The Boston Globe from Boston, Massachusetts • 15

Boston Evening Globe Wednesday, July 5, 1S72 15 JACK ANDERSON political aRcurr By DAVID NYHAN Curious case of Rep. Collins i WASHINGTON More than two years ago, we re- ported that Rep. Jim Collins, the resplendent Dallas Re-' publican, had been squeezing salary kickbacks out of his stafL i Wall St. main McGovern foe Before George McGovern rides back to the Black Hills on Air Force 1, he's going to have to pry a lot of people in this country loose from the current and dearly held notions about property. A fellow who spent the last five or six years watching what's imprecisely labelled the counter-culture said the other day that the 1972 election is going to be held on the basis of property values vs.

people values. And this doesn't mean Shirley MacLaine running around the country saying, "this property is okay this property goes to the people this property is By the admission yes To add indignation to illegality, he is a multi-millionaire who had stooped to chiseling small sums from his young secretaries. Our report triggered an on-again, off-again FBI investigation that will climax this week in Washington when criminal charges are tried in Federal Court. The accused, however, is not Cong. Collins.

Instead, it is 33-year-old George Haag, his former administrative assistant, whom the government has accused of arranging the elaborate kickback operation in Collins's office. ''fv. i i 'I know that's four strikes but since it IS Mr. Daley. JAMES KILPATRICK Is honor no more than a word? REP.

JAMES COLLINS terday of Belmont Towbin, McGovern's main man in Wall Street, representing what The Times called "a well-known but relatively small investment banking house," Mr. McGovern's programs on wealth, taxes and welfare, "by and large would have to be anathema to Wall Street." Other financiers were far harsher in announcing their enmity towards the sometimes vaguely defined policies of the survivor of the two dozen Democratic primaries. What seems clear is i i SEN. McGOVERN that Wall Street is not ready for what was endorsed by the Democratic supporters of the winner of 10 Democratic primaries. It remains to be seen if America's middle class can stomach McGovern's programs.

In this connection, it is worth examining this country's attitude towards property, and its refined essence, money. Them that has one or the other looks on it in an entirely different way than them that don't. If McGovern is banking on the fact that there are fewer have's than have not's in this country, he's probably lost already. If, on the other hand, McGovern's basing his pitch on the argument that the wealthy can give a little more to right some plain injustices, he's got a chance, and as long as he keeps his feet moving, and doesn't stand still for a Nixon hay-maker designed to knock down the Robin Hood theory of economics. This country makes heroes of people for the strangest reasons.

The nation that brought you Muhammed Ali and D. B. Cooper of hijacking fame is now serving up one Robert Fischer, chess player unimpeded by social graces. "Bobby sounded calm and reasonable," said a man who talked to him Sunday when the chess world wondered why he hadn't yet shown up in Iceland, "his demands are entirely financial." That's something we can all understand, right? Fischer is the Vida Blue of the cranium-cracking chess set. It's the old hold-out gambit, the one they don't have in the chess books.

And it worked. WASHINGTON "What is honor asked Falstaff. And he went on, in a famous passage, to spell out his cynical answer. "What is honor A word. What is that word, honor? Air.

A trim reckoning! Who hath it? He that died o' Wednesday. Doth he feel it? No. Doth he hear it? No. It is insensible then? Yea, to the dead. But will it Not live with the living? No.

Why? Detraction will not suffer it. Therefore I'll none of it: Honor is a mere scutcheon; and so ends my catechism." Over the past year, four incidents have come along that prompt reflection upon this word, honor; or more precisely, upon the erosion of what once was a precious value, a man's word of honor. There was the matter of Daniel Ellsberg, who had given his word not to reveal the Pentagon Papers; and revealed them. There was the matter of a highly placed national security officer, close to the White House, who had given his word not to reveal the minutes of a meeting on Inddia-Pakistan; and revealed them. There was the matter of General John Lavelle, who had given his word that he would obey the orders of his commander in chief; and disobeyed them.

And there is the matter of Victor L. Marchetti, who had given his word not to write about information he had gleaned at the CIA; and wrote anyhow. The incidents vary in importance, but as Hugh Sidey of Time-Life has suggested, they are linked by a common theme. In each case, the individual found justification for his conduct in his own assessment of a value higher "I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion." Marchetti resigned on Sept. 2, 1969.

On that date he signed a second secrecy oath, in which he again pledged his word that he would "never divulge, publish, or reveal by writing any information relating to intelligence sources, methods, and operations, and specifically CIA operations," without written consent of the CIA director. Whereupon he wrote a novel about a "National Intelligence he wrote an article for the Nation magazine, "CIA: The President's Loyal and he contracted wtih Alfred A. Knopf for a non-fiction book about the CIA. The Knopf contract was the last straw. The CIA went to court and on May 19 obtained a permanent injunction against Marchetti, requiring him to submit whatever he writes about the CIA to the CIA requiring him, in effect, to keep his word.

Ellsberg is being tried under an espionage statute, but the statute is defective and he probably will be acquitted. Lavelle may yet face court martial proceedings. Marchetti is now subject to contempt charges if he breaks the injunction. Government is making its cumbersome response. But it ought not to be necessary to resort to these measures not unless Falstaff was right; not unless, in our own time, honor has become a mere scutcheon, no more than a word, no more than air.

James Kilpatrick is a syndicated columnist. Mary McGrory on vacation. The congressman, it seems, has been cleared of all blame. His name is mentioned only in passing in the gov-ernment's eight-page indictment of Haag. The prosecution has no plans even to call Collins as a witness.

i This is curious, for he acknowledged to us during our original investigation that he was fully aware of the kickbacks but didn't know they were illegal. What's more, Haag insists that Collins helped to plan the kickback scheme. Haag has passed a lie detector test which included two questions on this crucial point. The first kickbacks which we reported and Collins acknowledged are not included in the government's charges. Also left out is a $600 cash kickback that Sue McMahon, another former Collins employee, has sworn under oath she was required to pay directly to the congressman during his 1968 campaign.

The government's evidence includes five checks made out to Haag by Ray Fortner, a Collins aide who the government now says kicked back part of his salary to Haag. But the government also has three other checks, dated at precisely the same time, from Fortner to Collins himself. These are drawn for even larger amounts of money. Two of the checks bar the cryptic, typed notation, "as per agreement." Apparently, the government has concluded, that Fortner's payments to Haag constituted an illegal kickback but his larger payments to the congressman were perfectly all right. There's more.

The FBI investigated Collin's kickback operation with all the boldness of a medieval peasant oming before the king. The G-men even submitted their questions in writing in advance to a Texas law firm hired by the congressman. This provided time for Collins, his aides and his lawyers to work out an explanation of the kickback scheme and to get their stories straight. Young Haag, believing that Collins's lawyers were looking out for him, went along. When a Federal grand jury began probing the matter last summer, Haag suddenly found himself isolated and identified as the culrpit.

He then decided he'd better get his own lawyer. The Texas firm, apparently fearful its own actions in the case might come under question, has now hired the famed Washington law firm headed by Edward Bennett Williams to look after its interests. Collins has now retained a different lawyer, William Bittman, to watch out for him. As the rich congressman's representative, Bittman has found the government prosecutors most cooperative. We have learned, for example, that Bittman was able to get part of the case record put under seal so that it would not embarrass his client just before the Texas primary.

The US attorney's office actually prepared his motion and introduced it for him. The motion was made without defense counsel even being notified, which raises serious ethical even more serious, however, are the questions raised by the fact that Judge Oliver Gash, himself a former US attorney, promptly granted the motion. Jack Anderson is a syndicated columnist. DANIEL ELLSBERG statute defective. than his pledged word.

In the case of the Pentagon Papers and the Anderson Papers, it was "the people's right to know." In the matter of the unauthorized air strikes. General Lavelle felt he was fulfilling a soldier's duty to punish the enemy. Marchett, former Special Assistant to the Deputy Director of CIA, asserts that his First Amendment right of free press is superior to his own pledged word. Much has been written of the first three incidents. The Marchetti case dates from Oct.

3, 1955, when Marchetti's application was accepted for employment by the Central Intelligence Agency. On that day, as a condition of coming aboard, he signed an oath: "I do solemnly swear that I will never divulge, publish or reveal either by word, conduct, or by any other means, any classified information, intelligence or knowledge except in the performance of my official duties and in accordance with the laws of the United States, unless specifically authorized in writing, in each, case, by the Director of Central Intelligence or his authorized America's gone the next mile beyond materialism. Now it's not just materialism, it's materialism cloaked with a whimsical purpose. Drew Pearson called it "creative greed." Others wrote for fancier journals called it "enlightened self-interest." What it means is that George McGovern will not be battling just Richard Nixon this Fall, assuming McGovern wins at Miami Beach next week. McGovern's more formidable foe is The Buck DREW PEARSON the almighty dollar and what it can do for those folks lucky enough to have a few thousand of them handy.

This has been a generous country. But no one's ever asked the American people to be as generous as George McGovern is asking. David Nyhan is a Globe State House reporter. DEXTER D. EURE Marketing experts misjudge power of blacks whole new campaign of blacks to get a piece of the "action" directs its demand to the advertising complex for jobs within the industry, as well as to the images being created by Madison avenue.

These ad images do not portray blacks in advertising in a fair percentage or to the degree of their spending power. Blacks strongly feel that any misinformation, whether initiated by the Federal government or the private sector, has to be challenged for promoting faulty conclusions. Minorities cannot afford a burden that diminishes their fight for equal and just treat-' ment. i blacks, and categorizes their total spending as white or in the general sales category. Thus there is the inability to develop a proper method of measurement that will not restrict the black market's sales impact.

The study contained many generalities, such as the fact that 24 million blacks generate a gross national product of $45 billion annually, but it failed to state that the black buying power market for national advertisers is concentrated in approximately 40 major metropolitan areas in the United States. Accepted estimates from the advertising industry are that at least 80 percent of black consumers make their purchases outside the so-called black-community areas. This is vital to the An interesting challenge to one of these studies is being made by W. Leonard Evans president and publisher of Tuesday Publications. His organization recently bought nearly a full page ad in the New York Times, captioned "Fallacies in Evaluating Black Media," to protest a basic marketing error.

Evans pointed out that Young Rubicams, one of the world's largest advertising agencies, prepared a black American Media Study for General Foods Corp. This report also ap-peared in Advertising Age's issues of April 3, 10, and 17. It argued that a disservice was done to a segment of media industry by claims that were not only unwarranted and inaccurate, but damaging and undocumented. Evans said the study did not reflect racism or deliberate prejudicial evaluations, but an error in diagnosis of the market. He questions the method of designating all-black consumer purchases made outside the "Black Ghetto" as white or general market sales.

This in itself prevents the usual methods of measuring jusi where and how blacks spend their money. In a specific area, such as Boston's suburban towns of Sharon, Canton and Stoughton, there are appproximately 400 black families. Ninety percent own their own homes and 80 percent own one or two automobiles. In essence, Evans argues that the evaluating method used ignores the spending power of these "middle-class" Too often when white officialdom talks about mi-norites, it uses error-laden assumptions and reaches conclusions tailored to protect a "special" interest. In too many cases, many of the nation's blacks and Spanish-speaking citizens are victims of flimsy and inaccurate studies that prevent a change in the status quo.

According to the latest 1970 US census, the country has 23 million blacks. Some reputable sources estimate there are at least 28 million. In the 1960 census count, the bureau admits that it undercounted blacks and Spanish-speaking persons in urban areas by about 10 percent. A US Census Bureau spokesman acknowledged that a head-count of Massachusetts Spanish speaking persons, could be in error. Does this mean then that or more? Wasn't it generally known that the Census Bureau failed to have sufficient bilingual census takers to make head counts? These inaccuracies are damaging to minorities as they affect the government's response to the need for services and assistance.

The social conditions involved in the plight of mi-norites are heavily influenced by the data compiled and published by the Federal This applies to the behavior of the business establishment as well. Black leaders, in particular, are concentrating on economic rights and examining what response comes from businesses dependent upon the huge spending power of blacks. Drvlrr I' tire It Arerirw of The Globe's Community "We're probably the only non-endangered species in 'Africa!" advertising industry. The Affairs Department, Affairs Detartment..