The Salina Journal from Salina, Kansas • Page 4

Oct. 17, 1969 Salina Journal Pg 4 Heart of the Matter Nlxon targer Stake thafl Vtetnani Rvf CrmMLoi next vear. Still others hn'ua Is Not Yet Discussed Tlie articles by Frankel and Anderson on this page today giye a perspective we have missed in our occasional concern about the Vietnam The question that is bugging the White the Senate Foreign Relations committee and the State department is what kind, of a. role the United States should play in the Jjvorld power game. ine We are a two-ocean pow- fer with economic stakes all Editor's over the globe and, while may have far less man- Opinion than the Red world, have greater productive capacity and "wealth.

So to. what degree, in what manner and 'precisely where should, we use our in foreign parts? These are questions forced upon us in by our expanding trade, in part by need to protect our varied interests, -god in part-by the vacuum left by Great rpritain when it ceased to be an empire. All the noble words aside, our prime rea- for fighting in Vietnam was to make Certain the writ of the United States ran Southeast Asia. We wanted to keep the area that we had more or less won in 2 within qur sphere of influence. also explains Korea.

had seen China arid lesser eastern lands lost to us. We wanted to retain the remainder. As nearly as I can Mr. Nixon has written off Vietnam but hopes to extract us from that tragic mess in such a manner that we retain our influence elsewhere in the free portions of Asia and Europe. But how much influence do we want need? How much and in what kind can we afford? In what manner should it -pe brought to These are crucial, unanswered questions.

They are worth the most critical debate. Upon the answers hinge much of our national future--and the possibility of more Vietnams. Keith's Mistake Keith Sebelius, our congressman, deserves a word of sympathy, even-praise. He has done something highly unusual among politicians: he has admitted a mistake. A war veteran himself, with, two strapping lads approaching draft age, Keith sees the need for peace in Vietnam and wants us to pull out as soon as we reasonably and safely can.

But he also believes the President should hold some cards in negotiating with Hanoi. So when an Arizona congressman said he was preparing a letter Mr. Nixon could use at Paris, listing the options we have besides a precipitous pull-out, Keith agreed to add his name to it. When the letter came out, however, instead of stating the options, it was full of fire brimstone demands that the President bomb Hanoi, bomb the dikes and escalate the war. Sebelius promptly withdrew his name.

"I shouldn't have signed reading he. told me. "I made a mistake." It is an easy error in a capitol where piles of paper constantly are being circulated for signature. Even ordinary mortals are too quick with their John Henry; it is an old joke that you can get citizens to sign a petition without noting that the fine print requests that the subscriber be shot at sunrise. An honest confession is good for the soul.

Let's not shoot Keith. Your Money's Worth Never Agairi Black Porter (EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the last of ana-, lyzing the In light s'torfc market-crash and the world depression which it). By Sylvia Porter we are approaching the climactic weelcin which 40 years ago torrential waves of lulled over the stock market and prices knew no bottoms. it was Oct. 24 and the nation's most powerful y- coons formed a "banking pool" to 'buy stocks to a the panic.

Then it was "Black Tuesday," Oct 29. and Thomas W. Lament of J. P. Morgan announced at a secret meeting of the governors of the New York Stock Exchange: "Gentlemen, there is no man or group of men who can buy all the stocks the American public can sell." Then it was the end of the gold-plated, phony era and then our world-famous Secretary of the Treasury came up with the solution to 'repair the monstrous damage: labor," said he.

stocks, liquidate the farmers, liquidate real estate: And that fantastic, withering remark leads me to what I be- to be the most fundamental of all the distinctions between '29 and '69 and I need one statistic to back it up: OUR ATTITUDES. can you imagine any public official proposing anything like "liquidating" all of us. (Incidentally, Mellon came close to describing what actually happened in 1931-32.) Can you imagine yourself sitting as numbly as the adults of that era did watching your job disappear, your home being foreclosed, your savings becoming debts, your dreams turning nightmares, and mumbling to yourself, "the less government meddles with business, tbo better. Can you visualize our labor permitting joblessness lo soar to tens of millions without demanding (and getting) great national actions to reverse the trend? I could go on and on elaborating on this but the point is clear. Of course, you can't.

You would willingly trade off VMjflr inflation for jobs, paychecks, profits, sales. We learned how to control deep depressions. We know far more about curbing depressions than we do restraining inflations, as a matter of fact. Dr. William C.

chief of the New York Stock Exchange, thinks we've "even learned our lesson toa well." But he says as I say that "to compare our economic sophistication today w'th that of the '30s is like comparing the industrialized U.S. with fome primitive, agricultural state." So summing up: Yes "It" can happen again but "It" won't. The whole, cash. investment foundation of stock market in '59 is deferent from the credit gambling foundation of Kie stock market in '29. The' institutional investor is a profoundly important new force regularly investing amounts "of cash in stocks--even though this type of investor recently has not been nearly as stabilizing a force as we thought Tuesday and new regulations in this area well may be "necessary.

Major controls and watchdog, organizations have developed since tfce crash to protect the public and to prevent a routine decline from becoming a rout, and we are constantly on the alert for new leaks to plug. The economic backgrounds are basically different and our bias, has shifted from deflation to inflation. And it is not naive to say that our greatest safeguard against another '29 in our determination to prevent another '29, It's popular to sneer at any of a "new era," but don' sneer or if my conclusions in this series are wrong, you won't be interested in reading a new series explaining why. Because if I'm wrong, it "will mean that the American system of private enterprise and capitalism born almost 200 years ago will have vanished from 'the earth. Letters to the Editor Out Of Bag SIR: Now that Hanoi has come out with a public endorsement of the so called "peace movement" the cat is out of the bag and all should be able to see where this plot to destroy our country has been hatched.

The date of October 15, 1969 will go down in history as the day on which thousands, some even meaning well, have given aid and comfort to the enemy of our country. Giving aid and comfort to an enemy is treason. President Nixon is the choice of the majority to guide our nation and in this writer's opinion he is doing as good a job as is possible to bring this war to an honorable end. To undercut him is not in the interest of peace, rather it will prolong the war and each added casualty is the responsibility of those protesting. -JOHN KEJR, Wilson.

Lack Knowledge SIR: My husband is a 20 year plus career serviceman. He is in Vietnam. We have three children ages 15, 12, and 7. I did not allow my son age 15 to participate in the Moratorium march on 15 October. I do not think my son has the knowledge to tsie part in such a very seri- ous demonstration.

And I do not think 10 per cent of the people taking part in this know just what they are doing, and should fall back on a little prayer I learned when a small "GOD grant me the Serenity to accept things I cannot change, Tbe courage to change the things I can. And the wisdom to know the difference." Thank You L. PENDERGRAFT 2089 Page. Good Old Pays The Journal Oct. 17, 1949 CINCINNATI Thirty members of the world champion New York Yankees got full shares of $5,665.54 each for defeating the Brooklyn Dodgers in the recent World Series.

CHICAGO The first direct long distance telephone line between the United States and Alaska was opened recently. Mayor Martin H. KennelJy, Chicago, spoke with Gov. Ernest Gruening of Juenau, Alaska. Another major improvement for Salina's industrial district was announced today by R.

A. McAuliffe, Sheliabarger plant manager. A 2-story brick and concrete warehouse, costing approximately $75,000, will be erected between the mill and elevator buildings at 511 San'a Fe. Frankel By Max Frankel (C) New York Times WASHINGTON President Nixon and his aides have now reasserted in strongest terms their conviction that the war involves larger stakes than a South Vietnam and that they mu.st not sacri- fics them to ttie impatience of pclic opin- ion at would rightly demn a President who ignored the consequences, "in both international terms," of a hasty troop withdrawal from' Vietnam, Nixon said in a letter to a protesting Georgetown university student. And in a television appearance here, Secretary of State William P.

Rogers spelled out those consequences as "a tremendous massacre of the population in South Vietnam," a general stability in Asia that could be "very dangerous to the security of the world," and a breach of promise to the people not only of South Vietnam but all of Southeast Asia. far as can be determined from msny other sources close to the President, these concerns still weigh heavily upon Nixon, as they did when he wrote them, into his ma or policy speech on Vietnam last May. The widespread feeling inside the government that these considerations have been lost in jpublic discussion apparently accounts for tbe White House announcement that Nixon would again devote a major address to the war, on Nov. 3. But there is no sign that he will stray from this central concern.

Boldly Drawn Thus, the issue between the administration and. its critics has been drawn more boldly than ever The organizers of the national moratorium and many of their for the "immediate" withdrawal of all "United States troops. Others, including several dozen members of Congress, favor a deadline for withdrawal toward the end of- next year. Still others have called for a schedule of accelerated withdrawal, either for all troops or at least all combat troops, which amount to about half of the 500,000 U.S. fighting men in South Vietnam.

By and large, the critics, are calling for the fastest possible withdrawal consistent the safety of the troops. -Though many of them shrink from a concession of failure or defeat and'would prefer to shift the onus of failure on to the Saigon government they argue the U.S. intervention must be undone irrespective of the response in Hanoi or Saigon cause it serves no further vital American interest. The administration, on the other though it shrinks from the pursuit of victory or a "military 'solution;" contends that the U.S. has assumed a responsibility for orderly political change in South Vietnam anil that it has acquired obligations of power that it-cannot abandon, no matter, how unwise the original intervention.

Not to Yield Although, the President has' hurriedly taken'a number of steps to pacify the growing protest movement which the White House appears to have se- riously underestimated be has not yielded on this central'con- viction. And though he has alt' ered both the diplomatic arid battlefield tactics that 'he inherited last January, the President is said to share Lyndon B. Johnson's belief that any "dis-' guised defeat" in this war would only enlarge the risk of other wars. Reports from inside the administration indicate that tbere have been lively debates all year among the leading officials about the tactics by which Nixon' might try to extricate the country from Vietnam. Defense Secretary Melvin R.

Laird has argued from the start for the fastest transfer of the fighting to the South Vietnamese and against hesitations that counted upon progress in -diplomatic negotiations. Rogers has been in the forefront of those who would have read significance into battlefield lulls and signs of enemy restraint in the hope, that American restraint and withdrawals i produce a "winding down" of the war even without explicit agreement. Henry A. Kissinger, the'Presi- dent's national security adviser, is said to-have been responsible for the conceptual merger of approaches, making American withdrawals contingent upon progress in "Viet- namization," developments on the battlefield, or explicit progress in Paris. Lose Faith? But none of the men around the President appears to have counseled rapid withdrawal without regard for the actions of Hanoi or as many c-it- ics advise.

In private councils, Kirsinger is said to be arguing that Europeans as well as Asians would lose faith in American guarantees jf the President pulled back without regard for the consequences. He is also knwn to have expressed fear of right-wing reaction to any failure that could be ascribed to the loss of nerve on the home front. Nixon's order to U. troop strength in South Vietnam by 60,000 men before Dec. 15-and possibly around according to latest hints acquired a triple purpose: to pacify a restive American'public, to spur Saigon to greater effort in its own behalf and to persuade Hanoi that unless it negotiates, the American presence the war zone continue for quite a while.

"We have ruled out attempt. Ing to impose a purely m'litary 'solution on the battlefield," the President said last- May. "We have also ruled out either a one- sided withdrawal Vietnam or the acceptance in Paris of terms that would amoihit to a disguised American'defeat." Fears Massacre He then mentioned his fear of a "massacre," his view that "a great nation cannot renege on its pledges," his unwillingness to strengthen tfae position of those who -advocate aggression, and the need to reassure the leaders of other non- Communist Asian countries. ''Sexual revolution, militants, demonstrations sure gives you a hankerin' for the good old days!" Nixon's address in May, was delivered at a time when the administration thought North Vietnam was moving toward serious negotiation. Even if Correctly diagnosed, that movement is thought to have stopped sometime in June or early July, and to have been further delayed if rot altogether nullified by the death of President Ho (Chi Minh.

Hanoi was thought to have lost interest in negotiation well before the protest movement gained momentum around the-country. Nonetheless, Nixon and his a des still argue that greater public support for the administration would improve the chances of a political settlement. To' defuse the protest, the President has "called attention to the current low level of-fighting and the reduced casualties in. Vietnam claiming credit now' for what earlier in the year he had said was only a function of enemy tactics. He has announced the dismis- sal of the Selective Servic.

chief, Lt. Gen. Lewis B. HerJ shey, a step he contemplated long ago a last has also promised" to draft less burdensome people and to redefine yet again his Vietnam policy. Critics Torn The President's critics in Cor gress have been torn in recenl weeks.

Few have" wanted croach upon his tactics by porting demands for a drawal.deadline, but wondered whether public--re straint would not leave the COIL. try committed to purposes they no longer value. They have balanced Nixon'J premises of more 4 against his vows not to be thij first President to "lose" a and they expressed confusioij about the stakes that the Pres ident felt bound to latest comments from the Whit House and elsewhere seem to fer the answer to those doubt Brass Vfarit More Muscle for Anderson By Jack Anderson TOKYO President Nixon'i brave attempt to reduce the U.S. build-up in the Far East has got the brassjiats more agitated than any event since the military pay raise was turned down. From Thai- land to the generals are firing off hot mernos left! and right to, fight off the cutbacks.

The bureaucra i cj bombardme apparently, has' shaken the Pentagon. This column has examined secret exchange, for the Pentagon and the Military Advisory Group on Taiwan. The advisors are commanded by peppery Maj. Gen. R.

G. Ciccolella, who believes passionately that the U.S. should provide Chiang Kai-shek with more, not less, military aid. If our nuclear bases on Okinawa are dismantled to appease the Japanese, for instance, Ciccolella wants to relocate them on Taiwan. Old Chiang has already constructed some handy runways, storage tanks and other facilities as an encouragement.

This, however, would upset the Chinese Communists with whom Nixon is trying to restore a dialogue. Ciccolella has also protested vigorously agairst trimming U.S. support for Chiang's armed forces. From the secret crossfire between Ciccolella's group and the Pentagon, there are excerpts which illustrate me opposition Nixon is encountering in the Far East: Chiang's Objectives The Pentagon contends that Chiang's forces "are more than adequate" for defending Taiwan and the offshore islands against a Chinese Communist amphibious assault. However, their "primary objective," claims the Pentagon, "has bsen to regain control over the mainland provinces.

On that basis, Chiang has been able to justify maintaining land and amphibious forces which substantially exceed the defense requirements for Taiwan, the Pcnglius, or the main offshore islands. Tlie additional divisipns would be user! in operations on mainland China." Retorts Ciccolella's group: "Although the USG (U.S. government) does not officially indorse the back-to-the-mainland program, and it is probable that the vast majority of Chinese military personnel have had few real illusions concerning the practical aspects of this program, however, it has served as the cement to hold the GRC (Government, Republic of China) intact in the absence of any real or emotional rallying point. "We do know privately," adds the Taiwan team. confidentially, "that the GRC has considerable sums of money in special funds, mostly marked for contingency use in mainland recovery." The Pentagon, questioning value of Chiang's extra forces, points out: VThe presence of large GRC army has not caused a reduction in the CPR (Chinese Peoples Republic) -threat to either Southeast Asia or Northeast Asia because the CPR has not diverted sizeable defense forces to the Foochow Military Region opposite Taiwan.

Red Chinese Threat "DIA (Defense Intelligence Agency) has concluded," adds the Pentagon, "on the basis of limitations on CPR logistic capabilities that the could not mount major offensives on more than one front. The CPR threat lo Northeast or Southeast Asia would be reduced, (if) it became clear that a major offensive against Taiwan was being launched. Some U.S. forces maintained for the defense of either Southeast Asia or Korea could then be redeployed to Tai- wain. A U.S.

commitment of forces should be more than adequate to deter the CPR." Ciccolella and his advisers disagreed. "The CPR military capabilities," they warn, "will improve over the next decade with continued emphasis on the improvement of nuclear weapons capabilities The CPR has the capability to erupt numerous conflicts which would immobilize U.S. forces in other areas of Asia negating any U.S. assistance to the GRC." Ciccolella is particularly" eager to modernize Chiang's small navy. The however, insists that "the U.S.

now maintains the complicated and expensive naval weapon systems necessary to defeat either the USSR'or CPR in an Adan sea war. This U.S. capability is more Chiang than sufficient for any combination of naval threats." Chiang's Navy Because the U.S. seeks "to avoid a direct US-CPR confrontation," however, the Pentagon has furnished Chiang with enough ships to patrol the coast, supply the offshore islands and ward off a Red Chinese amphibious attack. The Chinese Nationalist navy "will retain these capabilities," in.

the opinion, 73 (Fiscal Year 1973) without major investment in new shijis or crafts largely because, the CPR does not appear to be developing naval offensive forces." Contradicts Ciccolella team: "Estimates of CPR shipbuilding are poor, but information is available which indicates that the naval shipbuilding is progressing at a faster rate than' indicated (by the. Pentagon) we believe that the situation'is underestimated GRC has not successfully engaged the ChiCom navy In several years, having lost three costly engagements in 1965. Pentagon) study does not credit the ChiCom navy i the superior performance capability indicated above, nor does it take into consideration the rapid obsolescence of the GRC naval At this time, it isn't certain whether President Nixo will be able to carry out cutbacks or whether the trenched brass hats in the-Fa. East will win the secret debata The Bible: v'U You Quote It? By LAVINA ROSS 1. Not only accidents" have a way of ing skeletons out of Secret vices can go on for years and then "oops!" out." Perhaps the worst -rnora, scandal in the Old about Judah.

What was it? esis 38 2. To what ancient city, of-AsifJ did Paul write the Epistle to-Q ossians? Cotossians 1:2 3 Name Dorcas' talent Ac 4. Quote the Beatitude go. cerning mercy. Matthew 5.

"Whatsoever things an true, whatsoever things are. est. whatsoever things are there be any virtue, there, Philippians 4:8 Barbara Phillips says: A Musical Headache In the Pentagon Own -i I Editor Avd May Di Scene: A Pentagon office. A 4-star general paces as he looks out of the window upon a group of anti-war demonstrators in front of the buHding. A smartly dressed aide enters.

"George," the general says, "We have orders from above to find some slogans and songs that will combat those used by protestors. Just listen to them down there singing 'Where Have AH the Flowers Gone' and carrying 'Peace Now' and. 'Give Peace a Chance' signs. We've got to do something." "I used to be an ad man," George answers, "I might be able to work something uu, sir." "That's the right attitude. We think that some of the middle- of-the-roaders might swing to our side if we could give them something to chant or sing," the general said.

The scene fades as the aide leaves the room. The second scene opens in the same office a few weeks later. The aide, now wearing crumpled fatigues covered with cigarette burns and coffee stain, enters the office. "I've got some ideas, sir," George leers. The general stares at him for a moment and the nsighs, "We'll, let's bear "The slogans are really great.

You'll love them. How do these souiid--'Make the World Safe for Democracy' and 'Don't Give Up the Ship' and. "George. "The songs are really great. I've got a song called 'Over There' and one titled 'From the Halls of Montezuma.

George begins muttering to him' self, "and then there's 'How You Gonna Keep 'Em. "George!" the general screams. "I've got a great sign worked out. Remember Clmrchiirs for victory?" George says as he begins running around the of- pulling down maps and books. "George, these things have all been used.

Can't you come up with something new?" George makes the suprema effort, stands still and ''Sir, I must report is nothing new in the war and collapses. The general shakes his heatl sadly as George is carried put of the room. He picks bright red phone on and says, "Sir, I'm ry, but I've just lost anjjjlgg- idea man. The impossible, sir. This is the-10th man in a row and they were all good men.

He listens for a minute- and continues, "Yes, sir, I know-how vital this assignment where are we going to gertftgge men?" He listens again. "Yes, sir, I know that's my problem, but, sir, where will It all end. There may not be a saije advertising man left in this "country by the time this is finished. Where will it all end?" The scene fades the general hangs up the red plone and calls to his secretary, "Send-'in the next one, Miss.