Sunday Gazette-Mail from Charleston, West Virginia on August 27, 1972 · Page 43
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August 27, 1972

Sunday Gazette-Mail from Charleston, West Virginia · Page 43

Charleston, West Virginia
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Sunday, August 27, 1972
Page 43
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3D-- August 27,|972 Sunday Gazette-Mail Ch«r|« 5 f 5 n, W»sr Virginia---- Wn RKO.N/K I.IONKSS, Cl B F R O M THE I M P E R I A L PAST Stands in Guard of Peking's Hall of Supreme Harmony AGNEW Riding 4- Year Crest of Rhetoric, Vice President Keeps Options Open MIAMI BEACH, Fla.-fAP)-Almost everyone else was dressed for the setting--sporty Florida. Spiro T. Agnew wore a conservative coat, and tie. Three thousand s c r u b b e d R e p u b l i c a n y o u n g screamed homage. Then the press, frequent' target of his alliterative attacks, had a question. W h a t did Agnew t h i n k of a local newspaper poll which reported that a third of the delegates to the R e p u b l i c a n National Convention favored him as the OOP's 1976 presidential candidate? "I'm very pleased." the vice president said on arrival here last week. "But that doesn't mean I'm going to seek the presidency. I'm keeping my options open."' BEFORE EXERCISING options, after all, comes the job of helping to re-elect President Nixon who. at another convention in this city, picked Gov. Agnew of Maryland as his running male. What was most evident about Agnew in 1968 was his lack of national recognition. It was "Spiro who?" as word of his nomination reached the households of America. Now, four years later, Agnew is in the position to be asked whether he seeks the highest office in the land. His answer is noncommittal, but he adds: "I think I could appeal to a broad section of the Republican party." The GOP convention's biggest battle t h i s year appeared tied to possible presidential moves by Agnew in 1976. The smaller and more conservative states and the larger and more liberal ones fought over delegate reapportionment affecting control of the next convention. The smaller states, where Agnew is particularly a GOP favorite, won. So in four years Agnew has vaulted from the r e l a t i v e - obscurity of Maryland politics to a point where he's considered a possible candidate for the presidency four years hence. His job explains part of the rise to prominence. The vice president attends meetings of the Cabinet and National Security Council, serves as Nixon's link to state and local officials, travels the world as the President's emissary, carrying everything from moon rocks to military assurances to foreign leaders. A talent for friendship with celebrities outside the political world adds to his image: Agnew at the golf course with Arnold Palmer: at a GOP fund-raising show with Bob Hope; at ease with Frank Sinatra. BUT IT MOSTLY has been Agnew's rhetoric, frequent verbal left jabs and. occasional attempts at knockouts in the administration's defense, that has placed t h e vice president in the public eye and c o n f i r m e d his popularity with " m a n y Republicans. Agnew may not entirely "appeal to a broad section of the Republican party." But attacks on subjects ranging from "the hard-core dissidents and the professional anarchists within the so-called peace movement" to "an effete corps of impudent snobs who characterize themselves as intellectuals" have given him a solid constituency among more conservative Republicans. Word filtering from (he White House is t h a t Agnew. at least for now, will be tempering his remarks and laying off the liberal members of the news media, once described by him as the "really illiberal, self-appointed guardians of our destiny who would like to run the country without ever submitting to the elective process as we in public office must do." S t i l l , the strong echo of Agnew's rhetoric remains, defining more than a n y t h i n g else his public image. A f t e r his major speeches early in the administration a t t a c k i n g antiwar demonstrators and the television networks, Agnew received speaking invitations at. the rate nf 50 a day, more than the President got. KK BECAME particularly valuable as a party fund raiser, selling out almost any high-priced dinner he addressed. There By Don McLeocl were Agnew watches. Agnew T-shirts and even a long-playing record of his better barbs. Agnew said at one point he liked to throw a l i t t l e red meat to the press when- things were getting too calm. It kept him in the news. The controversy and excitement surrounding Agnew the vice president was something of a departure from the image he had projected in private and public life before he began campaigning with Nixon in 1968. In 1966 when he ran for governor Agnew was cast as the moderate alternative to a Democratic nominee who pitched his campaign in opposition to open housing. It was said most of the public then perceived him as the kind of liberal he later attacked. Running for the vice presidency, Agnew seemed unprepared for the shock of having his slips of the tongue become national issues. An example: __While campaigning in Chicago, he use'd the word Polack to describe persons of Polish descent. Polish Americans expressed outrage. Agnew apologized, saying he didn't know the term was derisive. As the campaign progressed Agnew took on a role which Nixon had played for Dwight D. Eisenhower in two presidential campaigns and two administrations in the 1950s. He fired the heavy shots while the presidential nominee stayed on the issues. LAW AND ORDER was the big issue of 1968 and Agnew became its GOP champion. He called for "an end to permissive attitudes in high places that condone lawbreaking" and always made it clear it was Democrats he was talking about. The toughest criticism of the Democratic ticket came from Agnew rather than Nixon. "No candidate within memory has a more dismal record in the field of law enforcement than Hubert Humphrey," he said. But when Agnew said Humphrey was "squishy-soft on communism," House Republican Leader Gerald Ford and Senate Minority Leader Everett Dirksen criticized him. Agnew retracted. media which reported his statements. "A segment of the press is attempting to project me as some sort of a political stumblebum." Agnew said. After the election, he said he would develop a new image, but it wasn't easy. The campaign had left him marked as the fellow who was likely to say something funny or controversial. Once in office, Agnew became Nixon's liaison with city and state governments, headed a special task group on space, was on more than a dozen commissions and councils. More important, he began traveling the world as an international spokesman for the administration. If Agnew's sharp tongue could be an embarrassment at times, it also could be useful. Increasingly it was Agnew who spoke when the White House wanted an enemy cut down to size. When the Senate was fighting over Nixon's first Supreme Court nominee, Clement F. Haynsworth, Agnew was the one who said he was "frankly ashamed" of a situation "where a very distinguished judge. . .is being subjected to a degree of character assassination that I consider highly reprehensible." And when Nixon wanted to send up a trial balloon, Agnew did the launching. It was Agnew who told the Southern Governors Conference he was against busing those children to other neighborhoods simply to achieve an integrated status of a larger geographic entity." Nixon later championed the issue. But when an Ag.iew balloon drew groundfire, the White House would say he was speaking for himself. RIDICULE ABOUT his relative lack of national recognition and the unexpected controversy prompted by his remarks so depressed Agnew at one point in the campaign that he said he wondered if he could get up the next day and go on. But on he went, lashing back at the WHEN ANTIWAR FORCES grew loud and anti-Nixon. Agnew achieved his full stature as chief of artillery. He conducted running battles with Senate doves, demonstrators and the news media. Agnew accused the doves of advocating abandonment of allies abroad and undermining the morale of fighting men in the field. "This encouragement has come from them--not from Hanoi Hannah, but from some of the leading members of the United States Senate, prestigious columnists and news commentators, academic figures, some church organizations as well as assorted radicals, draft card burners and street demonstrators." The massive 1969 demonstrations aimed at placing responsibility for continuing the Vietnam War on Nixon appeared to anger Agnew more than ever. His words, b e c a m e t o u g h e r as he denounced dissenters. Please turn to Page 11) Peking:Forbidden City With Echoes of the Past PEKING- (AP) - The old man leaned against a marble column of carved dragons and phoenixes and looked across the vast stone-plated courtyard to the Hall of Supreme Harmony. His daughter explained: "My father is 87 years old and we live a thousand kilometers away in Shantung Province. He was born in the times of imperial China, but this is his first visit to Peking." She was trailed by other members of the family among thousands of Chinese tourists visiting the Imperial City that day. Most of the Imperial City, once the forbidden city, is wide open "for Chinese visitors and the few foreigners who reach the Chinese capital. The colossal gates, vast gray, stone- paved walled courtyards, the vaulted marble bridges and delicate palace buildings with gold-colored tile roofs evoke a feeling of the power that was once in these grounds, when emperors of the Ching and Ming d y n a s t i e s r u l e d in i s o l a t e d splendor. THE MAIN PARTS of the Imperial City are almost unchanged since 1421, when the third emperor of the Ming Dynasty. Yung Lo, declared Peking complete as his new capital. Until 61 years ago the palaces were still in full use, resisting the changes of time until a democratic revolution overthrew the rule of the Manchu or Ching dynasty. After several years of extensive restoration work, the main pasts ot tne palace can be visited from dawn to dusk. Among the off-limits sections are the quarters of any army unit, the corner where Chairman Mao has his official residence and where he received President Nixon, and some buildings and courts where restoration work is still under way. The visitor takes the same road that was once the most important in Imperial China-leading right to the center of power in the Inner City. The rectangular pattern of the Imperial City is split from south to north by the processional way on which the palace buildings sit like the bones of a spine. In imperial days only the emperors, carried in sedan c h a i r s , proceeded through the central arches. Others came through side doors and fell on their knees as soon as they appraoched the Inner City, making the rest of the way on all fours and raising their heads only if questioned by the emperor. Five marble bridges lead up to the Gate of Heavenly Peace, the front door of the Imperial City. THE VISITOR'S great moment comes when he stands at the edge of the vast stone-paved court facing the Hall of Bv Horst Faas Supreme Harmony, center of the state buildings and once the center of power, The palace rises on a triple terrace of delicately carved marble, the dull red wall's beams and columns enhanced by many decorative colors and the golden yellow t i l e s of the roofs. Here the emperors g r a n t e d audiences and announced imperial decisions. Then come other palaces, similiar but smaller, which were living quarters for the emperors, the empresses and favorite concubines. To the right and left of the i m p e r i a l way a r e t h e p a l a c e s a n d pavillions nf the palace adminstration, other concubines, members of the imperial f a m i l y . At the n o r i h end of the inner c i t y is the imperial garden w i t h lotus ponds, rock h i l l s , pavilions and bizarre-shaped rorks. Through the north gate the visitors returns to the world of the 20th century. A pavilion studded h i l l , a Buddhist pag'oda and a p l e a s u r e lake beyond where emperors once e n t e r t a i n e d t h e i r concubines are still closed and being restored. ; I R I ; I : I M O K H I I H ) I ; \ : I I V Artificially Gnarled for Pleasure of Kmperors There's Serenity in the Cuban Air As Revoltuion Begins Taking Roots · S P I R O W l l o r i H ; i S H O R T L Y . \ F T K R 0\I1.\T10N Agnew Now \Veli-Kno\vn, Widely, Popular HAVANA--Every year in Cuba--which I've visited annually since 1967--things are d i f f e r e n t . This year the chief differences were these: *· A Fidel Castro who is still the Maximo Lider of the people in general but now very much representative of the people of the Central Committee of the Communist Part of Cuba: *· A Cuba whose economic, political and ideological ties to the Soviet Union are stronger than at any time since their relationship was established in early 1960; *· But also a Cuba which for the past y e a r h a s been d e v e l o p i n g o t h e r friendships--for example, in Africa with Guinea, Sierra Leone, Somalia and Zambia, in Latin America with Chile, Peru, Panama, Jamaica; *· An economy within which the material base for production has been firmly laid down in both industry and agriculture--evidences of which in the form of housing, schools, hospitals, roads, dams, processing plants and so forth are everywhere to be seen; ·* An appearance--not a display but an appearance--of more consumer goods such as shirts, blouses, shoes and refrigerators, and of more variety in food and articles of clothing; *· A mood of confidence and assurance among the leadership reflected in a settled enthusiasm among the people. THE REVOLUTION, in short, is maturing. It has put down roots and sent out branches. There is a certain serenity in the air. Or, to quote Premier Fidel Castro speaking on July 26: "With regard to our country, we note how much progress has been made in every field from July 26. 1970 (when he announced the economic catastrophe brought on by the unsuccessful attempt to produce 10 million tons of sugar) u n t i l n o w -- i n t h e p a r t y , i n t h e m a s s organizations, in the general functioning of the economy. . . . "We can also say that the perspectives of our revolution arc better than ever and t h a t the Cuban revolution has never been in a better position t h a n it is now politically, in terms of revolutionary- awareness, in terms of the perspcc'ives of our work, in the growth of our relations and in our international links of cooperation with the other countries of the socialist camp " Ir major speeches last Dec 22. and v; May l of this year. Premier Castro spoke By James Higgins James Hiugins, irhn u- occasional articles for Thp Charleston Ca:rttr and the Sunday (!n;rttt-.\1aii, is a I r n i - h c r n t Huston ['nii'rrsity -"* and frequent risitur tr ('uha. of the difficulties in the way of resuming normal contacts with the U.S. And of his estimate that, "the imperialist blockade, subversion and acts of aggression against Cuba are arousing more and more opposition within the United States itself." OX JULY 26 HE DEVOTED almost a half hour of his three-hour address to "a -very important aspect of the subject of relations: the United States of America." Speaking from the "better position" in which he feels Cuba finds herself these days, he made these points: *- The people of Vietnam with their "heroic struggle" (Foreign Minister Nguyen Thi Binh of the Provisional Revolutionary government of South Viet n a m shared the speaker's p l a t f o r m w i t h Premier Castroi have "kept Cuban blood f r o m b e i n g s h e d " by p r e v e n t i n g " i m p e r i a l i s t i c a d v e n t u r e s " to be undertaken against Cuba; K When the war in Vietnam ends "with the defeat of the imperialists . . . it will not be easy to make war against Cuba from the m i l i t a r y , political or any other point of view;" *. Our position -- "not open to discussion" -- is that the U.S. withdraw from Guantanarno. l i f t the blockade and stop acts of subversion; ^. "We cannot contemplate an improvement in relations between Cuba anti the United States as long as that country carries out m i l i t a r y intervention and plsys the role of reactionary gendarme against our sister nations of I.atin America." ». "We are prepared to get along w i t h o u t relations w i t h the U.S. for another 5. 10. 15. 20 or 30 years . . . . because for a long t i m e now the f u t u r e of this country hasn t depended on trade of any kind with t'if I" S . or. ar,\ ofonomir relations w i t n the U S ." *. If there is a "realistic government i in the U S ' t h a t respects the -interests, the rights and the sovereignty of our peoples . then we c^d talk with such a government IN ANOTHER SECTION of his speech--which broke the precedent of July 26 by concentrating almost entirely on international matters--Premier Castro said "the day may come when the a n t i imperialists w i l l be in the majority" of the Organization of American States ('OASi. It was a clear reference to the process by w h i c h f i r s t M e x i c o -- e i g h t , y e a r s ago--then, more recently, Chile and Peru, have ignored an OAS r e s o l u t i o n and opened up d i p l o m a t i c relations with Cuba. And he also said that those m the U.S. who made much of the cost, of the aid rendered hy the Soviet Union to Cuba failed to take i n t o account t h a t "this country is spending more t h a n a m i l l i o n pesos a day on defense against, the imp e r i a l i s t s , in t h e f i e l d of defense alone." The overwhelming impression made upon a 1972 visitor to Cuba is that the two objectives of U.S. policy since 1962 -preventing successful economic development and isolating the Cuban revolution from other nations -- no longer have any logical base. The "hard line" taken toward Cuba has. in f a c t , not only helped t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y l e a d e r s h i p t o r a l l y energies for economic reconstruction but. has afforded the Soviet Union an influence in L a t i n America w h i c h , in the f u t u r e , and in the l i g h t of U.S.-Soviet a m i t i e s , may prove to be far more of a dilemma for U.S. policymakers than the Cuban r e v o l u t i o n i t s e l f . "It was the s t r e n g t h of C h i n a , and t h e refusal of the Vietnamese peoples to he defeated," a f r i e n d said to me in Cubs. " t h a t prompted Nixon's !np to Peking and the recognition of Chinese r e a l i t y by t h e Nixon a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . We do nnt claim t h a t China and Cuba present identical questions of policy to the U S. A f t e r a l l , there is a $! b i l l i o n or $1(1 billion private U.S. investment in l ^ t m America which w:ll f u n d a m e n t a l l y govern, in our opinion, what a t t i t u d e any U.S. a d m i n i s t r a t i o n takes toward Cuba." HF, WENT ON TO SAY t h a t , nevertheless, " r e r t a i n circles" might, conclude t h a t t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h i s i n vestment ' at least on some terms and for the short run" demanded a ' new and correct approach to Cuba from the U S. Whether or not his speculation t;;rns 0111 to be sound, the f a c t rrm.nns that the Cuban revolution has made it And thus a U S . policy aimed ai f o r e s t a l l i n g such an event has "withered away" no matter i f anyone in Washington is readv vet to a d m i t it hy f i l l i n g the v a c u u m w i t h a d i f f e r e n t p o l i c y ' .

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