The Boston Globe du lieu suivant : Boston, Massachusetts • 15

The Boston Globe Wednesday, July 5, 1972 15 CHARLES BARTLETT POLITICAL CIRCUIT, Bv DAVID NYHAN Nixon gains Wall St. main McGovern foe Before George McGovern rides back to the Black Hills on Air Force 1, he's going to have to pry a lot of people in this country loose from the current and dearly held notions about property. A fellow who spent the last five or six years watching what's imprecisely labelled the counter-culture said the other day that the 1972 election is going to be held the basis of property values vs. people values. And this doesn't mean Shirley MacLaine running around the country saying, "this property is okay this property goes to the people this property is By the admission yes I know that's four strikes but since it IS Sir.

Daley. ROWLAND EVANS and ROBERT NOVAK Mitchell loss unleashes Agnew terday of Belmont Towbin, McGovern's main man in Wall Street, representing what The Times called "a well-known but relatively small investment banking house," Mr. McGovern's programs on wealth, taxes and welfare, "by and large would have to be anathema to Wall Street." Other financiers were far harsher in announcing their enmity towards the sometimes vaguely defined policies of the survivor of the two dozen Democratic bit of heart WASHINGTON It is sad for President Nixon to lose his campaign manager, John Mitchell, but the loss may prove in the end to be an extremely lucky break. Mr. Nixon had finally secured a campaign manager -whom he was willing to trust.

"At last we've found our heavyweight!" he exclaimed to aides in 1967 after he persuaded his law partner to manage his bid for the presidency. Since then he has treated Mitchell as a profound, shrewd man from whom he would always accept blunt and stubborn disagreements. Jt is healthy for a President to have people around with the self-assurance to say, "I think you're dead wrong." With Mitchell and John Connally gone from the inner circle, Mr. Nixon is wholly surrounded by men who are psychologically and statistically his juniors. They cannot rebut his ideas with Mitchell's force or speak in his name with Mitchell's confidence.

Mitchell kept his leverage with the President by always behaving as if he didn't care how long he stayed in Washington. He never let himself get hooked on power, and it is ironic he is being sidelined by a wife who displayed a more instinctive taste for fame. He is being hauled away by a lady who seemed to relish the scene more than he did. In losing Mitchell's talents, judgements and administration, the President will gain from Clark MacGregor a quality that has been thinly represented in his political operations to date. The Committee to Reelect the President is high-powered, heavily financed and computerized, but it is deficient in heart, in its acceptance of the human factor in politics.

A campaign in which techniques weigh more than flesh and blood can be a dangerous exercise, and the dis-advantage of Mitchell as the Nixon campaign manager was that he is too much like the President, tough and a dogged fighter, straight in dealings with those around him, but often insensitive to the subtle emotions which play heavily in politics. In exchanging a Wall Street lawyer for a heartlands politician, Mr. Nixon has possibly been rescued from a replay of the austere campaign of 1968, a tight-lipped struggle that he barely won. MacGregor, since he joined the White House staff 18 months ago, has struggled to persuade his associates to display more empathy toward the outside world. He has argued against the siege mentality, the hostile, defensive view of politicians and people who were not Nixon backers from the start.

He has reached out for rapport with a broader political community, and his efforts have scored a substantial increase in cooperation from Congress. To Mr. Nixon's credit, he saw the sense of what MacGregor was trying to do and backed him, often against mutterings within his staff. He wants him now to do for 5the campaign what he has done for the courtship of Congress and to make the blood flow more warmly through the intricate apparatus that Mitchell skillfully constructed. It is a difficult assignment because MacGregor will not enjoy the deference which Mitchell obtained from his affinity with the President.

He will preside less easily over the complex lines of authority and the testy machi- avellian interplay of personalities. He will be executing a political strategy of which he was not the chief architect and managing an apparatus that was tailored to Mitchell's leadership. But MacGregor is a solid, engaging man with perceptive instincts. He is more likely than Mitchell to pull the President's supporters together and run a campaign with the open, embracive appeal that is important in these times. Charles Bartlett is a syndicated columnist.

primaries. What seems clear is SEN. McGOVERN WASHINGTON -rv While John Mitchell was privately informing President Nixon last Friday that he could not continue as his campaign manager, the impact of that decision was brought -home 'by-a speech distributed by Vice President Spiro T. Agnew's office. In the bludgeoning style he has perfected these past four years, Agnew's speech eviscerated Sen.

Gorge McGovern as a "fraud" and a "radical" who is "repugnant to the tradition of a freepeople." Mitchell had determined that Agnew definitely should not unleash such overkill but, in his recent personal torment, had no opportunity to so inform the Vice President. Now, in his new, indistinct role as a part-time adviser to the campaign, Mitchell may never really impose this restriction on Agnew. That is a principal reason why thoughtful Republicans around the country are so dismayed by Mitchell's departure and desperately hope he maintains behind-the-scenes power. If not, who can muzzle Agnew in the campaign against McGovern? Beyond that, who can curb Mr. Nixon himself that Wall Street is not ready for what was endorsed by the Democratic supporters of the winner of 10 Democratic primaries.

It remains to be seen if America's middle class can stomach McGovern's In this connection, it is worth examining this country's attitude towards property, and its refined essence, money. Them that has one or the other looks on it in an entirely different way than them that don't. If McGovern is banking on the fact that there are fewer have's than have not's in this country, he's probably lost already. If, on the other hand, McGovern's basing his pitch on the argument that the wealthy can give a little more to right some plain injustices, he's got a chance, and as long as he keeps his feet moving, and doesn't stand still for a Nixon hay-maker designed to knock down the Robin Hood theory of economics. This country makes heroes of people for the strangest reasons.

The nation that brought you Muhantmed Ali and D. B. Cooper of hijacking fame is now serving up one Robert Fischer, chess player unimpeded by social graces. "Bobby sounded calm and reasonable," said a man who talked to him Sunday when the chess world wondered why he hadn't yet shown up in Iceland, "his demands are entirely financial." That's something we can all understand, right? Fischer is the Vida Blue of the cranium-cracking chess set. It's the old hold-out gambit, the one they don't have lity, the Vice President is a free agent.

His rhetorical onslaughts (including last Friday's against McGovern) are not cleared by the White House and occasionally contradict recommendations of presidential aides. Mr. Nixon, dislike confrontations, cannot be imagined laying down the law to his Vice President even though he is increasingly disturbed by Agnew's outbursts. That was the role for Mitchell, who has regularly parformed unpleasant chores for Mr. Nixon, considered Agnew's most enthusiastic booster in the Nixon inner circle and an advocate of his renomination for Vice president, Mitchell is considered the only man capable of muzzling him.

Similarly, Mitchell is the only campaign manager in Mr. Nixon's 26 years of electoral politics capable of restraining him. Mitchell, has made clear to friends he played no role in the disastrous 1970 mid-term campaign campaign?" asks Mitchell) when Mr. Nixon embarked on his ill-conceived cross-country tour. Mitchell long ago decided that disaster could not be repeated in 1972; if Mr.

Nixon addressed one big rally during the entire campaign, that would be plenty. This view, that Mr. Nixon is an excellent President but an atrocious campaigner, is held throughout the White House. But the President, obeying his own irresistible yearning for the campaign trail and heeding pleas from local candidates anxious for help, may well abandon the oval office for balloon-filled rallies without dour John Mitchell there to restrain him. Mitchell's successor, former Rep.

Clark MacGregor of Minnesota, has no license to lecture either the President or Vice President. His standing in the Nixon apparatus derives from sponsorship by Mitchell, who recommended him last year as chief White House lobbyist and last week as campaign manager. Moreover, MacGregor must start from scratch in building relationships with state party leaders. Heartsick over Mr- Nixon's' inattention to party matters since his inauguration, these leaders have regarded Mitchell as their one link to the President. Now that link is gone, replaced by a stranger.

Nor will MacGregor inherit a going operation at the luxuriously furnished Nixon reelection headquarters catty-corner from the White House. Preoccupied by the ITT affair and more recently by his family problems, Mitchell had not yet put that house in order. Finally, there is MacGregor's relationship with the senior White House staff, particularly the powerful H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman.

Even Mitchell had trouble maintaining an autonomous campaign free from White House staff interference. MacGregor's relationship with the senior staffers, though warmer than Mitchell's, is now one of a subordinate. That worries state party leaders, who have a low esteem for the Haldeman-Ehr-lichman political wisdom. Many such leaders early last week saw Mitchell's resignation as the only answer to his tragic family problems. They realize that Mitchell, as a part-time adviser, cannot maintain the tight direction he did in 1968.

They only hope he might yet restrain the President and Vice President sufficiently to keep them from offering an avenue of salvation for a Democratic Party now seemingly intent on ripping itself to pieces. Evans and Novake are syndicated columnists. Mary McGrory is on vacation. in tne cness dooks. Ana worked.

America's gone the, next mile beyond materialism. Now it's not just materialism, it's materialism cloaked with a whimsical purpose. Drew Pearson called it "creative greed." Others wrote for fancier journals called it "enlightened self-interest." What it means is that George McGovern will not be battling just Richard Nixon this Fall, assuming McGovern wins at Miami Beach next week. 'Look! It's Dr. Kissinger's associate' Behind these questions is the gnawing fear among Republicans that their golden opportunity this year could be lost by rhetorical excesses such as Agnew's anti-Mc-Govern tirade.

Republican strategists now believe McGovern will reflexively mouth left-wing cliches just as Barry Goldwater destroyed himself with instinctive right-wing rhetoric in 1964. McGovern's almost unbelievable declarations last week that "begging is better than bombing" and that Mr. Nixon's Indochina bombing policy compares with Hitler's genocide, these strategists deem, are sufficiently self-destructive without embellishment from Agnew or anybody else. In fact, almost everybody in top-level Republican politics understands this everybody, that is, except Ted Agnew. Though it strains the outside world's credu DREW PEARSON McGovern's more for- I midable foe is The Buck the almighty dollar and what it can do for those folks lucky enough to have a few thousand of them handy.

This has been a generous country. But no one's ever asked the American people to be as generous as George McGovern is asking. David Nyhan is a Globe State House reporter. "Considering how little he's home, I think the upkeep is too high!" DEXTER D. EURE Marketing experts misjudge power of blacks An Interesting challenge to one of these studies is being made by W.

Leonard Evans president and publisher of Tuesday Publications. His organization recently bought nearly a full page ad in the New York Times, captioned "Fallacies in Evaluating Black Media," to protest a basic marketing error. Evans pointed out that Young Rubicams, one of the world's largest advertising agencies, prepared a black American Media Study for General Foods Corp. This report also ap-p a in Advertising Age's issues of April 3, 10, and 17. It argued that a disservice was done to a segment of media industry by claims that were not only unwarranted and inac-rate, but damaging and blacks, and categorizes their total spending as white or in the general sales category.

Thus there is the inability to develop a proper method of measurement that will not restrict the black market's sales impact. The study contained many generalities, such as the fact that 24 million blacks generate a gross national product of $45 billion annually, but it failed to state that the black buying power market for national advertisers is concentrated in approximately 40 major metropolitan areas in the United States. Accepted estimates from the advertising industry are that at least 80 percent of black consumers make their purchases outside the so-called black-community areas. This is vital to the advertising industry. The whole- new campaign of blacks to get a piece of the "action" directs its demand to the advertising complex for jobs within the industry, as well as to the images being created by Madison avenue.

These ad images do not portray blacks in advertising in a fair percentage or to the degree of their spending power. Blacks strongly feel that any misinformation, whether initiated by the Federal government or the private sector, has to be challenged for promoting faulty conclusions. Minorities cannot afford a burden that diminishes their fight for equal and just treatment. Dexter Eurt is director of The Globe's Community Affairs Department, Evans said the study did not reflect racism or deliberate prejudicial evaluations, but an error in diagnosis of the market. He questions the method of designating all-black consumer purchases made outside the "Black Ghetto" as white or general market sales.

This in itself prevents the usual methods of measuring just where and how blacks spend their money. In a specific area, such as Boston's suburban towns of Sharon, Canton and Stoughton, there are appproximately 400 black families. Ninety percent own their own homes and 80 percent own one or two automobiles. In essence, Evans argues that the evaluating method used ignores the spending power of these "middle-class" Too often when white of-, ficialdom talks about mi-, norites, it uses error-laden assumptions and reaches conclusions tailored to protect a "special" interest. In too many cases, many of the nation's blacks and Spanish-speaking citizens are victims of flimsy and inaccurate studies that-prevent a change in the status quo, According to the latest 1970 US census, the country has 23 million blacks.

Some reputable sources estimate there are at least 28 million. In the 1960 census count, the bureau admits that it undercounted blacks and Spanish-speaking persons in urban areas by about 10 percent. A US Census Bureau spokesman acknowledged that a head-count of Massachusetts Spanish speaking persons, could be in error. Does this mean then that Massachusetts has 200,000 or more blacks? Wasn't it generally known that the Census Bureau failed to have sufficient bilingual census takers to make head counts? These inaccuracies are damaging to minorities as they affect the response to the need for services and assistance. The social conditions involved in the plight of mi-norites are heavily influenced by the data compiled and published by the Federal government.

This applies to the behavior of the business establishment as well. Black leaders, in particular, are concentrating oh economic rights and examining what response comes from businesses dependent upon the huge spending power of blacks. "We're probably the only non-endangered species in.