camo closer and closer aboard, however, the superiority of the Richard's musketry, due to her large force of marines, began to take effect to tho extent that by this time in the action the uncovered or upper deckpart of tho Serapis's battery had become mntZnable and was practically silenced. But this misfortune to the Serapis was more than counter-balanced by the terrific effect of the 18-pounders in her lower tier against the main or ilfa rr Aleck battery of the Richard; nearly half of whose guns on that deck had been dismounted and whose crews on the remaining guns had in more than one instance been en irely destroyed and had to be replaced new men! In addition to all tins avoc tho lower tier of tho Serapis being much nearer the water-line than the single tier of tho Richard, the 18-pound shot of tho former had hulled the latter at or near tho water-line a prodigious number of times, until at this stage of the combat the Richard was beginning to make vater faster than the pumps could handle it. Conversely so far as the working of the ships was concerned the Richard at this time had the best of it, thanks to the gallantry and marksmanship of the French marines on the latter's upper deck.

Pearson was unable to keep enough of his men alive above decks on the Serapis to handle sail or steer properly; whereby ho entirely lost the advantage of his ship's smarter sailing and quicker working qualities. Lieut. Brenton, of the Serapis, makes the astonishing statement that "11 men were shot at our wheel during the action, of -whom seven were killed outright, and just before the enemy laid us athwart hawser tho wheel itself was disabled and the ship had to bo steered with the tiller during the rest of the action. As soon as the ships got close enough the musketry of the enemy was the most murderous I ever saw in a naval action and wrought far greater damage than did her great gun fire. At any time during the last hour it was impossible to stand on our upper decks at all, and every man who exposed himself simply invited death!" Capt.

Jones remained on his quarterdeck working the ship in person and directing tho fire of tho nine-pounders on that deck; also commanding the French marines on that and the poop-deck, leaving the gun-deck wholly to the command of his First Lieutenant, Dale. Writing of this epoch of the battle, Nathaniel Panning says: "I was on the main-top, but ever and again amid the roar of cannon and crackle of musketry I could hear the tremendous voice of the Commodore cheering the French marines in their own tongue, uttering such maledictions upon the enemy as I never heard beforo or since in French or English." THE CRISIS OF THE BATTLE. Tho episode to which Fanning here re fers was unquestionably the extreme crisis of the battle. The heavy battery of the Serapis was tearing the Richard to pieces below, and his own lighter guns could make no adequate response. His only chance of success thcref-re was to make the enemy's upper decks untenable by his musketry, lay on board and take him by storm.

This, of course, made the French marines a factor of vital importance. But just at this moment their Captain, de Uiamillard. received a contusion on tho knee, and promptly sought the services of the Surgeon. Their leader gone, tho French marines showed unmistakable symptoms of panic. Pierre Gerard's discription of this epoch of the battle is, inimitable; phrased in the quaint and untranslatable Breton idiom of that.

time'. The best I can do is to give Ihe nearest'ipossible translation of it literally. Ho tfas: "I have seen all of this. I have been a part of it. Being Orderlyof the day to the Commodore.

I could not leave him. I must see all he did and hear.afj ho said. 1 have seen Capt. Chamillafd leave his pest of commandant of tho marines. He had suffered a contusion of the Ichec, but 1 do not know that it was enough eto make a brave man quit his post.

Many-of the crew, both French and sftiid to the finish jit I I started $3.50 and Made $215.00 thfe First Month selling Self Heatiug Flafc Irons. My hnsband was awfully hard up, and having read of how much money could be made selling Self Heating Flat Irons, I decided lo try the business. I got a sample, showed it to my neiglibors and friends, and sold 1C0 the first month. There is big profit selling the Irons. After you get started you don't have to do any canvassing, as people send to you for iroii3.

They are lovely to sell, and every lady wants one. With the Self Heating Flat Iron a week's ironing can be done in half Oo time, and at a cost of three cents for fuel. Auy person who needs money can make it by addressing tiie New Departure Mfg. St. Lonis, Mo.

mx i Thcv will start von in tho business. rmt. my irons from them. Frances C. with much worse wounds.

But it is not for mo to reflect on tho behavior of my superior officer. "When he (Chamillard) was gone Commodore Jones sprang among the shaking marines on the quarter deck LIKE A LION AMONG CALVES. "They responded instantly to him. In an instant they were filled with courage! Tho indomitable spirit, the unconquerable courage ('be bravoure hors de terme') literally 'bravery without end' of the Commodore penetrated every soul, and every one who saw his example or heard his voice became as much a hero as himself! "At that moment the fate of the combat was decided. Every man whose wounds permitted him to stand' up pressed forward to the front of danger, and the Commodore had but to look at a man to mako him brave! Such was the power of one heart that knew no fear! Such- the influence of one soul that knew the meaning of no other word than conquest! To be continued.

EDITORIAL description of the great sea fight between the Bon Homme Bichard and the Serapis will be given in the next installment. The dramatic experiences of bold Paul Jones after that battle will furnish entertainment in future issues. PICPT SjiOTS. From Alert Comrades Along the Whole Line. At Antleraonvllle.

H. Baughraan, Co. 122d Ohio, Burrton. writes: I read Andersonville, with interest. I was in the prison from June to September, 18G4.

I was without shelter or camping ground until the enlargement of the stockade; then I was located on the north side, detachment 224, if I remember aright. I found several of my home neighbors among the Chickamauga prisoners. John Lawson, of Taylorsville, was one whom the writer mentions. When he died, Joe Thompson said, he could hold out 30 days longer. James Sheppard, trying to cheer him.

said: Oh, I can stand it 60 days longer. We will surely be released by that "At the end of 30 days poor Joe asked Eufus Tole to pray with him, and bidding us good-bye turned on his side and died without a straggle. When the 60th day arrived James Sheppard asked if there was any exchange news. When told there was none he exclaimed: I cannotstand it any He asked Kufus Tole to pray and sing with him, sent loving messages home, and bidding us good-bye, quietly went to sleep. ''There were 14 of these old neighbor boys captured at Chickamauga; only three who lived to see Old Glory Floating in Northern 'At the urgent request of the Tole boys and David Sheppard I 'flanked out" in September, expectiug to be exchanged, but was only transferred to Florence, S.

C. I was only 15 years old then. My wardrobe consisted of a suit of knit underwear and a glazed cap-cover. About the middle of November a Sergeant of the 5th or 6th Mich. Cav.

interceded with Col. Iverson, commander of the prison, and secured my release on parole. I was then placed outside of the stockade with Lieut. Barrett's 'Pet I was paroled and delivered on board the Gen. Lyon at Savannah, Dec.

1, 1868." Hunks's "Orderly Corps." A CIcvclaud comrade writes Who knows why the title Banks's Orderly Corps appears upon a copy of a discharge paper when the authorities at Washington claim there was no such organization I learn from some veterans under Gen. Banks that an organization existed known by that name. A veteran under Gen. Banks at Port Hudson says that Banks did have a mounted corps of, Orderlies who carried dispatches for him to different commanders stationed about Port Hudson. Did any reader serve in Banks's Orderly Corps?" Aro There Only Two Survivors? J.

G. Mayers, Co. 65th Ohio, East Toledo, writes: I enlisted when a mere boy and was mustered jn December, 1861 Mv reciment was a Dart of Sherman's Bri gade. When we left camp the two infantry regiments and the battery were ordered to Louisville, while the lour companies of cavalry went to Virginia. From Louisville we moved south, marching through Tennessee, Mississippi and Alabama, then back to Louisville.

All this time we were under Gen. Buell. When 'Old ISEosey' took command we did not do so much inarching, but got a taste of battle at Stone Uiver, the first engagement we took part in during our first year's service. I was wounded Dec 31, 1862, and was unfit for further field duty. I was transferred to the Invalid Corps.

When the First Battalion of the V. Ii. C. was organized I became a member and was at Washington until discharged. As far as I can learn Corp'l Thomas Garfield and myself are the only survivors of old Co.

G5th Ohio." Scattering. J. B. Cook, Sergeant, Co. 4th 111.

Clietopa, writes: "I commanded the extreme advance-guard of cavalry of 20 men at Fort Henry, Feb. (i, 1862. 1 pulled down a rebel flag in the outer works on which the 'army moved nearly a mile from the river. I think this was the first fiag for the Army of the Tennessee. I have never seen much about Forts Henry and Fort Donelson in the grand old National Tiuhune." John Martin, Butte, writes: "I have been watching for some prison experiences at Salisbury, but all the accounts are of Andersonville and Libby.

I suppose there are but few survivors of Salisbury." Charles Volke, Captain, Co. 1st Eastern Shore (Md.) Volunteers, Wallace, writes that alter eight years' 'eilbrt lie has finally succeeded in getting his pension allowed at $(J per month. He was the only veteran in the County not receiving a pension. Capt. Volke served from October, 1801, to December, 18G4.

THE CAPITAL OF THE PHILIPPINES. The port of Manila, the Capital of the Philippine- Islands, where fits fashionable- quarter. These are intersected with canals, much the most important operations, so far, of the been taking place during the last few days, lies back from the ocean about HO miles nt tho end of a broad, nearly circular bay of tho same name. This bay is on the west coast of the Isle of Luzon, which is tho largest and most important of many hundreds of islands in the Malayan archipelago. Manila itself is not an attractive city.

It is rather low-lying, though mountains rise immediately behind it. Tho city is divided by the River Pasig. On the south bank is tho old walled town, commonly called tho Plaza de Manila, while on tho north is Binondo, tho business part of Manila, FIGflTIflG TJiEtt OVEiJ What the Veterans Have to Say About Their Campaigns. BflTTEflY IJOBIfiETT. Silrrlnc Times In Front of th Little Fort at tho llattle or Corlntb.

Editor National Tribune: In answer to Comrade Bledsoe, 11th Iowa, in his article of March 17, I can tell him who supported Battery Kobinett at Corinth, Oct. 4, 1S62. It was the Ohio Brigade the 27th, 39, 43d and 63d regiments commanded by John W. Fuller, of the 27th. The 4Ikl and eight companies of the 63d were on the left of Kobinett; two companies of the G'Sd on the right next the foru the 27th and 39th supported by the 11th which lay in the rear of the fort.

We were moved from a position on tho line, near Fort Itichardson at 11 o'clock at night to Kobinett. After getting in our place as above stated, we lay down for a short nap. The 81st Ohio, who were in the light all day before, told us there were plenty of Johnnies coming, and they were lighters from away back. Well do I remember that first shot, fired from a rebel gun from the edge of the timber right in front of Itobinett a fuse shell that struck a stack of guns and knocked them down right close to me, searing me out my sleep. I rose to a sitting position, and as it was yet dark could see the.

ignited fuse making a streak over the town, and saw it burst near where Comrade Bledsoe says he was making coffee. Several more shells were thrown in the same direction. wondered why the big guns at the fort did not stop that little rebel gun, but learned later the gunners were waiting for it to get light enough tosee. Finally, they let loose a 32 solid shot and perfectly demolished the little gun. The concussion nearly lifted us off the ground, as we lay within a few yards of the fort.

The forts kept np a fire for awhile, shelling the timber, as they knew the Tcbswere there. About 9 o'clock the enemy charged the right of the line over at Fort Itichardson. We were watching them and hugging the ground very closely, as Eobinett was firing her guns right over us into the charging rebels. Just at this time we heard a yell and saw the stars and bats coming in our front. This took our undivided attention, and we fixed bayonets and got ready for them.

The timber was felled in our front for 75 or 100 yards, aud as the determined Southerners. made their way through the down timber we gave them a few shots from our muskets and the guns from the fort mowed them. But they closed up and came until it was hand to hand with bayonets and clubbed muskets. A brigade of Texans, commanded by Col. Kogers, charged the fort.

Col. Eogers was shot down in 20 or 30 steps of the fort, but this did not stop the Texans. Some 17 of them were shot inside of Eobinett by the gunnera with their side-arms, and they lay across and piled up on one another until they were four or five deep in the ditch around the fort. We shot them as they climbed up on the fort, and they rolled back in the ditch. Our ranks were being thinned, and at this time our support, the 11th came in on the double-quick, with bayonets fixed, and went into the reb3 with such heroic courage that the whole line gave way, and, they went back (what was left of them) faster than they came.

The lines on our right down at town were broken, but I do not know what troops were on that part of the line. I glanced down there once and saw 50 or more Johnnie3 around a well trying to get water, but a brigade that was held in reserve in town charged and drove them out, and as they went the whole line went together. Now things began to quiet down, and what a sight met our eyes. Such a slaughter, and not all of men in gray. It looked like the enemy had used more courage than good judgment, after we took a survey of the bat- tie-ground, when all was quiet.

We lay all day and night on the same line; slept side by side with dead men. A barrel of commissary whisky was brought to our regiment (and I suppose the others got the some), and a Sergeant issued it to the boys from a tin cup. It was to keep the men from getting sick. We started after the rebs about 9 o'clock, and crosvded them so close that they threw away camp equipage, tents, trunks even left wagons in the road. We soon returned to Corinth, and were quiet for a few days.

W. W. Adams, Co. 27th Ohio, Box 475, Greenfield, O. Tfffi TAKING OF JACKSON.

Experiences of the Gth Mo. Cav. While at Mississippi's Capital. Editor National Tribune: ReadingGen. Fremantle's account of his experience in and about Jackson, in 18G3, I am reminded of the part, taken by the Cth Mo.

Cav. at the time that city was taken by Grant's army in May of that year. When the attack was made by our infantry we were supporting them. The rebs fired several shots from a battery, and these being the first shells fired directly over our regi ment during the war, our boys, with hardly an exception, politely bowed to them. Later, we were moved off to the left, and when the infantry charge was made we moved in on the left aud succeeded in capturing a number of Confederates as they endeavored to escape Northward.

In the afternoon the regiment went into camp North of the city, on the railroad, at a farmhouse, whose owner we were told had been a General in the Confederate army, and war with Spain have iliko Venice. Beyond villas of European residents. The population of the walled town is 12,000 and of tho newer portion about three hundred thousand. Tho public buildincs of Manila are divided between the two quartets. The foreiirn commerce of Manila is lame, tho exnorts "being about 830,000,000 control tho trade, which is carried on in British "and Gorman steamers.

Manila hemp, sugar, cigars and coffee are the chief articles of export. Mother-of-pearl, gum and sapan wood are also sent away in considerable quantities. The United States and Great Britain are the greatest buyers. and San Miguel, CUBA MAP, FREPAHED IT? WAR DEPT. Elaborately colored, 4 sheets each, 27 37.

Tn 2prC8j Mounted on mtislln with rollers 4 Library edition hacked with dissected, In cloth case 9 12.. MAP OF PHILIPPINE ISLANDS with sub-map, showing: Asia. Philippines, isianas, v. uoa, inciuum? entire Antilles, ana South American Coast. In colors, size 25x43.

Bonnd In cloth covers, a 13 L75 per eopjt PORTO RICO. Size ft par copyw Shipped on receipt of price. JULIUS KiE. fc HO 6th 2ew YorS, had but recently been killed in one of the battles in Virginia. I was detailed in charge of out picket squad, and stationed some distance out near the railroad.

We had not been on duty long before an engine and tender came backing down the track very slowly. Before we conld conceal ourselves tho two or throe men on it spied us, and, reversing the engine, were soon flying north. A few minutes later a footman came boldlj up lo us. He was dressed in citizen's clothes', and when halted by U3 asked to be taken to the Major commanding the regiment. This was done, and after a short conversa tion the Major directed me to take a detail of men and convey the stranger to Gen.

Grant's Headquarters in the city. We took our stranger to Headquarters, which was found after considerable difficulty. We were halted at tho gate by the gnard, and a request sent in to the General. One of the staff came out, and immediately recognized our friend with a warm hand shake. I was dismissed by the officer with the statement that he would take caro of our prisoner.

We returned to the regiment, and of course supposed the gentleman was one of Grant's scouts. If he is still living I would like to know if he remembers the incident. While the boys were encamped at tha house mentioned they found several dozen bottles of fine wines and liquors hidden about the garden and grounds, and of course had quite'a picnic as long as it lasted. They also found a very pretty Confederate flag, which we were told was carried by some of tha troops commanded by the dead General. I have forgotten now what the name of th General was, and also- whether we took tha flag.

J. A. Bradsiiaw, Co. 6th Mo. Richland, Mo.

SEDAN'S BEP0117. Vermont Comrade Brings It to Bear on tba Cedar Creek Controversy. Editor National Tribune: I have befora me Sheridan's report and 1m Memoirs, and purpose to quote from each to sustain points which I have maintained'in the Cedar Creek controversy, and which are vehemently denied. I do not assail the bravery of any troops engaged on Oct. 19, 1864.

The last stand made by Getty's Division was at the stone wall about a mile north Middletown. Now, for the benefit of those who claim that the other two divisions of the Sixth, Eighth and Nineteenth Corps retreated no farther than Getty, I quote from Sheridan'a Memoirs, Vol. page 82 "My firat halt was just north of Neir-lown." Newtown is more than five miles from Middletown, by the way. "I could not," he continues, "pass through it, tha streets were so crowded. I was obliged to make a circuit to" tha left to get around the village, but meeting Maj.

McKinley, of Crook's staff, he spread the news of my return. When nearing the Valley pike just south of Newtown, I saw about three-fourths of A mile west of the pike a body of troops, which proved to be Ricketts's and Wheaton7s Divisions, of the Sixth Corps, and there learned that the Nineteenth Corps had halted a littl f-to the right and Tear of these, but I did no stop, desiring to get to the extreme front, nnnfinnincr Rhfirid.an describes how ho crossed to the we3t side of the pike halfway little later came up in rear of Getty's Division of the Sixth Corps. When I arrived this division and the cavalry were the only troopa in the presence of and lesisting the enemy; they were apparently acting as a rear-guard at a point about three miles north of tha line we held at Cedar Creek when the hattla began. Getty's Division when I found it was about a mile north ot Middletown." After describing his reception by the troopa, he says: ''The first directions I gave were to have the Nineteenth Corps and the two divisions of Wright's Corps brought to tho front, so they could he formed on Getty'a Divisions." From the above it is evident that the Nineteenth Corps and the First and Third Divisions of the Sixth Corps were miles in the rear of Getty and were brought up to Getty'a line in pursuance to orders from Sheridan some time after he arrived on the field. Sheridan also says: I suggested that the remaining two divisions of tha Sixth Corps should be ordered np, which were to the right and rear of Getty abon.6 two miles, and also that the Nineteenth Corps, which wa3 on the right and rear of these two divisions, should be hastened up before the enemy attacked Getty." Not only that, but he started all his staff officers to bring up these troops, "and waa so convinced that he would be attacked that I went back myself to urge them -Uispuie OI iliese iacia is equut iu uiajjuiaug the multiDlication table.

CilAS. Porteb, Co. 11th Grinnell, Iowa. "Barklow tells me that he kept perfectly cool when that burglar got into his houso. "Barklow's wife told my wife that Baric-low hid in the refrigerator." are suburban villages containing pretty annually.

Chinese merchants largely Jl IfiSMgA E- wJU- "ST Wf.