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Observations Man bite* dog. It's hardly news that we would oppose legislation in Congress to break up the larger oil companies. But when editorial writers for some of the nation's leading newspapers make independent judgments that divestiture spells bad legislation, we think that's legitimate news. And so, in the interest of a free flow of information, we present the following editorial comments: THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC "Breaking up the oil companies would be a national disaster." THE KANSAS CITY STAR "The people pushing divestiture are not doing anything to ease the energy shortage or bring down prices; they are just playing to the political galleries by trying to sock it to Big Bad Oil." The effort by some liberal congressmen to force divestiture by the nation's major petroleum companies is so laughable that the initial inclination is to ignore the rantings as petty demagoguery. Unfortunately, history has proven that petty demagoguery, when ignored, all too often can succeed in achieving incredibly destructive ends." ^JJBOwlSr 'At a time when the country faces a ^ growing^ and dangerous shortage of domestic fuel supplies, it would seem incredible" that Congress would attempt to punish people who are investing their money and talent in the search for new sources." THE 5POKES?|!IAN-:RBVDEW of Spokane: 'A Federal Energy Administration study indicates that requiring oil companies to split up would result in less production and higher prices to consumers. If this is true, it would be a clearcut case of cutting off one's nose to spite one's face." DDT/ "WE'RE BEING DIVESTED" THE INDIANAPOLIS STAR "The industry as presently structured has served the nation very well. It could continue to do so if government would let it alone." "Once big oil is broken up. who's next? It is logical to expect that the line will form on the left, of course, to bust up the automobile industry, steel, aluminum, the computer industry, and anything else big and inviting." DESERET NEWS of Salt Lake City: "... instead of trying to break up oil companies, the government should get on with the job of formulating a rational and comprehensive national energy policy." MÂ©bil 0 Observations. Box A. Mobil Oil Corporation, 150 East 42 Street. New York. N. Y. 10017 1976 WOB.1 Oil COfOOra CONTINUED "That's not possible," he informed me. "We will not allow any foreigners into our country until we have succeeded in our revolution. You have ruined our country; you are not needed here any more." I asked the official if he could tell me about life in the new Cambodia. He agreed to give me the first press interview by a Cambodian leader to a Western newsman. He said he was Khek Bin, the commander of a strategic chunk of the Thai-Cambodian border. Khek Bin explained that Cambodia today is ruled at the grass-roots level by three-man committees known as Anka. He confirmed that most of Cambodia's city-dwellers had been evacuated soon after the takeover a year ago and forced (he used the word "asked") to march to rural areas where they were put to work in the paddyfields producing their own food. "The weak fell by the wayside," said Khek Bin, summing up in one sentence the familiar story told by refugees that all sick people in hospitals had been forced to join the marches with even the elderly not spared. I plucked up courage and asked him to confirm or deny the horror stories brought out by the refugees that several hundred thousand Cambodians had been ruthlessly murdered by the Khmer Rouge. "We deal harshly with our enemies" was his simple answer. Mass executions I asked him to confirm whether all soldiers in the U.S.-supported Lon Nol army from corporal up and their families had been executed in mass murders after the April takeover. "We deal harshly with our enemies," he repeated. Khek Bin denied reports by refugees that thousands of people have died from starvation in Cambodia: "Today, everyone in Cambodia receives enough to eat. Before, many starved and the few had more than they needed. We do not have money now; everyone is assigned a ration, and it is enough. Khmer Rouge and people all receive the same ration." The interview was at an end. The curious Khmer Rouge soldiers who had gathered around us to listen to the interview- began to move away, and 1 was led down the road toward the border bridge. I still had my camera but I had not forgotten the warning to refrain from taking pictures of the countryside and the sweating laborers. 'You are not welcome' At the border bridge, Khek Bin looked at me with narrowed eyes and said, "Go back to Thailand now. You are not welcome here. You have a white skin. You are lucky this time because we will kill any white people who come unasked into our country. We hate you. You have ruined our country and it is the task of our revolution to rid it of your evil effects. This is a warning to you. Do not come back again. Our border is closed to all of you." .Neither my interpreter nor I looked back until we had both safely climbed over the barbed wire into Thailand. Then we turned to watch Khek Bin striding back towards Poipet. The effects of the Khmer Rouge takeover of Cambodia reach into Thailand, where 100,000 refugees are crowded into camps, living behind barbed wire, barely above the subsistence level. United Nations relief efforts are underway, but much of the food and medicine intended for the camps is grabbed up by corrupt Thai police and officials. The refugee problem in Thailand is virtually unsolvable, with men, women and children facing years of confinement under guard, unwanted by Thailand and ignored by a world only too eager to forget Vietnam and Indochina. The 700,000 Cambodian refugees find life hard in Thailand, where (hey are not we/come and where the UN and the Red Cross provide their food and shelter.