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4D--Aug. 13, 1972 *Sunday G ChÂ«rlW)PO. Gas f tie-Mail WÂ«it Vlrvlnl* Nixon's Foreign Policy: Old Win, New Bottle (Continued from Page IB) Western Europe is a rich and increasingly resentful protectorate of the United States, but militarily weak, politically insecure, and diplomatically incapble of playing an independent power role. China, despite her awesome potential --and it is well to remember that the West has been fretting over China's potential for at least 500 years -- is top absorbed in her own staggering problems of development, and her ideological a n d t e r r i t o r i a l disputes with Russia, to become seriously involved outside of Asia. Japan, in industrial colossus and a potential nuclear power as well, is psychologically not yet ready to play a great-power role. And when she does, it well may not be as our deputy sheriff in Asia, as many American planners imagine, but to play her own game of balance with Russia and China and to challenge the United States, as she has once before, for dominance in the Pacific. Thus, examined up close, the vision of five powers "each balancing the other" seems illusory. It also is highly dubious whether the administration seriously wants this. Do we truly desire a politically unified Europe with an independent diplomacy -- and, unavoidably, an independent nuclear force to make it possible -- instead of the current cozy arrangement of a Europe neatly and tranquilly divided between ourselves and the Russians? After fighting a war in Vietnam to contain China, do we now want to 1 build her up as an equal to Japan and the Soviet Union? And do we want Japan, which is already given Treasury Department officials a severe headache, to be a military as well as an economic rival? *Â· FOR ALL these reasons it seems evident that what Nixon is pursuing is not the even balance that his doctrine presumes. Rather, it is to perpetuate American global remin- ence precisely by "playing one against the other," engaging in the old game of shifting alliances and nonidelogical rivalries. Nixon is more adept at this than one might have imagined. He has already shown, Nato allies, which have beei nesting comfortably under the American nuclear umbrella am demanding retention of 300,000 01 hostages as a guarantee tha NATO will really work, are grumbling bitterly. Accustome to berating the United States fo its cold war rigidity, they ar now fretting over the new cozi ness between Moscow am Washington. Lately they haw been holding symposia in various villas and watering spots, where they commiserate with junket ing U.S. congressmen and com despite_ his record, that he is j plain to receptive journalist not an ideologue at all. His anticomrnunism was a stance rather than a conviction--one which could be, and has been, discarded when it ceased to be useful. Further, under instruction from Kissinger, he seems to have come round to Palmerston's conviction that nations have neither eternal allies nor enemies, but only eternal interests. The problem with that aphorism is that interests are not always self evident. They have to be defined and continually reexamined. While a few may be eternal, most change according to circumstance; and a rigid definition of interests often defeats precisely what it is designed to enhance. Nixon's new balance-of-power Weltpolitik may be hypocritical, but it is not necessarily unrealistic. It rests on the assumption that Europe will remain divided between the superpowers, that China's basic antagonist is Russia rather than the United States, and that Japan's ambitions can be held in check by integrating her into a world economic system of multinational corporations which have no nationality and whose only allegiance is to capitalistic principles. TO BE SURE, there have already been complaints. The about bad morale within the alliance. Their complaints are noisy but essentially meaningless, for they have nowhere to go. The Russian embrace understandably scares them, and neutralism is out of the question so long as they remain politically dividec and militarily weak--a condition which is. likely to continue into the indefinite future. Even if the United States finally withdraws most of its remaining troops r rom Europe, which is long overdue, the Europeans can do nothing more than complain a ittle louder, for they have no 'oreseeable alternative to the resent situation of dependency on America, Japan is a different story. Any time they want to, the Japanese can arm themselves with the most sophisticated nu- with the most sophisticated nuclear weapons--and eventually hey will probably do so. This may be regrettable, but there is States. They h*vÂ« already Â« Ublished, by peaceful means, version of the Greater East Asi Co Prosperity Sphere that pu them on a collision course will the United States 30 years ago. That collision is unlikely to be repeated. But grave antagonisms remain that may well become increasingly serious. Ja pan is already moving to count er the Sino-American rap- p r o c h e m e n t by establishing economic and political ties wit! the Soviet Union and China. tÂ» THUS THE STRATEGY of "balancing off" is not illogi cal, given current world conai lions. But the question is whether it will work. It is a policy studded with pitfalls and will require the most adroit and sub- le diplomacy--a commodity *hich has not been in great supply in this country over recent years. It is particularly difficult since the balance, on closer inspection, turns out not o be balanced-at all, but rather a more complex version of jreat-power diplomacy. The basic flaw of the policy ies not in its premises, but in he refusal of the administration o accept the full logic of its iwn analysis. It talks about a world of five lowers in even balance, but it Lands in the way of the crea- iqn of such a balance by its own military and diplomatic policy. It remains wedded to untena- le goals, such as the perpetua- pn of an anti-Communist re- ime in South Vietnam whose It speak* of balance and new era of aeconodation based on the acceptance of rival wcia systems. Yet, despite the SAL' accords, it retains nuclear ttrik ing forces far in excess of needs and actually is trying to in crease them with demands fo vast new military appropriations. THUS THE NEW strategy o balance of power really rests on the old ambition, expressed periodically by President Nixon, to be the No. 1 nation" in military lower and influence. In this sense it is a diplomacy milt on an inherent contradic tion. While speaking of accom modation, it pursues a policy o global prominence t h r o u g irms and the instruments o interventionism.. W h i l e proclaiming that there will be no more Vietnams, it clings to the assumptions that caused the ini- ial one and has allowed that ra'gedy to persist. While ac- mowledguig new conditions in he world, it is not accommodating American policy to them, and is in danger of breakdown at the first point where U is eriously tested. While claiming to seek a balance of power, which unavoidably means re- pect for spheres of influence, it ursues victory in Vietnam and very little that can be done only validity would be to contain about it so long as there are (China. Yet such containment "ive other nuclear powers that has been repudiated by Nixon's demand the right to their own ndependent arsenals. The Japanese-American alli- nce is important, but it cannot ent form, because it is based essentially on a power equation that no longer exists. The Japanese need not, and thus will not, remain wards of the United own visit to Peking. Equally illogically, the administration clings to the obsolete tenets and structure of NATO, urvive indefinitely in its pre-even though the organization long ago outlived its utility. It pays lip-service to European unity, while all the while encouraging the Europeans in their own self-indulgent dependency. maintains the power to inter- ene anywhere through a global network of bases and naval forces. Thus it is highly questionable that Nixon's global version of 19th-century European diplomacy is going to work. Not only does it have a taste of cynicism, which does not sit easily on American palates coated with a thick crust of idealistic visions about uplifting the world--either through force of arms or by moral example--but it is also something quite different from 1 Students, now you can write all the checks you want without service charge. Introducing Student ChekFree from the big bank that cares about little things. Being with friends. Broadening your mind. Learning a trade or special area of knowledge. They're all part of being a student. And now Charleston National Bank offers another advantage to students -- ChekFree Checking. 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