Wisconsin State Journal from Madison, Wisconsin • 11

SECTION 1, PAGE 11 WISCONSIN STATE JOURNAL, MONDAY, JUNE 14, 1971 A Melancholy Conclusion Reapportionment: Lawmakers Tacitly Agree to Disagree ccret Papers Show iet involvement Folly I I ZS, hJi 1 JOHN WYNGAARD Wisconsin Report I and return in the fall for unfinished business including the tiresome fight to a draw on redistricting. When the record shows that an agreement is impossible, the court upon its own initiative, or more likely on the petition of some dissatisfied citizens a9 in the 1960s, will be asked to make good the default of the Legislature which is directly responsible for the task under the Constitution. This is not to indict the legislators for deliberate shunning of duty. The task is not an easy one as the court demonstrated 10 years earlier when it delivered itself of some distinctly implausible districts. It must be remembered that it is possible to draw the map to provide districts of arithmetical exactitude, but yet to favor the Democrats.

It is possible to carve it up equally to favor Republicans. Legisla spirit of the "one man, pne vote" rule imposed in uncompromising terms by the U.S. courts could sit in the galleries of either Wisconsin legislative house for a week without hearing the word reapportionment mentioned. What is going on? THE EXPLANATION is that a divided government, the principal men have long since concluded that they won't be to come to an agreement on the delicate question and that in this decade, as in the last, the reapportionment will be achieved, if it is to be achieved, by order of the State Supreme Court. A casual poll ofrepresenta-tive legislators shows a telling fatalism.

The Republicans who rule the Senate are not likely to accept the kind of re-districting that will be devised by the Democrats who rule the Assembly. And the Democrats of the Assembly will be equally loath to accept the kind of a political map that will be drawn by the Republican Senate, in this consensus. Given that conclusion, it is not difficult to understand why the haggling has been put off by tacit consent of both parties. The more important issues of budgets and taxes and half a hundred others that command attention will be given priority. THEN THE HOUSES will suspend deliberations for a month or two possibly more tors are not saints.

They are human, perhaps more so than constituents. THE CHIEF men of the Senate are preparing re-election campaigns. They would be remarkable, indeed, if they did not show some reluctance to facing blocs of new voters next year. Many of the new Democrats come from marginal districts. They are apprehensive about boundary changes.

There are complications in Milwaukee, which has had a population shrinkage, and where there will be profound repercussions. What stands out most clearly In the Legislature's dilemma is that assignment of the reapportionment job to the Legislature was a mistake of otherwise superbly enlight-ened constitutional fathers. Another default this year may bring the understanding to force reform. GUARANTEED LOWEST PRICES INT0WH By JOHN WYNGAARD The enigma of the year in state politic; affairs is the curtain of silence that has descended on the topic that normally is one of the most exciting in the statehouse in the first legislative term of a new decade. A mystery wrapped in the enigma is an indifference that appears to be nearly total among the outside interest groups that usually keep up the pressure on reluctant or fearful legislators on the question of redistricting for congressional, Assembly, and Senate representation purposes.

THIS IS THE sixth month of the regular legislative term. The State Constitution is explicit. In the first session after the completion of the United States census, the Legislature is required to adjust the population of legislative districts to reflect the changes in population. Yet a i i concerned about political boundary adjustments this year in the UW Plans Study Labor, management, and pub lic representatives will be members of a steering committee to plan and supervise a pilot study of strikes, under a program Retired Persons Unit to Receive Charter LODI A national charter will be presented to the Prairie Valley chapter of the American Assn. of Retired Persons at 11 a.m.

Thursday in Haberman's Park. Mrs. W. E. Donahue, Bara- boo, state director of the group, will present the charter to the chapter president, Mrs.

Hazel Larson, Arlington. THE SMALL STORE WITH THE BIGCEST SELECTION to be quite good. The CIA said repeatedly that it did not think the U.S. bombing either would break the spirit of the North Vietnamese or stop the flow of military supplies from the North into South Vietnam. More than that, the intelligence estimates were that U.S ground troops would not necessarily assure victory because, whatever we put in, the enemy would match.

Nevertheless, in the end, L.B.J. seems not to have been able to conceive of the notion that these enemy soldiers, about whose character and culture he knew little, possible could i a the threats, let alone the use, of U.S. military power. Two assumptions were made repeatedly to justify the U.S. war effort, long after the factual basis for them was shaky.

THESE WERE, first, that the U.S. was engaged in stopping a major strategic world move by Moscow and Peking and, second, that failure to stop it in Vietnam would lead to spectacular Communist victories elsewhere and therefore to a major change in the Asian balance of power detrimental to the vital interests of the U.S. Even when the casualties rose into the tens of thousands and divided the nation, officials still were taking the next step and the next on the argument that these global strategic issues were at stake. Ironically, McNamara was responsible for ordering this vast study of what went wrong and in the process has furnished compelling evidence against himself and his colleagues in the Johnson and Kennedy Administrations. If you can afford a Chevy, Pontiac or Buick, you can afford an Ahrens Olds.

We'll prove it. By JAMES RESTON (c) N.V. Times News Service WASHINGTON The Official documents on the origins and development of United States involvement in the Vietnam war are being quietly circulated in Washington. They have not been released or by the Nixon Administration, but they are in the hands of some congressmen and presidential candidates, and they are being pub-lished by the New York Times. OF COURSE they do not tell the whole story.

They still are a confused heap of facts, but they are the first large collection of official documents that help answer the question of how the nation got into this divisive war and what officials were thinking when they made the critical decisions. The documents prove once more that truth is the first casualty of war and that war corrupts good men. In fact, the ambiguity of the Nixon Ad-ministratin's zig-zag withdrawal from Vietnam seems, in the light of these documents, almost innocent compared to the deceptive and stealthy U.S. involvement in the war under Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B.

Johnson. One of the many extraordinary things in this collection is how seldom anybody in the Kennedy or Johnson Administrations ever seems to a questioned the moral basis of the U.S. war effort. Men of unquestioned personal moral character, from Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Walt W.

Rostow, and the Bundy brothers on down, seem to have concentrated on the pragmatic questions of whether proposed policies, from bombing to getting rid of Diem, would work rather than whether they were justifiable for a great nation fighting for what it proclaimed were moral purposes. IT IS TRUE that all the documents on the U.S. part in the war are not yet available, and presumably officials like Undersecretary of State George Ball who had doubts on the escalation and human JAMES RESTON Resfon Comments cost of the war, kept some of their written dissents out of the files, but, even when Johnson was ordering new moves increasing U.S. participation in the actual fightiing and keeping this deeper involvement from the available record shows almost no protest among the President's closest advisers against what they knew to be deceptions of the American people. Their attitude seemed to have been that they were in office to serve the President, to help him get what he wanted, whether it was right or wrong.

Even when Kennedy, with the active participation of Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, decided to get rid of the Diem regime, the argument against this policy was not that it was wrong but merely that it might leave an awkward political vacuum, which it did. Later, McNamara and some of his aides, particularly John McNaughton and Paul Nitze, began, like Ball, to have serious doubts about the efficacy of the bombing and the search and destroy missions, and by mid-1967 they were getting their dissents to Johnson, but most of the damage to the U.S. cause had been done by that time. IT IS difficult to read these documents and go on repeating the cliche that successive U.S. governments "stumbled" into the war and then blindly staggered from one escalation to the next.

Actually, the estimates of the Central Intelligence Agency, particularly on the effect of the bombing, proved MIDWEST CAMERA MIDWEST CAMERA MIDWEST CAMERA MIDWEST CAMERA MIDWEST CAMERA 1HP of Labor Strikes sponsored by the University of Wisconsin Center for Teaching and Research in Dispute Settlement. The committee, which will hold its first meeting June 30, is composed of J. Curtis Counts, director of the Federal Media-1 tion and Conciliation Service; Prof. Eleanore J. Roe, UW Law School; John Schmitt, president, of the Wisconsin State AFL-CIO; Morris Slavney, chairman! of the Wisconsin Employment! Relations Commission; and John Waddleton, Allis Chalmers Manufacturing Co.

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