The Gazette from Montreal, Quebec, Canada on May 22, 1935 · 11
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The Gazette from Montreal, Quebec, Canada · 11

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Wednesday, May 22, 1935
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V VOL. CLXIV. No. 122 THE GAZETTE. MONTREAL. WEDNESDAY; MAY 22. 1935. It Text of Chancellor Adolf Hitler's Speech to Reichstag on Foreign Policy (Associated Press Cable) Berlin, May 21. Following are textual extracts from Reichsfuehrer Adolf Hitler'a speech before the German Reichstag today, embodying his most important points: Members of the. Reichstag: The present session has been called to enable me to give you the explanation I feel is necessary to understand the attitude and the decisions made by the tierman Government on the great problems of the time which concern us all. I am happy . to be able to give such explanation . from this place because danger is thereby obviated to which conversations in a smaller . circle are iable: namely, that of misinterpretation . . . I conceive it my duty to be per-i fectly frank and open in address-. ing the nation. 1 frequently hear from Anglo-Saxon countries ex- pressions of regret that Germany has departed from those principles of democracy which in those countries are held particularly sacred. This opinion is entirely erroneous. Germany too has a "democratic" constitution. The present National Socialist Government also has been appointed by the people and feels itself responsible to the ' people. ... The German people have elected with thirty-eight million votes, one single deputy as its representative. This is perhaps the sole essential difference between the Ger-' man Reicji and other countries. It ' means, however, that I feel just as much responsible to the people as anv parliament can. As Fuehrer-Chancellor and chief of the Reich Government, I have often to make decisions which often are weighty enough but the weight of which still is made heavy by the fact I cannot share my responsibility or shift it to other shoulders. . . . When the late Reich President ' called me January 30, 1933, to form a new Government to take over the affairs of state, millions of our ' people doubted whether this undertaking could succeed. Our situation was such that our . enemies were filled with hope and our friends with sadness. . . . After four years' disastrous war, a dic- 1 tated peace left us with a situation which can be summed up as fol- " lows: SURPLUS OF LABOR. The nation had surplus labor capacity. It was short of the neces- " sities of life,, food and raw materi- " als. The foreign markets available to us were too small and were get-ing smaller. The result thereof was paralyzed industry, annihilated agriculture, ruined bourgeoisie, devastated trade, terrific debt bur- ' dens, shattered public finances, six and a half million registered unemployed who in reality, however, exceeded seven and a half millions. Some time the course of the World War and its sequels will be recogriized as classical refutation of ' the naive view unfortunately held by many statesmen before the war that the welfare or one n,uropean state is best served by the economic destruction of another. . . We all are convinced the economic aut archy of all states as seems threat ened now is unwise and can only . be detrimental in the end to all. If . it is allowed to go on, the consequences to Europe will be exceed- . ingly mischievous .... Restrictions on imports and the self-manufacture of substitutes for foreign raw materials call for, a planned economy which is a dangerous undertaking because every planned economy only too easily leads to bureaucratization. We can- i not wish for an economic system that borders on Communism and benumbs productive energy. It substitutes an inferior average for the law of survival of the fittest and going to the wall of the weaker . . . Yet, knowing all this, we embarked upon this procedure under the , hardest pressure of circumstances. What we achieved was only possible because the living energy of the whole nation was behind it. First we had to halt the ever shifting wages and price movements; then we had to reconstruct the whole fabric of the state by removing all employers' and employees' organizations. The essential factors were maintenace of internal quiet and the time element. We can only regret the world still refrains from taking the trouble to examine objectively what has been achieved hers In the last two and a . half years, or study a weltan- . schauung to which these achievements is wholly due .... REJECTS ASSIMILATION. If present day Germany stands, for peace, it is neither because of weakness nor cowardice. . . . , National socialism rejects any ideas of national assimilation. It is not our desire or intention to take away the nationality, culture or language of any peoples or Germanize them by force. 'We do ' not order any Germanization of non-German names. We do not believe that in present day Europe denationalization is possible anyway. The permanent state of war that Is called into being by such procedures may seem useful to different political and business interests; for the peoples it spells only bur- dens and misery, The blood that ' has been split on the European continent In three hundred years stands in no proportion to the results obtained. After all, France remained France; Germany, Germany; Poland, Poland; Italy. Italy. What dynastic egoism, political passions and patriotic delusions achieved by shedding oceans of blood has, after all, only scratched the surface of peoples. How much better results would have been achieved if the nations had applied a fraction of their sacrifices to more useful purposes? . , . Every war means a drain of the best elements. Victory can only mean a numerical addition to the victor nation's population; how much better it the increase of population could be brought about by natural mcuns, a national will to produce children of Its own! . . None of our practical plans will be completed before ten or twenty years to come; none of our idealistic onjecta will come to fulfilment in SO or perhaps 100 years. Wo all shall only live to see the first beginnings of this vast revolutionary development. What could 1 wuh but peace and quiet? If anyone nays this la only the wish of leadership I can reply the peoples themselves have never wished for war. Ormany needs and wills peace! If Mr. Eden aayi such assurances mean nothing and that signature under rollectiv trestles la the sole guarantee of sincerity, 1 beg him to reflect that in every case It Is a matter of assurance. It la often fur easier to put one's slgnatur under treaty with mental reservations a to what action to take nii.r than to champion a ptelflc . policy before tha whole nation, b-ru thttt nation rejects war, COULD HAVE fllONED FACTS X could hive signed ten treaties, but that would not have the weight of the declaration made to France the time of the Saar plebiscite. If I, as Fuehrer, give my assurance that with the Saar problem settled we will make no further territorial demands on France, this assurance is a contribution to peace which is more important than many a signature under many a pact. I believe that with this solemn declaration a quarrel of long dura tion between two nations really oueht to be ended. e made it because we felt this conflict and the sacrifices for both nations con nected therewith stand in no pro portion to the object that without ever Itself being asKea, nas again been the cause of so much general suffering and misfortune, and would continue to be so. When, however. such a declaration received really the evaluation of being taken cog nizance of then, naturally, there remained nothing for us to do ex cept also take cognizance of this reply. It is a queer thing that in the historical life of peoples there are veritable inflations of conceptions which can only with difficulty stand in the face of exact examination by reason. For some time, for instance, the world has lived in a veritable mania of collective effort, collective security, collective obligations, et cetera; all of which terms at first blush seem to have concrete contents, but on closer examination afford the possibility of at least many interpretations. What does collective co-operative effort mean? Who determines what collective co-operation is and what it is not? Has not the conception of collective co-operation for 17 years been interpreted in the most differfnt manner? I believe I am putting it right when I say that in addition to many other rights the victor states of the Versailles Treaty arrogated to themselves the right to define without contradiction what constitutes collective co-operation and what does not constitute co-operation. If here and now I undertake to criticize this procedure, I do it, because thereby is the best possible way to make clear the inner necessity of the last decisions of the Reich Government land to awaken an understanding of our real intentions. ALLUDES TO WILSON. The present day idea of collective co-operation of nations is essentially the spiritual property of the American President, Wilson. The policies of the period before the war were rather more determined by the idea of alliances of nations brought together by common interests. Rightly or wrongly, this policy at one time was made responsible for the outbreak of the World War. Its end, as far as Germany was concerned, was hastened by the doctrine of 14 points of Wilson and 1 three points which later complemented them. In them were contained essentially the following ideas for preventing the recurrence of a similar catastrophe to humanity. Peace was not to be one of onesided right but a peace of general equality, thereby of general right. It was to be a peace of reconciliation, of disarmament of all, thereby security for all. From it was to result, as its crowning glory, the idea of international collective co-operative effort of all states and nations in the League of Nations. I must from this place once more state emphatically there was no people anywhere who more eagerly took up these ideas than the Germans. When in the year 1919 the Peace of Versailles was dictated to the German people the death sentence had thereby been, pronounced on collective co-operation of peoples. For instead of equality of all came clasification into victors and vanquished; in place of equal rights, differentiation between tnose entitled to right and those without right; in place of reconciliation of all, punishment of the vanquished: In place of international disarm ment, disarmament defeated. . . Germany, fairly renouncing her' self, on her part created all the conditions for co-operation of a collective nature to meet the Ideas of the American President. Well, at least after this German disarma ment had taken place, the world on its part ought to have taken the same step for restoring equality. . What, however, happened? AVhile Germany loyally fulfilled the ob ligations of the treaty dictated to her, the so-called victory states failed to fulfil what the treaty ob liged them subsequently to fulfil. . . EAST TO CONTRADICT If one attempts today to apolo gize for this negligence through excuses, then it is not difficult to contradict these lame explanations. We know here to our surprise from the mouths of foreign states men the intention for fulfillment existed but the time for doing so had not yet come. But how? All conditions for disarmament of other states existed at that time without exception. Germany had disarmed. Politically, too, the conditions were ripe for Germany was then a democracy if ever there was one. Everything was copied exactly and was dutifully likened to its existing great models. . . . The time was ripe but the world was nonexistent. Not only have these other stated not disarmed, but to the contrary they have in the most extraordin ary manner completed, improved and thereby increased their arma ments. The objection has no weignt in that connection that partial limitation of personnel has taken place. For this personnel limitation la more than equalized by technical and planned improvement of the most modern weapons of war. Besides this limitation could very easily at any time be caught up with. Germany had destroyed all her airplanes. Germany became not only defenseless as regards active aerial weapons but also defenselesn as regards tha passive means of air protection. During the same time, however, not only did the contracting parties fall to destroy existing plans but, to the contrary continued to develop them extraordinarily. Instead of destroying existing bombing planes aa did Germany these were most Industrially Improved, developed and replaced by ever larger and mora complota types. . , , The number of flying fields and airdromes was not only not reduced, but everywhere Increased. Warships were equipped with airplanes, , , , Germany In accordance with the obligations Impnnod upon her destroyed her World War tanks. Thereby aha also, true to the treaty, destroyed and scrapped an olTen-Iva weapon. It would hove been the duty of other stales on their Pirt to begin destroying their tanks, However not only did they fall to ilpfitroy them but Ihcy continuously Improved then., both a regards speed and their ability to resist attack. The speed of World War tanks of four to twelve kilometres increased to 30, 40, 50 and finally 160 kilometres an hour. . . . Within the same time in which Germany destroyed her tanks and waited for the fulfillment of the destruction of the others, these others built over 30,000 new tanks and Improved and enlarged them into ever more terrible weapons. ... ARTILLERY DESTROYED Germany had to destroy her entire heavy artillery according to the provisions of the Versailles Treaty. This was done too! But while Germany's howitzers and cannons were cut by blowtorches and went in as scrap iron to the blast furnaces, the other treaty partners not only failed to destroy their heavy artillery but, on the contrary even, there followed constructive development, improvement and perfection . . . Gas weapons: As a prerequisite for a disarmament treaty the partners of Germany had her destroy her entire gas weapons according to the Versailles Treaty, and she did It. In other states the people were busy in chemical laboratories, not to scrap this weapon, but to the contrary, to improving it in an unheard of manner. Submarines: Here too, Germany has faithfully fulfilled her obligations In accordance with the letter of Versailles to make possible international disarmament . . . The world about her not only has not followed this example, has not even merely preserved her stock left over from the war, but on the contrary, has constantly completed, improved and increased it. The increase in displacement was finally augmented to a 3,000-ton boat. Armaments increased to 20-centimetre cannon . . . This then was the contrlb'ution to disarmament on the part of states who in the Versailles Treaty obliged themselves, on their part, to follow the German example and destroy the submarine weapon. If all this isn't an open breach of the treaty and a one-sided one at that, coming aa it does after the other partner had without exception fulfilled his obligation, it will be difficult to see how in the future the signing of treaties can have any meaning whatsoever. No! For this there is no extenuation, no excuse! For Germany with her complete defenselessness was anything but a danger to other states. Although Germany waited in vain for years for the other side to make good its obligations under the treaty Germany nevertheless was ready still not to withhold her hand for a real collective co-operation effort. ... It was not Germany that made the plan for a 200,000-men army for all European states impossible of realization, but it was the other states that did not want to disarm. . . . OFFERED PROPOSALS. The hope sometimes is expressed nowadays that Germany might herself advance a constructive plan. Well, I have made such proposals not once but repeatedly. Had my constructive plan for a 30u,000-man army been accepted perhaps many a worry today would be less onerous, many a load lighter. But there is almost no purpose in proposing constructive plans if their rejection can be regarded as certain to begin with. If, nevertheless, I decide to give an outline of our ideas, I do it merely from a feeling of duty not to leave anything untried that might restore to Europe the necessary, inner security, and to European peoples the feeling of solidarity. Inasmuch aa hitherto not only the fulfilment of the obligations of other states to disarm had failed to materialize but also all proposals for limitation of armaments had been rejected, I as leader of the German nation, considered myself obligated before God and mv con science, in view of the formation -of new military alliances and after receipt of notification that France was proceeding to the introduction oi the two-year term of service, now to re-establish Germany's euuaiuy wnicn naa Deen Interna uonauy denied her. ... It was not t.ermany who thereby broke th obligation laid on her, but those grates wnicn compelled us to under lay this independent action. I cannot refrain here from ex pressing my astonishment at the deflniton by the British Premier Macuonald who, referring to the restoration of the German army, opined that the other states, after all, had been right in holdine back their disarmament If such ideas are to be generally accepted, what Is to be expected from the future? For according to this, every breach of the treaty will find later Justi fication by the assumption the other party will probably break the treaty too. . . . It is said Germany Is threatened by nobody, there's no reason why Germany should rearm at all. Why did not the others then disarm? From disarmed Germany they had nothing to fear. There is only the choice of two things either armaments are a menace to peace, then they are that in the case of all countries. If armaments are not a menace to peace, then that applies the same way. It will not be for one group of states to represent their armaments as an olive branch and the others armaments as an lnhtrument of Satan. A tank la a tank, a bomb is a bomb. . . EQUALITY DEMANDED Germany refuses to be regarded and treated for all time as a second class or inferior nation. Our love of peace perhaps is greater than in the case of others, for we have suffered most from war. None of us want to threaten anybody, but we all are determined to obtain the security and equality of our people. And thla equality Is the first condition for practical collective cooperation. With mental' reservations European co-operation Is Impossible. With equality Germany will never refuso to do its share of every endeavor which serves peace, progress and the general welfare. At this point I cannot withhold criticism of certain methods which were responsible for the failura of many well-meant efforts because they were conceived in the spirit of Versailles. We are living In the age of con-fcrenres. Ho many ended failures because often their programmes were a vaguely-formulated mixture of poHslbla and Impossible alma in which the wluh which Is father to the thought seems to play a rolo. Then when two or three states agree to a programme others Invited to join later are told thla programme Is an Indivisible whole and must be accepted or rejected as such. Inasmuch as In such a programme naturally very good ideas can also be found the state not agreeing to the entire draft asifO.mea the responsibility of failure 'alo nf the unef'il part, Thla procedure remind on very ctrongly of the praotlco of certain film distributors who, on principles, will give good and bad films only when they are joined together. Such procedure is understandable only as a last atavistic phenomenon that roots in the model of the so-called peace negotiations of Versailles. ... As far as Germany Is concerned I can only say the. following in reply to audi attempts: We shall In the future take part in no conference in the formation of whose programme we have not participated from the beginning. We do not propose, when two states concoct a pact dish, as a third party to be the first to taste that dish. 1 do not mean to say by that we won't reserve to ourselves the right afterwards to agree to treaties and affix our signatures to them because we were not present when they were formulated or when conferences were held concerning them. Certainly not. It is quite possible that a treaty, although we did not participate in Its formulation or the conference which gave its effect for a number of states nevertheless in its final language may be agreeable to us and seem useful to us. . . . METHOD SEEMS WRONG. We must re-emphasize, however, the method seems to me to be wrong to offer drafts of programmes for conference that bear the superscription "everything or nothing." I consider such a principle impracticable for political life. I believe much more would have been accomplished for the pacification of Europe if there had been a readiness to have been satistied with what could be achieved from case to case. Hardly a proposal for a pact has been offered for discussion during recent years, at which one or other points might not have been generally accepted without further ado. By tying up this point, however, with other points which were partly more difficult, partly or entirely unacceptable to individual states, good things were left undone and the whole thing failed. To me it seems a risky thing to misuse the indivisibility of peace as a pretext for proceedings which serve collective security less than collective preparations for war, intentionally or unintentionally. The World War should be. a cry of warning here. Not for a second time can Europe survive such a catastrophe. But such a catastrophe may happen all the more easily, the more a network of crisscross International obligations makes the localization of a small conflict impossible increases the danger of states being dragged in. Gfrmany hag solemnly guaranteed France her present frontiers, resigning herself to the permanent loss of Alsace-Lorraine. She has made a treaty with Poland and we hone It will be renewed and renewed again at every expiry of the set period. We want to spare the Ger man people all bloodshed but we will not spill any of our blood for foreign interests or risk it in pacts of assistance of which one cannot foresee the end. There are certain things that are possible and others that are impossible. As an example I would like to refer briefly to the Eastern pact suggested to us. We found in it an obligation for assistance which we are convinced can lead to consequences that simply cannot be measured. The German Reich, especially the present German Government, had no other wish except to live on terms of peace and friendship with all neighboring states. . Much as we ourselves love peace It Is not within our power to prevent the outbreak of conflicts between states, especially in the East. To determine who is guilty is infinitely difficult itself in such a case. . . Once the fury of war rages among peoples the end begins to justify every means .... I fear at the beginning of such a conflict an obligation for assistance will be less calculated to lead the way for recognizing who is the attacking body than it will to support the state that Is useful to one s own inter ests. ... CONSIDERS SPECIAL CASE. Aside from these considerations of a fundamental nature we have here to deal with a special case, The Germany of today is a Na tional Socialist state. The ldeaology that dominates us is in diametrical contradiction to that of Soviet Russia. National Socialism is a doctrine that has reference exclusively to the German people. Bolshevism lays stress on its international mis sion. We National Socialists believe a man can in the long run be happy only among his own people. We are convinced the happiness and achievements of Europe are indis-solubly tied up with the continuation of the system of independent and free national states. Bolshevism preaches the establishment of a world empire and recognizes only sections of a central International. . . . Bolshevism destroys not only private property but also private initiative and the readiness to shoulder responsibility. It has not been able to save millions of human beings from starvation in Russia, the greatest agrarian state in the world. . . . National Socialists and Bolshe vists both are convinced they are a world apart from each other and their differences can never be bridged. Apart from that there were thousands of our people slain and maimed in the fight against Bolshevism. If Russia likes Bolshe vism It la not our affair, but if Bolshevism casta Its nets over Germany, then we fight it tooth and nail. The fact remains Bolshevism feels and acta aa a world revolutionary Idea and movement. Prominent Bolshevist statesmen and Bolshevist literature have admitted It proudly. If I am not mlstnken, the British Keeper of the Privy Seal's impression is the Soviets are entirely averse to aggressive military intention. Nobody would be happier than we if thin impres-slon should prove correct In the future, But the past speaks against it. I started my movement Just at the time when Bolshevism registered its first victories In this country. After fifteen years the Bolshevist! numbered six millions; my movement thirteen millions. We have beaten them and saved Germany, perhaps all of Europe, from the most terrible catastrophe of all times. CANNOT GAIN BY WAR. Germany has nothing to train from a European war, What we want la liberty and Independence. Mecatise of these Intentions of ours we were also readv to negotiate non-aggression pacts with all our neighbor states. If we except Lithuania, this is not duo to the fact we desire war there, but be cause we cannot enter Into politi cal treaties with a slate which disregards the most primitive laws of human society. It Is sad mouth that because European nations are spilt up the practical drawing of frontier! ac cording to national boundaries corresponding with nationalities themselves can in some cases be realized with difficulty only. It is sad enough that in certain treaties consciously no regard was had for the fact that certain people belong nationally together. In that case however, above all it is not necessary that human beings who have the misfortune of having been torn away from the people to whom they belong should additionally be tortured and maltreated. . . . We see no possibility as long as the responsible guarantors of the Memel Statute on their part are unable to persuade Lithuania to respect the most primitive right of humanity, on our part to conclude any treaty whatsoever with this state. With this exception, however which any moment can be made non-existent by the great powers responsible for it, we are ready for every adjoining European state to heighten, by means of a non-aggression and non-force treaty, that feeling of security by which we too, as the other contracting power, can profit We, however, are unable to supplement such pacts by the obligations of a system which dogmatically, politically and factually Is unbearable for us. National Social-Ism cannot rail citizens of Germany, that is its adherents, to fight for the maintenance of a system which in our own state manifests Itself as our greatest enemy. Obligations for peace, yes! Bellicose assistance for bolshevism we do not desire nor would we be in a position to offer it. As for the rest we see in the conclusion of pacts of assistance as they have become known as a development that differs In no wise from the formation of political alliances of earlier days. REGRETS NEW TREATIES. We regret this, especially because the military alliance concluded between France and Russia without doubt carries the element of legal Insecurity into the only clear and really valuable mutual treaty of security In Europe, namely the Locarno pact. The German Government will especially be grateful for an authentic interpretation of the repercussions and Influence of the Russo-Franco military alliance upon the treaty obligations of the various contracting parties involved in the Locarno pact. It would like to leave no doubt about Its own belief that it regards military alliances as incompatible with the spirit and letter of the League of Nations Covenant. No less impossible than the assumption of unlimited assistance obligations seems to us the signing of non-intervention pact so long as this conception is not most closely defined. Because we Germans would be only too delighted if a way or method were found to 1'ieveni loreign interference with other countries' internal affairs. For from this Germany has suffered greatly since the War. All internal disturbances were fomented from abroad and the world knows it but it never excited itself about it! An army of emigrants agitating from foreign centres like Praha and Paris. Revolutionary literature smuggled into Germany with cails to violence; radio senders make propaganda for illegal terroristic oreanizations In fiprmanv courts set up abroad which attempt to interfere with German administration of Justice and so on. Without precise definition of these proposed pacts the danger seems evident any regime based on force will seek to represent any Internal revolt as the result of outside interference and will call outside help to suppress It. There can be no doubt that in Europe political frontiers are not frontiers of the idea. Since the introduction of Christianity, ideas paM beyond frontiers and crent- WkyOOCmSSimm you agiimtOe CaAaiiic Habit! Comoare these TWO WAYS of fiahtina constioation Read about this remarkable "digestive activator" method which corrected 93 of constipation cases In one hospital O longer need you be satisfied with violent methods of constipation. For a remarkable new way to treat It Is now In use ... a way that la giving truly phenomenal results In correct in t It. It Is called the "digestive activator" method because it supplies to your stomach and Intestine! a vital tonic-substance these organs themselves produce, when healthy, This substance almost Immediately "tunes" your digestive system, ttrengthens it. Food Inside you is softened. Dowels have an easier time in disposing of their waste. SUT UADt W-CAHILDk OOOM ' I - I 1 ,... .1 TI'U tM auu iiunru Clements merits. v ucu a foreign Cabinet Minister regrets that in Germany western Euro pean notions are no longer current it should be all the more comprehensible that conversely German Reich Ideas cannot remain without effect in some one or other German land. NO AIM IN. AUSTRIA. Germany has neither the wish nor the intention to mix in internal Austrian affairs or annex or unite with Austria. . . The German people and Government have, however, from a simple feeling of solidarity and common ancestry the wish that not only to foreign people but also to German people shall be granted the right of self-determination. I don't believe any regime not anchored in and by the people can be enduring. With the German part of Switzerland there is no trouble because Swiss independence is an absolute fact and no one doubts the Swiss Government is true to the legal expression of the will of the Swiss people. We Germans have every reason to be glad that on this frontier there is a state with such a large part of German population that enjoys such great internal stability and independence. Germany regrets the tension caused by the Austrian conflict all the more because It has lead to a disturbance of our former good relations with Italy, with which we have otherwise no divergencies of interests. If I now turn from this general consideration to a ,precise fixation of actual problems before us, I arrive at the following statement of the position of the German Reich Government: First: The German Reich Government rejects the Geneva resolution of March 17. It was not Germany that one-sidedly broke the Treaty of Versailles but the dictate of Versailles was one-sidedly violated In the points known thereby and rendered ineffective by the powers that could not bring themselves to let their own disarmament, agreed to by the treaty,' follow In the wake of the disarmaments demanded from Germany. This new discrimination administered to Germany by this decision of Geneva rendered It impossible for the German Government to return to this institution before the conditions for a really legal status had been created for all the adherents thereto. . . . WILL RESPECT ARTICLES. Second: The German Reich Government herewith declares most solemnly these methods (denunciation of the articles of the Versailles Treaty) refer exclusively to points which morally and textually discriminate against the German people. Therefore the German Gov ernment will unqualifiedly respect the other articles which refer to arrangements by which the nations are to live together, including territorial clauses, and will bring about revisions that- are unavoidable as times change only by way or peaceful arrangement. Third: The German Reich Gov ernment has the Intention of sign ing no treaty which she deems un- fulfilable. It will, however, adhere scrupulously to each voluntarily signed treaty even if its conclusion occurred before this Government seized power. Particularly it will adhere to fulfil all obligations resulting from the Locarno pact as long as the other contracting powers on their part are ready to stand behind this pact. The German Government Bees in the respecting of the demilitarized zone a contribution to the pacification of Europe that Is Indescribably heavy for a sovereign state. It believes, however, it must point out the continuous Increase of troops on the other side can by no means be looked on as a complement to these efforts. Fourth: The German Government is at all times ready to parti- OLD YOU TAKE any one of the laxatives or cathartics on the market. In one average drug store alone, there were 312 euch items on sale. WHAT HAPPENS t Iftheeathar-tic or laxative you take ia potent enough, it irritate the delicate lining of your intestines, draws water from your tissues or otherwise promotes an "unnatural" bowel evacuation. RESULT: You may get partial or complete "cleaning out" -perhap accompanied by griping. Such results are purely temporary . . . and may ultimately weaken your entire digestive system lead in time to the "cathartic habit." In one great Eastern hospital, 93 of case of chronic constipation were corrected by this method ... in others, 83 of cases of Indigestion and 89 of skin case of digestive origin got relief I To get these results which Flclnch-mnnn's Yeast Is giving, Just eat two or three cakes (or more) of it dully cutting down gradually on cathartics as the ycatt strengthens your bowels. Dut don't look on Flclachmann's Yeast a! a medicine. It's a food, and should be eaten right along. START eating It today! fltthtlna cipate in collective co-operation for securing the peace of Europe, but it then considers it necessary to meet the law of eternal evolution by holding open the possibility of revision of .treaties. Fifth: The German Reich Government la of the opinion a new building up of European co-operation cannot take place within the forma of one-sidedly imposed conditions. It believes it is right, in view of the fact that interests do not always coincide, to be satisfied with a minimum instead of permitting this co-operation to come to naught because of the unfui-filable maximum of demands. WILL INCLUDE PACTS. Sixth: The German Reich Government is ready in principle to conclude non-aggression pacts with its individual neighbor states and to supplement these by those provisions which aim at isolating belligerents and localizing war areas. It especially is ready to assume all obligations resulting therefrom as regards supplying materials and weapons in war or peace insofar as they are undertaken to be respected by all partners. Seventh: The German Reich Government is ready to supplement the Locarno pact by agreeing to an air convention and entering into its discussion. Eighth: The German Reich Government has announced the extent of the reconstruction of the German army. Under no circumstances will we depart therefrom. It sees neither on land nor in the air nor at sea any threat to any other nation in fulfilling its programme. It is, however, ready at all times to undertake such limitation of armaments as other states also are ready to undertake. ... In limiting German air armament to parity with individual other great nations of the west, it makes possible that at any time the upper figure may be limited which limit Germany will then take as a binding obligation to keep within. The limitation of the German navy to 35 per cent, of the British navy is still is per cent, lower than the total tonnage of the Frenrh fleet Inasmuch as different press commentaries express opinion this demand Is only a beginning, and it would be raised if Germany pos sessed colonies, the German Reich Government declares in a binding manner: This demand is final and lasting for Germany. Ninth: Germany is readv to nar- tlcipate .actively in any efforts for drastic limitation of unrestricted arming. She sees the only possible way in a return to tne principles of the old Geneva Red Cross convention. She believes to begin with only in the possibility of the grad ual aooiltlon and outlawry of fighting methods which are contrary to this convention, such as dumdum bullets and other missiles which are a deathly menace to-civilian women and children. To abolish fighting pianes, Dut to leave the question of bombardment open seems to us wrong and ineffective. But it believes It is possible to ban certain arms as contrary to international law and to outlaw those who use them. But this, too, can only be done gradually. GAS CAN BE BANNED. Therefore gas and incendiary and explosive bombs outside of the battle area can be banned and the ban extended later to all bombing. As long as bombing is free, a limitation of bombing planes Is a doubtful proposition. But as soon as bombing is branded as barbarism the building of bombing planes will automatically cease. Just as the Red Cross stopped the killing of wounded and prisoners it should be possible to stop the bombing of civilians. In the adoption of such principles Germany sees a better means of pacification and security for peoples than in all the assistance pacts and military conventions. Tenth: The German Government Is ready to agree to every limita- I NEW YOU EAT 2 or 3 cakes of Fleisch-mann's Yeast daily, half an hour before meals or at bedtime plain or in water. You get it at grocery stores, drug stores, or at restaurants or soda fountains. HOW IT WORKS I It starts your digestive juices flowing and strength' ens your entire intestinal tract . .. promoting a healthier, more active condition all through you. RESULTS! You feel better. Your appetite and digestion Improve. Food does you more "good." And as you continue with the yeait, your evacuations become entirely regular and natural . . , you don't need to take harsh cathartics. FLEItCHMANN't YEAIT Is not only tha rlthtet natural source nf tha "dlieatlva actl-atir" mentioned . . . It l alM the rlrheet food In the (roup et 4 -Itemlne (Vliemtne A, R, D and U needed by everyone In build up a f-ere of beeltb and strength. tion leading to abandonment of tha heaviest weapons which are espe cially suitable for aggression. These) comprise first the heaviest artillery and heaviest tanks. Eleventh: Germany declares her self ready to agree to the delimit tion of calibre of artillery and gunn or. dreadnoughts, cruisers and tor pedo boats. Similarly the German Government is ready to adopt any limitation on naval tonnage and finally to agree to the limitation of tonnage of submarines or even to their abolition provided other; countries oo likewise. Twelfth: The German Govern-. ment Is of the opinion that all at tempts effectively to lessen tension between Individual states through. international agreements or agreements between several states are doomed to failure unless suitable measures are taken to prevent no! soning of public opinion on the part of irresponsible Individuals in speech, writing, in the films and In the theatre. Thirteenth: The German Govern ment is ready any time to agree to an international arrangement wnicn will effectively prevent and make impossible all attempts to interfere from the outside in af fairs of other states. The term "interference" should be internationally defined. If people wish for peace it must be possible for Governments to maintain it. We believe the restoration of the German defence force will contribute to this peace . . . because of the simple fact its existence removes a dangerous vacuum in Europe. . . . We believe if the peoples of the world could agree to destroy all their gas and Inflammable, and explosive bombs this would be a cheaper affair than using them to destroy one another. In saying this I am not speaking any longer as the representative of a defenceless state which could reap only advantages and no obligations from such action from others. . . . I cannot better conclude my speech to you, my fellow fighters and trustees of the nation, than by repeating our confession of faith in peace: . . . Whoever lights the torch of war in Europe can wish for nothing but chaos. We, however, live in the firm conviction our time will see, not the decline, but the renaissance of the west. It is our proud hope and our unshakeable belief Germany can make an imperishable contribution to this great work. Concert by Church Group St. Dominic's Dramatic Club will present a variety entertainment in the Immaculate Conception hall, Rachel and Bordeaux streets, tonight. A well-prepared programme will feature St. Dominic's Cornnusk-ers, Austin Kennedy, well-known impersonator; Miss Margaret Filion, E. J. Emblem, Masie Marrison and her dancers, and other numbers. The dramatic section will put on two skits entitled, "Waiting for the Stump Hollow Train" and "A First Class Hotel." The proceeds from this entertainment will be for the benefit of the church funds. Catholic School Board During the sitting of the Catholio School Commission, pedagogic section, at which Abbe Desrosiers presided, considerable routine business was disposed of, and a resolution was accepted, congratulating Mgr. ; Piette, chairman, on his recent appointment as cure of St Stanislas parish. Westmount Rotary Rotarlans T. Bigneil, J. ' Colton and H. Hekkema will report on the district conference at the weekly luncheon meeting of the Rotary Club of Westmount In Victoria Hall at 12.40 this afternoon. THE OPINION of doctors on lh "cathartic problem! Is tiprcMcd by Dr. Enrla Pu!r (left) of Vlcnnai "ThM rtmtdlM (cathartics) bars a purely artificial actloo," ha lars, " hirih and harmful to dtllcate tlMuc , . Thttr iim cannot b toe emphatically con-dtmntd . . 1 fcom-tntndrtih yml . , Dr. Pulsy Is a member of the Auetrlaa Society Of Physicians. Mmmmmmmmummmmti i ft fin

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