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The Virginia Gazette from Williamsburg, Virginia • Page 2

Williamsburg, Virginia
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here meant, it not confined to mere naval afliftance, in the idea of fome. who are exeat advocates for this author's parnphlevmight hare been eafity gathered fnmtheir expreffions, when we received the late accounts ot the arrival ot unulual num beta of troops in the neighbouring French 'Weft Indies. Hotthis dnl tlJrwcil tother thfrtiore'r vrti I am vrrU er mar we can rio longer uano upon tnis ground; wnenwe than oe jay by better, arguments than declamation, and I Moun rielciruiiry to adopt. But even then, before we launch forth, many I purfye thee. comeiuc concerns are oe aap.iiiea.

ytat fertris are wtf to engage foreign alliances, to fecure I rr Vo counuies.J 1 cirur liberties ri connection ith Are the'colonies to vote I The reader may. peiufe and apply the remainder of the chapter. rtwany.inMerernlhing thefe grand concerns; is a 'ftntitidh to be forraeJ.rf proportion tonumbets and 1 mithtbroMftnore queftiona of this kind, and might, propQle jmorecjue 'ceSiry conies" they Wilt rife thick enough upon us, and theSeiicountcr them all, for the fake of American vwhihjrWerv9vUd derert, bot with my life. JBut I tx.nct of Frattct and $pdm" generally, and that for the purpofesl mighty confcnted at Uft to this moft profperous invention ot ot a total teparation trom Urnt Brrtain. Hii words are thele: I 5aun," in mere wrath ami vengeance agaimi uicjcw, It is unrealonable to iuppofe that France or Spam will give I pumlhment tor their ingratitude, man coma nave.

"vs. any afhftanti, if we mean poly to make ule ot that i upon them by any other human xorin or gownmcm. af laitr fr, rKniirrul KrMrk l)rnrth. I ner wit a rratir riVrGi of fdilUUie thill OUT 81 a. n'Katl t.mrt to HliMirtitlris nart or hi mc vuuiicviivii i kTr ii i aji ikam uu niiKiu.i a ulii vuuiy ui hi his ww.

i mcnt, as every man of common nnderlianding, in nis uanu, may caiuy ntiwv. i i i 'it A sivt hat argu ho has hil bible ihe bounds pretcnoea minis icrccrwm nuimuu nt. tft nnint outhii mifreDrefentatioiH. and t6 (hew how he fets himfelfnp, not only againft the plain letter of (cnptuic, but the nhivfrfoi len ot wi and ho men ot every act. oi co fuaded that this writer's idea is not yet adopted by many perlons fiftent with my principles to fay one word in favour of the divine much confideratfon in this country, much lefs by any public right of Kings nor do 1 believe a word of what others have laid At little da I believe whatha ken faid concern 'if America upon although I cannot but thihk: it a dangerous ing the divine right of republics, or any other human forms df as weir as unfeafonable queftion at this time, and could have I government.

But the queftion is, whether Uod nam particularly lwconfent that Hhad nbt'been brought before the public. But reprobated any of therar For my part, as the author has fetnit fuice it hath, been made auiueftian. it ouirht now to be fairlv dif I the examole of examinine fcripture on this head, I eannqt find rtflcd.lforwhatcverlwt have left, worthy of our attention as free I any modern Kings barticularly rejefled by Heaven, but Moirtu men, iiau invoivcu in iojs iux.c ana wnen important qunons i seir ine iving or rfis. nu um re out rxMf tht frtofifilhil if thev ire not itanfwtred, they are I and I am fure our author, "who is deeply verlctf in icnpture, L.cp be taken fof. granted, it becomes abfolutely neceflary to ex 1 could not have overlooked it, if it hid not been for the treat)' he imint inem.

i nronniet witn inn imsr. i kkiucf vu khuuy iww vni m. For my part, the mote I conliJer the matter and I have lone I application is much more natural than that v. hich. he.

has aiauexU MU4ro 4t tmprtiaiiy tne more i tm tertuaaed that our no 1 tne xtn cnanter ot tne nnt dook oi aamueu lUicallalva'uoncanojiLvbe worked out br our own united virtue. Son of matt. Qt tbi faci etainfi MoVNTSEIR fHcb.MoxrN upon our own tounaation, wnen it man cieany appear tut, cr mousieurj ana prnntjy agaiojt inci.w.j a. unta ttm. toiu Ltrauoai.v bcdou wivvw ku ir fieri am aeajnfl tbet btcaujt tbotn bat bad a perpetual mr tftnmusle and ancient, that tittiirt rnnnrNinn I hatrtd.

aA hoH (htd Iht hland at tbt ebiLirtn Ot lirael I Uiat IS Ine tullv tmittJ ad.nrepared, at every tiflc. Durfue whatever 1 live, faitbthe Lord GoJ, will iretart bee unto blood, and blood rmeaftirt the fenfe hf the community, fairly collected, (hall think JbaU purfuetbeet tfou ball not bated even bloodball i i i i Tbuj.iuiUlmake MoVntseir rMonsiEur mad dtfolalt. becaufe thou ball (aid tbt ft TWO nations, andtbtfe Under whatforra of government are we to confederate? How I two countries here Britain and America ate, clearly pointed of our aniienf conftitUtion is to be Dreferved? Who is to I outl (ball be mine, and ive will toft'efs it nubereartbe Lord was fettli our claming teiritbriaf claims? In what xaTes are the iurif I thert is much as to fay, yon (hall not have thefe two countries 'jdaftidrt'ind txptncts'of tneftcoloriics tobej'olnt orfeparate On I Monfuur! the Lord, intends them for bis own ule; they mall be new renre. I which he mav do as we 1 as the author ot Common ien et ana 1 foiue mav fav. uerhansas well as A when the ne a.

jw'u 0. am furel TN my laft I endeavoured to (hew, that a ctnSitutional vtdepm the author of Senfe. who labours to prove that the ne 1 dtnee qn the ancient charters and original contrails 'Qejltj isakeaJyjotnft offers nothing on bead, that can give of the colonies, warranted by the lawsxf natuir, ought to itloch 'latisfaftion'tflthe publiciq general. Trufting, however, have been theobjeel of pur wilhes from the beginning of the dil 'IMHit the 'preceding part of bis work, he Jias levelled the Ene rute: mean fuch an independence as would have given ms a to which 'irt formfii on fimilar models, pnd that he has pf the of England, I wilj now proceed to thew why we Mi. ayi ai i mi i i.

i 1 1 i i ll l. ttmcoj 'teu MjjaT iof ruoicottt ne may uaucr juinieit tnai ne will I ougnr Kill to nave view link grqat wujcti i a tanjmmwiuu mac readily fallow his future direfljonj and adopt wbat I fmiencet and thafthe aeajjit of a md'ltparatiom from Britain felans'he may JHit J.choofe to examine for rayfelf, and I doss not yet arife. havrnfir defoatchJ his.iniih aieumehtfor indebendtnee which he I Thole who crvout inctflkntly fdr an immediate fubverfion of founds oh the necefTity of foieign afliflance, proceed to coniidei I our aiKient, political fyllein would do well to confider the lubjeft TKHpe otiierijpani4 ait wont. 1. I it points ot ana con v) it; fitft fiona on theoriirin of fovemment and monarrlivan.

I lrmicnrH. Tliev will HiuL from a thotoupli kiTowledtre' of th ot inconlutencies and contradictions. I hittorv ot mankind, thatthelintiiu conltitution. when conducted which were "perhaps 'vr offered to Qmm jtnfi any I on its twrt and true principles, is the molt perftft form of eovern. and" calwated only to jniflead thqfe fuperficial readers I mcnt whichever yet.

has by the witof man. Every 'who aft Concent to believe as they go, without comparing one part writer on politics agrees in this all Nations acknowledge tm fai.iHa tatiin flntrn mr a.K uhSi tm Kniui iiiti uttam rw iao i i itiAn Society is produced by or wapts. and govern 1 which fo.equally tqmpera and combines the different forms ofle rntnt by bur i the former promotes our happinefs mocraxy, aiiftocracy, and monarchy, lecuies a fuflicient degree of pofit'wtfjt by' Wilting our affeftipn'si. the latter Heeat'tvelji by liberty to the people, while it curbs the ambitious ftrides of their rtfirYuunt cw Vicesi. GoVernmentl Kke drefs, is the badire rulers.

It is free from thole, numerous evils which arife out of I 'oHqft innocence (' the palaces oi $tngs are built on op the ru 1 either of the other forms, and ought for ever to be the objeft of a ins" I wife people. We fliould remember, that the primary object itif the'author meant only by thif if all men I the difpute was a refloratton oj ths conjtttution; and, when re I. rwere'' btrfefUV 'Wrtuoos ,1 and followed the pure of rieht I duced to the dire neceflity of taking up arms in defence of our in i 1 tftifoai human goyertimeht would hve been.unneceiTaiy, then 1 1 vaded rights, it is our duty to avoid Juilying fo fair a caufe by I c'idld fubferibe to his doctrine, 'and might have paid him a com I an uniuttifuble fubverlion ot the whole l'yihni, with the deter. pliment tor cioinmg aaoia iruiu in jout it mineo purpoie or never ineiwora 1111 we nave recovered Paradue. he and his.defcetidcnts, as foon as they were four or I from our original country She hath ever been to us an outwork and able to raife a tolerable dwellinz in the wil I of defence aeainlt the ambitious and ooieiu nations of EuroDe ileWeisj'werefouhd eiefting fome fort of palace for him as their I She hath ferved us as a guide and a governor, to prevent and to King; and thaw "tier wis example, au luiure governments were 1 neai tnoie civil qmeiuions which annual jeaiomy and emulation 4CigJft in the firi! otr Author (hewa us no fuch thing.

I are too apt to excite in colonies growing up in each other' neigh. Tttf theeontrafrv. when he foeaks of the manner of neoulini? the I bourhood. To the influence of her excellent conftitution we are and frames a government out of the ftate of nature, the I indebted for that peace and prolpcrity which we have formerly en 4tA idea he prefents xis with that of a pure republjc. joyed and while we continue to live in the full pofTeflion of our convenient tree he) affords a State Houe, un.

rights, under the gentle rule of the Crown of England, we muft the branches of which the WHOLI COLON may affemble go on progiefiively in that boundlefs cai eer (of, which there is no tO dejiberaw on puoijc matters. 1 ncyprocceu, as tneirnura I otner inuance in niuory unm me jeat ej empire joau tie transfer ts incieaie to "improve mis qoniuiuwon, ueviie cneclts, 1 rea jram amain to America.,!the not formto themlclyesan interelt feparate I Such is the profpeft on one fide. Let usnow fee what the op Jtifrom the tleBort." On thefe checks (inoton the unmeaning I pofite view willprefent us. A public declaration of absolute inde name Km) depends the Ani'Ztb of government and bappineft I pendente will exclude us for ever from terms with Great Britain tie governed." and either create us a perpetual enemy, who will have it in her Hqw can this be reconciled to what follows? 1 he author has I power to check our profpenty, or reduce us to the molt abject inid tia that all government, being at belt but a neceffarv evil.

I (late of flavtry. The events of war are uncertain and. how piojnotes happinefs only negatively, by retraining (viz. checking) I ever much we may be elated with our prefent luccelfes, every wife frtUPVices" and erecting his early republic, he contrives his I politician will keep within his own grafp the means of promoting checks'accordingly i but rifum teneatUj) direftly forgets him I a continuance of luccefs, or of fecurine the bed terms on a reverie Xelf, and fays that no power nvbieb needs (becking can be from I of fortune. The people of England have inanifefted an early in God 1 Thus', by his own argument, God has as little to do with I clination to do us juftice, while we contend for our conftitutiona the powers of government in the republican as tnixt forms.

But I liberties, and the Minillry have found it difficult to recruit their further, nis readers mould affo forget thetnfelves, and be I armies but the moment a declaration of independency comes out carried away by his nrtr auertion, mat tne palaces oi jvings I every man in jtngiana win become our enemy. umbers in Mere built on the rums of Paradife;" he takescare to telllus, and I America too, who have been foremoft in their oppofition to un backs it with the authority of fcripture, chronology; that in I conllitutional opprellion6, will confeientioufly tiand forth aeainit tlK early ages ot tne wona mere were no rwinpj mat tne aevu i tne mea or innovation, vireaoy tne evil nas regun. rennfyl himfelft in thofe ancient timesj was but a dull fellow; and that, I vania and the Jerlies have declared for a coaIitutional connexion. although government by Kings was his molt profperous mven 1 the two Carolinas for a totalfeparatm. What the event will be tion for the promotion of idolatry," he was a long while in ham let thofe reflect who have thrown the deadly caufe ot difunion rncring 4t out; which is but a poor compliment tooatan cunning! For being a King himfelf from the beginning, he might have hit upon it (ooocr.

But I leave our author to make his own apology to his infernal Majefty, it he be ot his councils; for I have no bufmefs to interfere between them. It is fafficent to (hew what ufe he makes of his common fenfe, pliant in all the luccefs of viclory, I lhould (till think it for the at the very outfet, in refuting his own firft doflrine, and proving intereit and happinefs of America to enjoy the benefits and ad to demonttration, that inftead of palaces for Kings, State Houfes vantage of a free trade, and a conllitutional indepeiulf nee, under for WHOLE COLONIES were ouuton tne nuns or raraane; nay I tne anegiance or tne critnn crown. A ivitem ot abfolute inde more, that thefe mini, in the cafe of the Jews, were near three I pendence would huift afunder the bands of religion, of oatbs. of ihouland years tolled upand nown into various rorms, i iawi, oi language, or mooa, or intereit, ot commerce of a were converted into royal edifices! That I have not mifrepi dented I thole habitudes, in fine, which hold us united among ourfelves our author in this argument, his own words will (hew. Ner under the influence of the common parent.

Who (ees not that three tboufand years raffed away, from the Mofaic account of the fuch a rending to pieces muft reach the entrails, the heart, the lr. A i i i. I (..:.. l. .1 creation, tin tne jews, unucr a nativnai uciuuun, jtijucucu 1 hij mi ine otiuuiu nicy nave rue good tortunc to among us.

vv hy lay any thing about it It we are victorious we (hall have it in our power to command our own terms; but if the battle goes againlt us, wTiat terms can we then expefl, or where can tne evu enar I will venture to go further. Were we this moment trium King. I uUhen their rortn 01 government cxccpi in cxiraoruina eicape meaiai cxircmjiy or civil wars, win it be an ealy matter ry caies, where the Almighty iiuerpofed) was a kind ofn public, Sec. for them to agree on a new form of government? Is it probable in the next place, to perfuade us that he is as that they will eltabliih a form on the fame falutary principles as Vt wMi.iiiifed with thefecretsof Heaven as the devices of He'd, the old one; or is it practicable? If thtv lhould incline An. v.oceru'i'g origin of Kingly governments; and that the Al I fo, who among us has pretenfions to the time But if (us is mod probable) democracies, or ariltcracies, mould bethe rootlii.

who does" not feel himfclf a confiderable lofcr by the chanrrf Was every colony to become a diltind and lcpaute date, wbat endlefs divitions among them! Should fuch a number of licle commonwealths, where the diverfity of Jaws, the inequalityof rr li Y. riches, tne variety ot pouciuoni, mumuw in inm me ieeasoi oppofition in intercits, be dilpolod to torm a contederateu unin, i i i i i ix. i i i.i I .1. i how aujuit tne ranic wnicn eacn inouia ui ana me mm ence which each Oiould poflefs, in proportion to their rcfpecTit rilks and importance i Jealouly, and a hundred other palucns, which lb early di videl the wife Rates of Greece 'would fpread dif i f' cord tnrougn a muiutuue ot colonics, tamci situciaica oy relent men! and indignation sgainft Britain which are but tranhtory and galling ties, than by the fober and well weighed principles of ana tural and permanent onion, conjecuracy wiuconunue noioiv per than tne riecemtv of oppoVme the common eneiuy. When that neceflity ceafes.

tb wrbfllent lpiritoLconqueft will break loofei the Itiong will over run the weajc, and tney win mourn tor the peaceful influence of he parent All thef confiderationa item to vince an eternal divorce rrom rmtam would be a rreat and ijritvous aiisfortune'to thele colonies. But (lay the tnendsot innovation; is otn unnatural and in convenient tor the1 sovereign, or Aniwica reime afthree thoB fand mUes dillancei v.Thif I look on to be one ot our greateft blefliiigs A JCing at a dirtauce. can never, iuve. that perfbnal Influence whicirwennd TubverfionToT thej rights of the and although, fome incanveniencies may ai ife from his dittaut fituation, th good by far overbalances the evil. Others have afked, how can wi again be reconciled to a people who hathJecUrei us rebels; or acknowjedge allegiance to mi' l' ri.

1.t r. Lt.ft 11 1 I a Jung wno nas ngnu 01 uic.iudjo, ana nrox.e through the barriers of ihe coniiitMtioo' J.aofwer, thatTcare but little for rlicin declarations, tor as long a.s we have the power' OI JCI.lllrtllUH ill uui uniikis, iiitj iii nut u. uhi Ha a ic. bels; and altb)ojigh jli Vft the priBCiples vpf.Ceorge JJI. and (hall think it rnj;all tmjes t9pole rus unjult encroach ments, yetrhKan t9pi'rteme eon(titotionby retraining the King.

4 AU men are intoxicatltd with fop 4 i the duty of the people' to watch over thofe who muft of neceflity be infefteil with fupreme command. vTh fame'tio'a holds good in monarchies,, and republics 3ut am told yourfcheme is merely vifionary. The people of England" will to fuch a reconciliation as renders, jthACtpwo independent of rarlia ment." Letu8 beat them be glad to receive us on thefe terms, rather ttanlofeus altogether. And while we acknowledge ajlegiancr to the Crown of England, let us aflert our natural, oir coriftitutional' rfghfs td a free 'government, and oppofe aa jnvincible refiftaiice' to every (hadow of parliamentary fupremacy over thefe ,1 a With much more fhewcof reafort it is' a lie ged'tliat neceflity and our common fafety, call out aloud iipon us to separate for ever. The advocates for this doctrine tell us, that as long as we continue under the allegiance of the Crowji of England the nation of Europe will not lend us' any 'And have we then fb bad an opinion of our own ftrtngth as'1h defpair to call in the afliftance of No (fay they)' but furely an alliance witn ioreigners win oe an advantage ro ny enaonng inem to fupply us with the nectflaries for carrying on the war; that on 4 declaration of independence, and not before, our feas and riverf er will be crowded with French and Spaniards, a ready market will be had tor our and gold and diver will pour in apace; Alas! I fear it will prove but a golden dream, out of which we (ball awake reftldV diffatisfied, and in defpair.

The very re verfe appears to me to be the moft probable. 'While Britain re mains Mi ftrefs of the Seas; and blocki 'pp every in let into out ririrw Kaui a th Vrpnrh iknA tn rf unnnirAni Have we not feen her an over, match forf ranee and Sriain united And while (he continues in alliance with RuiTia and Holland, is it not probable that (he will beat the reft of the united world one that element? But I will fuppofe France and Spin able to tend efteftual affiftahce to America vet I ahrm that it is neither their i inteitft to give it, nor our mtereft to'atcent of it with a view tq abfolute independenty: Cut the knot whicn ties old England t0 the new, and foon would the northern colonies alone more force than they now have tinited with Bntairf. va(t cbhti nent, let loofe from every connexion in Europe, would enjoy the liberty, the command of all her own Mt would theri become a meafure of equal importance arid, facilityfor her tofeize thofe lands whofe treasures might fupply what tne mediocrity of her own productions denies her. Her independent pofition w6uld enable her to complete the preparations for, invafion before thenw mour of them could reach the European climates. She might' choofe her enemy, the field, and the moment of her victories.5 Her thunder would always difcharge itfelf on coalts where ft waa' leaft expecled, on feas but feebly guarded by diftant dates.

Thofe countries, for the defence of which'forces' were lent over, would be conquered before they could be fuccoured. 1 They could nei ther be recovered by treaty, without great Sacrifices, nor prevented" from falling again under that yoke from which an enfeebled hand had delivered them. The colonies of thefe (fates would haftenv to acknowledge a niafter who would offer them no conditions fo! vexations as that of their own or elfe, animated by the example ot the Englilh provinces, they would break the chain which faftens them fo (hamefully to. Europe. Sound policy then will prevent the rival nations of England from precipitating by their lecret councils, by clandeflihe fuccours, or by open af fiftancc, the total independence of America, which can only deliver them from a neighbouring rival, by giving them a conqueror at a diftancc.

I will go further, and affcrt, however paradoxical it may appjar, that afthough the other nations of Europe will not afiilt in bringing about a total feparation, it will be their true in tereft to join the Americans in that conllitutional independence which gives them a free trade unda tbe allegiance of tbe Crow of England. England, it is true, derives the influence (he is miilrelsof, efpecially in the new world, from the extent and population of her northern colonies. It is they who put it in tier power to attack at all times, with advantage, the ides and the continent of other nations, to conquer their lands, and to ruin their commerce. But let it be confulered, that this Crown hath, in the other quarters of the globe, intereit which may run counter to her progrefs in America, which may hamper or retard her enterprizes there, which may annihilate her conquefta by the neceflity of reltitutions. France ami Spnin have nothing more to gain from a total feparation of the colonies, but what they receive from their independent tiade undei the Crown of England.

They have a great deai more to lofe. This leafoning, it is laid, may hold good with relict to Spain, but the French territories in America are fo infignificant that an extenfivr commerce with the Continent, and the profpeft of a powerful fleet, will vaftly overbalance the other conliderations. And can we be ferious in' our wiihes to aggrandize the powei of Frnnce That nation who lately afpiicd at univerfal empire, and only wanted a fleet to carry her fchemc into execution. Shall we be fuch (hort fighted politicians as to fiynilh her with that fleet Soon would (he give laws to the whole American continent. Or fuppofe the power of France fliould be only an equal match for Britain, what hall we gain by the conflict A diverlion of the Britifli forces perhaps in! our favour.

But is it not more probable that the contending pow ers," being wearitd with their imiiual lofl'cs, wouid join to dividej the colonies between them Thus every great and powerful mo i tive combines to mark the line of American politics tbe rights ofi a free trade under the Crown of England, and the power of grant'.

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