The Salina Journal from Salina, Kansas • Page 4

Srfina Jwrrul Pg 4 Does Tufoe Make Politican Seem Boob? The Editor's been Television versus the Republican 'party so far at Miami. The loser has bien the viewer and in this game no one hjM won. J'Thc fault is not Television's. The failure ii- that of the Republican arrangers to master the media. 'Following tradition, the convention operates at two levels.

trOne is the facade you are intended to see and hear. It consists in part of the speakers on the rostrum droning in their best oratorical manner long and Opinion windy speeches. words so strung together tend to hide whatever meaning they might have, if-any. It is the art--or rather the communicating without communicating. The articulated noises, mouthed with the aid of a teleprompter or idiot's helper, are a mask, a bushel over the candle, to spread darkness under the pretense of illumination.

part of this facade is the window dressing, the colorful banners, the wyeaty little girls-kicking their costumes, tlfe bands thumping the football tunes. It if'fun for a few minutes, but protracted it-is like spending a thirsty night watching a tired go-go dancer. the second level occurs the real busi- ijess of the convention, the struggle for pjpwer by ambitious men, waged in back rSoms and in corner whisperings. The struggle may be won by votes, but the balloting only reflects the results of hid- den battle. The conflict is not in the roll calls but what preceded them.

Television dutifully presents part of the facade, the rostrum noises. With some skill it shows this false front for what it is. The roaming cameras switch from the orators to empty seats, to delegatea reading newspapers, telephoning their chiefs, arguing, making polite conversation or fitfully sleeping. Television also attempts to window-peep at the second level. It does this chiefly through interviews and the comments of harrassed legmen attached to the various candidates and delegations.

But here it is less successful because not all whispers can be overheard. Nevertheless, Television does make the scene and shows the movement. Viewers, mystified, their senses dulled by repetition, their ears assulted by meaningless noise, either turn off the tube or, out of a sense of civic duty, leave it on but think of other matters. This is unfortunate for the party, for Television and the viewer. The remedy is in the party.

Could the convention managers master this newest media, could they shape the scenes, the speeches and the drama into a compressed and moving method of public communication, the nation would profit. Politicians are well aware of the value of Television but they still do not know how to use it. And they wonder why their profundities come through the tube as drivel. Ethical Conduct Is No Worry to I By Drew Pearson The question of ethical conduct has been played dftwn at the GOP convention, but it has been talked about a lot; in the smoke filled rooms. Republicans are wondering just bbiw much hay the Democrats can make with Nixon's original expense fund and the whopping $205,000 loan which his brother got, almost without se- carjty, and then defaulted on.

i-T press. was generally kind to Nixon the tir but seme Democratic leaders a looking r- ward to Nixon as" the nominee so; they can bring out the Pearson entire story of the $18,000 expense fund and show how it set the pattern for Sen. Tom Dodd and others. The laws are clear that no senator can accept money in return for doing a favor for a constituent. This was what was never-developed during the Nixon futbr.

It was what Dodd. the Democrat, did, but which the Senate failed to investigate. It was what Nixon, the Republican, did, but both the Senate and the press failed to investigate. If there had been an investigation it would have been most revealing. It would have shown that Dana Smith, who collected the $58,000 fund, had a personal tax case before the Justice department involving a S500.000 tajc refund that he was demanding" from the government.

Nixon, sent a member of his office staff to the Justice departments tax division to apply pressure on; Smith's behalf. In the summer of. 1952 same Dana Smith lost S4.000 on 3 gambling spree in a Havana nightclub, gave his check for that amount to the nightclub owner, and then stepped payment on the check. The owner sujfcd to collect, whereupon Nix- onr wrote the American ambas- sathrr in Cuba and asked that he" intervene on behalf of Smith. The ambassador replied (hat protecting gamblers was Eihpng his official duties.

Conflict Record Among the 76 millionaires who kicked in to the Nixon fund were 15 oilmen, 11 real estate executives and a cross section DTbankers, milk products men anfl munitions and armaments contractors. All had heavy stakes in legislation cm which Nixon voted. On issues of con- to the oilmen who contri- oubd, to his fund, Nixon voted their way down the line: against cutting the 27 percent oil depletion allowance, for the oil basing point bill (facilitating price fixing -in monopoly dominated industries and promoting concentration nf industry), and for the Tidelanda cil bill. Nixon even sent out literature in favor the Tidelands bill under his Senate frank on behalf of the oil companies. Similarly, Nixon voted on housing bills in a way that obviously pleased his fund contributors from the building a real estate industry in favor of reducing the number of public housing units provided (from 50,000 to 5,000 units in one bill), in favor of speeding up the expiration of wartime rent controls by four months, in favor of giving local communities the option to impose or lift rent controls around military installations and defense plants, and in favor of an amendment he himself introduced to a defense bill in 1951 aimed at sidetracking public bousing.

Some of his voles, it is safe to say, contributed to the decay of big cil- ies only now being recognized as a nalional crisis. None of this was investigated. Anderson Testifies The only man who raised the question of elhics publicly at Miami was Jack Anderson, who did most of the work in probing the conduct of Sen. Dodd and who has just written a book. "The Case Against Ccngress." Jack testified before a subcommittee cf the platform com- mitlee under the chairmanship of Gov.

Louie Ntinn of Kentucky. Twenty prominent Republicans sat behind a table listening to the testimony. They courteous but nor.comiltal. "If the Republican parly is ever to get its platform enacted into law," Anderson lestified, 'it must be through a Congress I hat plugs alonj; on one cylinder in the multi-cylinder age. "The American people can hardly be expected to make sacrifices, overcome prejudices, and act nobly when their elected leaders set an example of pettiness, selfishness and irresponsibility." Anderson called the roll of senior congressmen, most them committee chairmen who sat at the helm from Sen.

Dcdd, still chairman of the juvenile delinquency committee and supposed to be a model for American youth; to Rep. Mendel Rivers, whose "record of alcoholism would make him ineligible to empty waste paper baskets at the Pentagon." "Aren't those all Democrats?" asked Gov. Nunn happily. "Yes," i Anderson, "but the chairman of your platform committee, Sen. Everett Dirksen, led the Senate fight against congressional reform.

"He owns shares in Chicago's First Federal Savings and Loan, but neglected to disclose this when he voted against the truth- Salina No Tie Between Stocks and Votes- You ordered these Republicans Create New Credibility Gap in-lending bill which the savings and loan industry opposed." Anderson went into more detail about the "delightful and disarming Dirksen" and his "dismaying habit of championing the Washington interests of clients that retain his Peoria law firm." The platform panel listened carefully. Later they went into a closed door session to polish up the rough, draft previously written by their chairman. Everett Dirksen. The ritual of hearings had been held. Tradition had, been satisfied.

The platform, largely written in advance, could be revealed. Nothing about ethical conduct would be done. letter To The Editor Prints What Suits Him SIR: Recently our editor proclaimed that he would lay off supporting any candidates except a very few outstanding ones who would be given a wee push. However, since then he's been giving a scries of big nudges to a number of candidates. Now he apologizes because, try as ho might, he hasn't found a single Democrat who is worthy of even a wee nudge.

It figures, when he made the proclamation, he did so with fingers crossed--tongue in check, kidding loo. He has the Club, The Journal, which he can wield safely since we have no way of airing our opinion except by the Grace of the Editor's Kind Hearledness in publishing only what suits Res ton By James Reston (C) New York Times MIAMI BEACH The theme of the Republican convention is that Republicans, in Lincoln's phrase, "must think anew and act anew," but' are they really doing Lincoln's point was that "the dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present we must rise with the occasion we must disenthrall ourselves and we shall save our country. It is not easy to think, let alone act, to. save a country from Miami Beach, with airplanes going past the opulent hotels advertising "topless girls" at the Tomboy club and dog racing at the Biscayne, but Uie Republicans are trying to disenthrall themselves anyway. They are "thinking anew" in a limited wayi They have clearly decided that public battles between their candidates on television is not very helpful to the Republican cause.

That rnuch they have learned from their disastrous campaign of 1964. Nobody is putting party ideology above parly unity, not even Goldwater. In fact, Goldwater, Reagan, Nixon and Rockefeller have all -accepted the objectives a party platfori that Humphrey or even McCarthy could accept. Yet. something is clsarly wrong here in Miami Beach.

The Republicans are clearly "thinking anew and acting anew" about tactics, but not about the substance of policy. They are agreeing about popular objectives, but not about the cost of achieving them. They are appealing to the young, and the blacks, and the rest of the poor with a platform that is spectacularly progressive in its goals, but 'lamentably defective in how to achieve their goals. Brilliant? Everything's "new" here in Miami Beach except the favorite candidate, Richard Nixon, who is the most familiar of them all. He has run a brilliant political campaign.

He was a hawk on Vietnam, but knows the country -wants peace and therefore is now arguing for the "de- Americanization" of the war. He knows that Johnson and Humphrey are in deep trouble on the war, and he is exploiting their troubles, even though he has been more a hawk on Vietnam than Humphrey or even Johnson. And yet this creates a problem for the Republican party. For the political crisis in America today is a crisis of belief. The Democrats are in' trouble in this election, not only because things are not going well in Vietnam and in the American cities, but because lie people somehow feel they have been deceived.

This was the real opportunity of the Republican convention here: to make the people believe again in the Republican 'candidate and the Republican program and so far the Republicans have not made it. They are talking about "thinking -anew and acting but they are really following the old political candidates. They are acting on the oldest' rules of American polilics, namely i that the people vote their prejudices, and will reject the parly in power if things are going badly, regardless of who is put up by the opposition. Quite a Gamble The Republicans here admire Richard Nixon but are not enthusiastic about him. They know they are a minority party and need the support of Democrats and independents to win, but they distrust Rockefeller and prefer to gamble on the unpopularity of Humphrey and Johnson.

It is quite a gamble. The Republicans know, as Lincoln said, that "the occasion is piled high with difficulty and we must rise with the occasion." They know that "as our case is new we must think anew and act anew and disenthrall ourselves and save our country." But they have not really gone that far in Miami Beach. They accept -a "new" program at least in their platform. (Their goals for peace abroad and in the cities at home could not be more progressive, but they say nothing about taxation to pay for then- goals, accommodations with the Soviets to limit the 'arms race. In fact, they concentrate on more arms and devote only an ambigous paragraph to disarmament, which is the key to financing the whole anti-poverty program at home.

This may be good politics in Miami Beach provided one Communists don't agree to a cease-fire between now and Novemiber but the Republicans are not thinking or acting anew in the largest sense of American policy. They are condemning tne Democratic "credibility gap" and creating one of their own. They are proclaiming domestic and foreign goals which they are not prepared to pay for, and even the delegates in Miami Beach somehow know that there is a gap between the campaign rhetoric we hear here and the reality of the U. S. and the world at large.

LETTERS WANTED The Journal welcomes Letters to the Editor. The briefer they are the better chance they have of being printed. All are subject to condensation and editing. Writer's name must be signed with full address. The Journal is not responsible for any statements In letters.

By Sylvia Porter Republicans are kicking off the 1968 Presidential election campaign in Miami this week. The stock market has been sliding since mid-July, is new trading nervously well below the year's high. Is this an "omen," an indication of the pattern of the stock market Airing Presidential election years? A. No, for there is no dicern- ible pattern for the stock market in Presidential election years. In the nine past i denttal election' years going back to 1932, the slock averages have ended the year UP five times, have ended the a DOWN four times about as inconclusive a pattern as could be.

Q. Is the stock market likely to hit its high for Ihe year before or after the Presidential election? A. I can't make it easy for you. In the nine past election years, the high for the year has occurred before the election five times and after the election, four times. Q.

Any difference between the stock market's performance in years of GOP and Democratic victories? A. There have been seven Democratic victories since 1932 and two Republican In the seven Democratic years, the market ended lower four times, higher three times. During Eisenhower's victorious years in 1952 and 1956, the market ended higher. Hardly solid -dues to action. Q.

Under which party is a major bear or bull market most likely? A. Under either one. The worst bear market in history -1929-32 occurred under a GOP Administration. The worst slump since, in 1962, occurred under a Democratic Administration. The fabulous bull market of the 1920s coincided with Republican victories.

The fabulous bull market of the 1950s 1960s had flourished mostly under Democratic Administrations. Q. What then is the tie between stocks and elections? A. There roally hasn't been one since the 19th century, despite the persistent belief to the contrary. The fundamental.

forces determining stock prices now are fiie trends of business, corporation profits, paychecks, confidence and these, not the campaign oratory, will propel the stock market in coming months. age began at 144.13, made Its in January, its high in November, closed up for the year 179.90. 1940: Roosevelt, D. The average started at 150.24, matle tti high in January, its low in June. closed down at 131.13.

1944: Roosevelt, D. The average began at 135.89, made its low in February, high in December, closed up at 182.32. 1948: Truman, D. The index began in 181.16, made Hs low hi March, high in June, closed down at 177.30. 1952: Eisenhower, R.

The Index began at 269.23, made its low in May, its high in December, closed up at 291.90. 1956: Eisenhower, R. The vr- erage started at 488.40, made its low in January, its high in April, closed up'at 499.47. 1960: Kennedy, D. The Index began at 679.06, made its high in January, its- low in October, closed down at 615.89.

1964: -Johnson: D. The index started at 766.08, made its low in January, its high shortly after the election on Nov. 18. closed up fcr the year 'at 874.13. 1968: The Dow Jones index started the year at 905.11, made its low for the year to date, at 825.13 on Mar.

21, its high for the date at 923.72 on July 15, is now hovering between the year's low and high. AVhat has been worrying the stock market since it reached its high in July is threat of resulting frcm a belated income tax hike combined with ceilings on Federal spending. not the approaching election, is what has been eroding confidence in the trend of production and profit margins. And this, the emerging trend of production and profit margins, not the election, is what will decide where stock prices go from here. Here's the record to guide you through the uninformed arguments about stock prices and elections as 1958 rolls on.

1932: Roosevelt, D. The familiar Dow-Jones industrial stock. average began the year at 77.90, made its high in March, its low in July, closed down for the year at 59.93. 1936: Roosevelt, D. The aver- Good Old Days The Journal Aug.

7, 1948 LONDON America won its tenth track and field championships--the 1600 meter relay- completed a near sweep of water honors with three more victories today as the curtain came down on these two major features of the Olympic games. Gala flags to replace the disreputable emblems which now greet convention visitors to this city are the plan of the retail activities committee of the chamber of commerce. That the midwest is definitely within striking range from Europe has been proved within the past few hours by SHAFB planes. Officers of the base pointed today to the flights of three "trail blazer" bombers which arrived in this area Friday after non-stop 1 flights from Germany as easily demonstrating this section's striking range from that continent. LBJ Better Lef Record Speak By John P.

Harris A. WEIGEL, The Bible: Can You Quote It? By LAVINA ROSS FOWLER 1. The name "Jesus" is the Latin form of a Greek word, which comes from the Hebrew. It means Savior, or "Jahvch is Salvation." It is related to the name "Joshua" (Josuein Douay Bible)." Christ is taken from Greek and means "anointed one." How did Mary know to name her son Matthew 2. was Paul's occupation? Acts 3.

Who owned "(he coat of many Genesis 37:3 4. What early convert to Christianity gave his money to Apostles? Acts 5. Some people go to church to be preached to, prayed for and sung at, with no thought of cooperation. Jesus never promised entertainment, but urged participation, with a command. Vi'hot was it? Luke 22:19 Bill Burke Says Politicians Need Sports to Relax Recently on Joey Bishop's late night show, he presented two candidates for president, first Richard Nixon, followed by Hubert Humphrey, who had just arrived in California from Salina.

"How," Bishop asked each of them, "do you politicians relax with the strenuous schedule you keep?" Both candidates had ready answers. Participating in, or viewing, sports. Major candidates for high offices in the United States these days are associating themselves- with athletics and athletes. President Dwight Eisenhower loves golf and was a. frequent visitor to golf courses.

He raised a howl of protests when he bypassed a major league opener to play golf. sports-loving Kennedy family was the first to be flanked by well-known sports figures when they appeared in public. Two famed names in sports, Roosevelt Grier a Rafer Johnson were with Robert Kennedy the night he was assassinated and some of the late senator's last words were about Rosie Grier. Jackie Robinson, the former Brooklyn Dodger baseball star, was linked with Nixon in 1960 and this time is in the Nelson Rockefeller camp. Nixon has less depth among sports figures following him but in his corner are Wilt Chamberlain, Ted Williams, Joe Louis and Jackie Kemp.

Humphrey has among his backers Dean Chance of the Minnesota Twins, which is easy to understand; Jack Dempsey and 0. J. (Orange Juice) Simpson, famed runner for the Southern Cal Wallace, Reagan and Sen. McCarthy also have surrounded themselves with top names in athletics. Nixon, like the late Sen.

Rob- ert Kennedy, played football in college, and likes to attend pro football games; Humphrey has been pictured invading baseball dressing rooms to chat with the players; Rockefeller played soccer; McCarthy participaled in hockey, football and baseball in college and Reagan was a college swimmer and football player. A frequent phrase used in this campaign has been, "It's a new ball game." Most candidates have been heard to quote sports cliches during their talks. It will be interesting to watch the GOP and Democratic conventions to see if the candidates continue to use jargon in their campaign addresses. It's apparently the "in" thing to do now. My two young sons might not know the political candidates but they can quickly tell you about the big names in sports surrounding them.

Lyndon Johnson will leave the White House and return to his ranch In Texas. He won't spend his time sitting in a rocker on the porch looking into the sunset. He. will do a i little college I teaching and work evenings I and weekends on. his memoirs.

Reportedly a friend is! already talking with various I publishers. The a i ad- vance is said to be a million Ike Eisenhower got only $600,000, as I recall it, for his personal report on his presidential years, but consider all the inflation there has been since then. In equity I hope that LBJ receives the same favorable consideration from the Internal Revenue Service and is able tv get his memoir money on a capital gains basis. Profitable though it may be, however, I am not sure the pul lished recollections of a President are historically useful, and as literature they rarely have any value. Most Presidents are not gifted writers, and under the pressures of their office they are even required to have others prepare their speeches for them.

Few, if any, men have com? plete objectivily on themselves, and Presidents are no exception. They tend to gloss over their shortcomings and highlight then: accomplishments. underplay their errors frequently fail to appreciate some of Uie errors they have made. For those reasons Johnson's, like Eisenhower's, memoirs will confuse historians even more than they will enlighten them. It is doubtful that LBJ will provide further insight into his relations with 'Bobby Baker, as an instance.

It is unlikely he will explain satisfactorily why there was such a variance between what be said he would do about Vietnam in the 1964 campaign and what he later did. I will be surprised if Johnson, in his personal report on his career, will frankly tell what led him lo accept the nomination for the relatively cant office of vice president at the sacrifice of his powerful position as leader of the Senate. Whatever else he may be, the retiring President is a consu- mate politician, and politicians have an ingrown habit of keeping much of what they know to themselves. I doubt LBJ will be able (o break with this practice when he takes pen in hand. Death kept Roosevelt a Kennedy from writing their memoirs, even had they wanted to.

The many volumes published by their associates, however, tell a much dearer story of their administrations. The wiser course is to let the record speak for itself..