The Atlanta Constitution from Atlanta, Georgia • 91

Vv Lebanon plan Decentralizing the nation may be the best way out 8D Power sweep In Interior shuffle play, Clark came out the loser 4D TT The right stuff A Mdndale-Glenn ticket Vy forecast for '84 campaign Vv 6D SUNDAY, OCTOBER 16. 1983 SECTION ErjeMmtiaSannral the Atlanta constitution FOOD FOR Frederick Allen Political Editor him li III I -J if UL 4 1 NOUGHT Only carrots rate as a diet that's fit for man and mice 5 (Jmmtmmm. lZmLzSSi, 7-T It- A kk' By Ron Taylor Staff Writer Democrats appear calm By appearances, John Glenn and Walter Mondale aren't doing much to prepare for the Democratic presidential primary in Georgia next March. Neither has done much in the way of workaday organizing. Former Vice President Mondale's folks are just now getting around to finding a campaign headquarters.

Glenn has only one full-time staffer, a young out-of-state chap who saw fit to open the Ohio senator's headquarters just south of the Brookwood interchange on Peachtree, where the north Atlantans who form Glenn's natural constituency will have to dart across four lanes of vicious traffic to visit But it is only on the surface that all seems calm. Out of sight, like termites gnawing on the foundation, Georgia's Democrats are scurrying for position. The natural inclination of most of Georgia's political leaders is to avoid being thrust into either camp too early. Some of our smartest politicos have simply parked themselves in safe havens, supporting can't-win candidates. Lt.

Gov. Zell Miller and House Speaker Tom Murphy, for instance, are boosting Reubin Askew. Former Gov. Carl Sanders is hunkered down for the time being with Fritz Holl-ings. (So is former Attorney General Griffin Bell, but he openly admits that Glenn is his second choice.) Fulton County Commission Chairman Michael Lomax is with Gary Hart.

in --i STEVE DEAUStaff NINTH-GRADERS AT WALTON ACADEMY: Last fall, about 7.4 of Georgia schoolchildren were enrolled at private schools. or About 30 percent of all laboratory rodents have cancer by the end of their 2- to 3-year lifespan, proving, if nothing else, that human food probably is an effective, though gradual, rat poison. concerns researchers, who for years have been forcing rats and mice to eat the standard American diet, is that some of the food we eat may also eventually kill us. That is always unnerving news, and it is repeated often, as one food after another is labeled a potential killer. Bruce N.

Ames, a University of California biochemist, summed up the latest findings in a recent Science Magazine article. In the process, he seemed to cast a cloud over everything from mushrooms to mother's milk, exonerating only carrots. But, as his article pointed out, the issue is not so simple as that. Research into killer foods, fortunately, is always expressed with many qualifications and disclaimers, such as Ames' own: "Extrapolation of risk from rodents to humans is difficult for many reasons, including the' longevity difference, antioxidant factors and the probable multi-causal nature of most human cancer." In other words, rats are not human. But rodent research has offered reliable clues as to the causes of cancer, as well as of heart disease, and the clues increasingly point to some surprising suspects among the foods we eat People who turned to a vegetarian diet to avoid fatty meat and its artery-clogging cholesterol, for instance, could find their lives snuffed out by celery and black pepper.

Diseased celery can contain linear furocoumarins, light-activated chemicals that can cause cancer and chromosome damage. Extracts of black pepper have caused tumors in mice. Alfalfa sprouts, that staple of salad faddists everywhere, contain canavanine, which appears to be the cause of a lupuslike syndrome in monkeys. Popeye probably would not eat spinach if he knew that the nitrate it contains could form nitroso compounds, which are believed to be a cause of stomach and By Hank Ezell Staff Writer Mady of ths ststa's privsta Strict neutrality has been an inspiration to later generations of do-it-yourself educators. Including long-estab-.

lished, high-status preparatory schools, there was estimated to be as many as 200 private schools in Georgia by the late 1960s or early 1970s. Last fall, the state had 524 'private schools, including a large number founded by evangelical churches, and a few black schools run by Muslims. With enrollments that last fall accounted for 7.4 percent of Georgia's school children, private schools have become a noticeable force in statewide politics. The presence of a home-town private school, for example, can make a difference when legislators argue about whether to impose a sales tax, and how much of it to spend on public education. Private schooling is by no means a strictly Georgian, or even Southern, phenomenon.

In the fall of 1980, 33 states and the District of Columbia had higher percentages of their students in private schools than did Georgia, according to the U.S. Department of Education. In the nation as a whole, 10.8 percent of all students were in private schools. The figure for Georgia was 7.2 percent, and. for the South Atlantic states, including Georgia, it was 8.7 percent dtscIpUn; SOR19 Of lh3 eccdsmld, hsvo evolved iSi imX- They were the schools which first gave the word "academy" a bad name.

They popped up around Georgia and around the South, wherever a federal judge gaveled down his last, not-to-be-ignored order to integrate the public schools. The segregation academies were expected to die, and to do so fast. After all, the critics said, the schools were based on nothing more than evasion, not genuine aspirations, and their foundations contained more hope and hot air than brick and mortar. Now, 13 school years after Georgia wrestled with its biggest bout of public school desegregation, those expectations have been, in large part, confounded. Dozens of the private academies, nurturing commitments to tough curricula and even tougher discipline, have survived.

Supported in turn by civic leaders and devoted parents, the schools are now enrolling their second generation students. Their bus routes start more than 30 miles away. They are sending a high percent of their students on to college. Their success shows that permanent institutions can evolve from hardscrabble, even grimy beginnings. Some Of the desegregation- Into osrmsndit in't-'tutiona.

9hsretlbnof studsnts, 1 era schools started out in church campgrounds, decrepit public school buildings," and even a warehouse-and a motel. One "academy," lacking a water fountain, was equipped with a bucket and a dipper. But their surprisingly high survival rate 9D See SCHOOLS 8D See FOOD llhiiJ1lpwi.n.w.nii i ihiTWkii'I uii-i llllVHilI II1 H' lll'l ih II' IBII' Km I 1 i I I U.S. Missile build-down would stabilize hair-trigger arms situation in world Others notably Gov. Joe Frank Harris and state Democratic Chairman Bert Lance are maintaining postures of strict neutrality.

Except that -they aren't really neutral. In his heart of hearts, Harris favors Glenn, simply as a matter of political philosophy. Harris is a conservative one might consider him to be slightly to the right of the Nizam of Hyderabad and Glenn is the most conservative of the Democratic presidential hopefuls. It is no accident that while Harris remains impartial, his two floor leaders in the General Assembly Sen. Roy Barnes (D-Mable-ton) and Rep.

Larry Walke (D-Perry) -are members of Glenn's state campaign committee. Lance, who owes his party chairmanship to Harris, nonetheless enjoys a long friendship with Mondale from their days in the White House with Jimmy Carter. Next week, Lance is moderating a panel discussion on issues of concern to the South. The participants include such' noted Southern experts as Carter, former Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Mississippi Gov. William Winter, Atlanta Mayor Andrew Young -and that son of the Southern sod, Walter "Fritz" Mondale.

Lance maintains that he simply wants to draw as many candidates as possible to Georgia, and would delight in moderating panel discussions for any of the hopefuls. As a practical matter, though, this is a campaign function for Mondale, and Lance Is part of it. Deauty contest results All this might be of purely academic interest were it not for the new delegate Selection rules governing this year's Democratic presidential nomination. The results pf the beauty contest on March 13 will determine how 70 of Georgia's 82 delegates cast their ballots at the convention. But 12 party leaders and elected officials Will be uncommitted when they head for fan Francisco next summer, and Harris and Lance may well find themselves in a scrap trying to deliver that bloc to one of Jtoe candidates.

Elsewhere on the front, other troops are lining up. It is pretty well known that londale enjoys backing from the Carter Jrowd, but Glenn is quietly snatching up some useful folks too: Atlanta lawyer Peyton Hawes, who ran Sidney Marcus's mayoral campaign in 1981; Rogers Wade, Herman Talmadge's one-time administrative assistant; Atlanta City Council Presi- ilent Marvin Arrington; and state Agricul-ure Commissioner Tommy Irvin. There re some pretty potent networks attached to those names. Most of Georgia's, politicians are fcurnt-out cases, anxious for a breather pfter nasty contests for the Senate in 1980, Siayor of Atlanta in 1981 and governor in 982. Still, post time approaches, and thor-ughbreds all, they are beginning to an iwthecaU.

v. First strike is aimed at the concept of 'use them or lose Nunn says. Build-down recognizes the unstable nature of this. 1966 70 7 5 80 62 1966 70 75 80 82 The centerpiece of the president's proposal is a concept known as the mutual guaranteed nuclear build-down," which Sen. William Cohen Sen.

Charles L. Percy (R-IU.) and I suggested earlier this year. The United States will propose that each side agree to dismantle more than one existing warhead for each new warhead deployed. The ratio between old warheads that must be destroyed and new warheads that can be introduced will vary according to type. The introduction of more destabilizing systems will require a higher ratio of removal.

(For example, two for one on large MIRVed, land-based missiles, three for two on sea-based missiles and a one-for-one replacement of existing warheads with small, mobile missiles.) Thus, each side will have an incentive to modernize its force by introducing the type of systems that contribute to the greatest stability in the strategic nuclear balance. All of this may sound frightfully complex, but it Is really basic arithmetic. The intention is to promote Inventory bomber A. warheads By Sen. Sam Nunn Special to The Journal-Constitution For more than 35 years, the world has avoided nuclear war.

Our efforts during the last two decades to limit and eventually reduce, the nuclear arsenals of both the United States and the Soviet Union, however, have met with only modest success. Since SALT I in 1972, three arms control treaties between the superpowers have been negotiated and signed by three different presidents, but not a single one has been ratified by the U.S. Senate. An unconstrained build-up in the strategic nuclear weapons makes for' a dangerous and unstable world. We owe it to ourselves and our children to search for agreements with our adversary to control the arms race and reduce the overall level of nuclear weapons in the world.

Even more importantly, we must seek agreements and cooperative proce-' dures that reduce the likelihood of nuclear weapons ever being used. President Reagan last week announced a set of bold and innovative proposals that the United States will lay on the bargaining table at the. START talks in Geneva. The new proposals incorporate a number of conceptual breakthroughs for dealing with longstanding roadblocks progress. i Of great significance is the fact that the president's new proposals originated as the result of an extensive, bipartisan dialogue between the executive branch and members of Congress.

This will mean that the administration can bargain with the Soviet Union' from a position of strength, confident that there is now substantial unity in the Congress as well as the executive branch. It. also means that the prospects of achieving ratification of any treaty that eventually results from the talks will be significantly enhanced. 1966 70 75 80 82 1966 70 75 80 82 Source; Defense Stockholm International Peaco Reuwirdi ksntuto 9D See NUNN 4- I.