The Journal Herald from Dayton, Ohio • 4

The Journal Herald UlUULI. ILMMUR. EUIIOR AM) ll Blhlll IJ ALviN p. SAon Editor of thi editorial page Raiph LNGER. MANAGING editor Saturday, July 15, 1972 Dayton, Ohio Pag 4 Honor thy other ond thy mother: tlwt thy days nivy be long vpo.i the hud which the Lord thy Cod fjifftii thee.

Exod: Call for Change Scruffies at Miami By Mary McGrory MIAMI BEACH "He's got two minutes left," screamed Marti Rieffe into her hand-carried microphone. The international secretary of the East Coast Students for a Democratic Society was speaking of the man who was about to be nominated by his party for the greatest office in the Western world. The time was 7:45 Wednesday night, and the place was the lobby of the Doral, the McGovern headquarters hotel. Fifteen minutes earlier, Marti Rieffe, five feet of brass and trouble, had made the toughest deal of the convention. If George McGovern came down and explained himself to her and her foul-smelling, foul-mouthed delegation, they would go away.

Otherwise, they would continue their screeching indefinitely. A gray-faced Frank Mankiewicz had promised to bring back an answer or the senator in 15 minutes. The Doral lobby was carpeted with bare midriffs, bare chests, sawed-off dungarees and mad hats. The hotel was paralyzed, the elevators stopped, the bars closed. Seventeen floors above, in his penthouse suite, George McGovern was wrestling with the nastiest decision of his long march to the nomination.

The hotel management was threatening to call the police in 10 minutes. McGovern faced the hideous prospect that he would get the prize covered with blood, that' every television set and newspaper in the would show pictures of a highway patrolman dragging Marti Rieffe across the marble floor by her long brown hair. jaifilu WULUH- vl! McGovern accepts the nomination One thing Eagleton does not offer is ideological balance. His views do not differ markedly from McGovern's. Hence, this presidential election should offer voters a choice between distinct ideological emphases.

Whether this will result in a so-called "watershed" election which determines We shape of presidential elections for years it is too early to say. The old coalitions have clearly broken down, and new coalitions appear to be forming, but they may not coalesce for at least four more years. As ho strives to put together a winning coalition George McGovern is faced with disunity within his party, a subject to which he addressed himself in his acceptance speech. Some labor leaders and machine politicians are less than thrilled by his candidacy, and by their relegation to back seats at the convention. But we suspect that as the campaign wears on some of their bitterness will fade and thci will be a coming together of sorts, although McGovern may not receive his usual ouota of financial support from the AFL-CIO.

And it is the money more than the George S. McGovern's acceptance speech was very much in keeping with his campaign thus far. He spoke of ending the war, providing jobs for all able to work and a decent income for all citizens, initiating tax reform so that the rich pay more. And he sounded the populist theme of taking government out of the hands of special interests and returning it u- people. Throughout his speech McGovern i c' the chant "Come Home, America," promises to be the theme of his campaign Interpreted at one level, the words have an isolationist ring to them, a throwback to the old "Fortress America" days.

At another level, they speak of shifting emphasis from overseas to domestic priori ties: a call to put our house in order, while at the same time standing by some of our overseas commitments. At still another level they translate into one word; change. This call for change echoed throughout McGovern's speech and was in keeping with the overriding theme of the Democratic convention that nominated him: Change from the old order to the new. In McGovern and his running mate, Sen. Thomas F.

Eagleton. the new Democratic party has put forth two fresh faces. Sen. McGovern is something of a known quantity by now, although there is much about him and about what he thinks that the public has yet to learn. Sen.

Eagleton, by comparison, is an unknown figure. He brings to the Democratic ticket religious balance he is a Catholic, McGovern a Methodist and balance between urban and rural. Eagleton comes from St. Louis, while McGovern's roots lie in rural South Dakota. Eagleton, who has close tics to labor leaders, also brings the promise of closing the breach between McGovern and some of the labor Our Morning Mail political support which he needs.

The George Meanys do not control many. votes nowadays, but they do control a substantial political treasury. McGovern, however, is clearly not counting on Meany's financial backing, as evidenced by the appeal in his acceptance speech for one million Americans to contribute $25 each to his campaign. If he can come close to achieving that goal, he not only will have raised a significant sum of money, but also will have broadened substantially the base of his support and the extent of citizen participation in the political process. Quincy Sap-Misguided, Misused and Mistaken Reluctant Bobby Fischer is becoming an embarrassment To direct, control or handle; to administer or regulate; to contrive or arrange; to maki? submissive are some of the meanings of "to manage." If the recent publication in The Journal Herad of the terms of the contract (between) the RTA (Regional Transit Authority) and the ATE Management and Service Co.

(July 7) are to be taken at face value, it connotes that contrive should be changed to connive and that to render submissive is the credo of a management team. It is. truly remarkable how often and with increasing regularity Quincy Sap, the taxpayer, is misguided, misused and mistaken. It is only to be expected that an organization as incompetent, inept and assinme as RTA has proven itself to be publicly over the past nine months would allow itself to be taken by as sharp an outfit as ATE. The higher echelon of RTA is to be complimented, 1 suppose, for being able to reach an agreement on the choice of its management firm.

Heretofore Bobby Fischer, who purports to be representing the United States in a world championship chess match with Boris Spassky of Russia, is fast drifting from potential national hero to established national embarrassment. Fischer complained initially about the prize money and delayed the match in Reykjavik. Iceland, for almost a week until the prize money was increased to $250,000. Now, having been the beneficiary of worldwide interest in this match and of the revenue potential it generated, he is crying about the concealed cameras that are pait of the gear by which the public gets its money's worth. That tantrum kept him in bed while he forfeited the second game, fter he lost the first.

Now he's protesting the forfeit. A pro can't have both wads of money and insulated privacy during competition. The people and the gear peeking over the opponents' shoulders make the difference between a well-paid professional and a living-room a in a r. If Fischer can't stand the pressure he ought to withdraw. it has given little evidence of agreement on policy, direction or decision.

On the assumption that the main points of the contract awarded ATE are not libelous, they read like an open invitation to fleece the public. A stipend upwards of $9,000 a month, plus the furnishing without cost (except to the taxpayer) of office space, equipment, supplies, materials and clerical help, and such automobile transportation as may be "reasonably" necessary, seems more than generous sort of like percent profit on a non-salable item. However, in addition we will assume out of faith that two or three fulltime, in-resident individuals will 'earn" that stipend) there will be non-resident executives, associates, associates' associates and other staff members too numerous to mention, who will be drawing ridiculously exorbitant salaries while enjoying lavish expense accounts. For all this it is not mandatory that ATE be the actual employer of the transit system employes. In God's name, what will it do, make recommendations? Perhaps the members of the management team while away the hours (between now and the indeterminate period of the actual purchase of one or more buslines) embroidering antimacassars on which to rest iheir heads.

Or they might try standing in the rain waiting for a vehicle that never comes because it has broken down along the way. I'm certain these very clever people can come up with something to justify the need for them. But. then, maybe Quincy Sap doesn't really care. So long as he continues to believe in fairies and listen to promises with his innocent trust, what difference does it make who takes him for a ride? ALAN S.

HAUENSTEIN Dayton Critic Criticized Perhaps IS days in Ocean City, N.J., was not long enough for The Journal Herald's "astute" movie critic F. Anthony Macklin (July 8 column). Could we induce some one there into taking him full time? Since his weekly blurbs on current Dayton films show a certain sagacity, only found in the mind of a snail, I suggest we make an all-out effort to find him another position. RUTH GLEASON Kettering Survival in the Mideast Conflict By Charles Yost It was Chicago all over again or accepting Marti Rieffe's ultimatum. The scene in the Doral lobby was, as it happened, merely the most appalling man-isfestation of the fury that George McGovern had suddenly made for himself with the left, which saw him, in his hunger for the nomination, turning into a carbon copy of Richard Nixon.

Tuesday, he issued a statement saying he would keep troops in Thailand until the Vietnam prisoners were released. It sent shock waves through his constituency. The dove delegations at the convention, those who had given him his finest victories, started to go up. Massachusetts, Wisconsin and Oregon threatened to abstain on the first ballot. Was he trimming on the issue that had brought him the prize? The SDS, which had been unnoticed in Flamingo Park, decided their hour had come.

They marched on the Doral and blocked the entry. The manager called the cops. McGovern aide Fred Dutton got him to call them off. The scruffies piled into the lobby, and took over. Marti Rieffe and her street people would not go away.

In the besieged candidate's suite. Mankiewicz, Dutton and Gordon Weil considered the dilemma. "Dialogue instead of violence, isn't that what we're all about?" Mankiewicz asked at one point. Down in the lobby, Marti proclaimed her responsibility to "oppressed peoples everywhere" and started preparing questions that suggested two years of daily speeches had gone unread by the students. She led them in chants, they shouted louder, clapped harder.

Then suddenly, on the steps above the elevator corridor, klieg lights and a thicket of microphones proclaimed the arrival of the candidate. Marti, a hundred feet away, saw her big moment at stake and clambered hastily over the bodies of her troops, clutching her hand microphone while her bearer held the voice box on top of his wiry head. "Where do you stand on Southeast Asia?" she shouted. McGovern's voice trembled. "Let me state my position again," he said.

"Within 90 days every American soldier and prisoner will be home." They gave him a cheer. "Are you going to sign the antiracist bill or not?" bellowed Marti. "I am not going to sign it," he said. "I think it is wrong." There were boos and obscenities aiid a roar of "marijuana" from another quarter. McGovern stated his views and Marti taxed him about the "Mrs.

Christianson incident," about which he had not heard. "This is a very heavy day," he said in reasonable tones. "I can't possibly agree to all your demands. I came down because I wanted to manifest the possibility negotiation. There isn't any disagreement at all about the desperate need to improve communications in this country," When it was over, he retreated under heavy guard.

Marti, triumphant, led her troops out of the ravaged lobby. Had McGovern converted her? "No." she sniffed. Would she vote for him? "I never vote," she snapped. Did she think well of McGovern for coming down? "He had to. If he didn't, we would have stayed." The McGovern telephone switchboard begun to light up again.

Thirty calls in 10 minutes. Some said a man who wants to be president of the U.S. should never lower himself to parley with the likes of Marti Rieffe. Others said he had shown rare courage, Mm Mctiwry, Washington ntivt ana-lyxt, writes for thf Washington Star Syiidira.tr, BEIRUT Conversations I have had with Prime Minister Saeb Salam and Foreign Minister Khalil Abou-Hamad of Lebanon highlight the dangerous position of this small, democratic, religiously-divided country caught in the middle of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It might be said that Lebanon is doing everything possible to survive in an impossible situation.

On the one hand. Lebanon was the only one of Israel's neighbors to stay out of the six-day war. Israel has insisted that it has no claim on Lebanese territory (though many Lebanese regard this claim with strong scepticism). On the other hand, after the 194S-1949 war Lebanon received "in a fraternal spirit" large numbers of Palestinian refuses, who have now mushroomed to about 300.000. For the most part they still live in refugee camps and are under the aegis of the Palestine liberation organizations, which in turn are the principal surviving active source of armed raids and terrorist planing against Israel.

Israeli Foreign Minister Abba than pointed out to me in Jerusalem a lew days ago that it is an odd and sad fact that Israel's one insecure frontier at the moment is that with her most peace-loving neighbor. He and other Israelis made clear that, while understanding Lebanon's problems, they expect her to exercise sovereign control over her own territory and to discipline her Palestinians as King Hussein has done. Otherwise Israel, they said, would be obliged to take more drastic and decisive action than the air raids against Lebanese villages last month. To this the Lebanese leaders reply that they have by negotiation considerably reduced the visibility and aggressiveness of the Palestinian organizations inside Lebanon; that there has since last February been but a single foray from Lebanese territory which caused Israel any casual-tics; that tne villages bombed by Israel last month were neither occupied by nor friendly to the fedayeen. and thai the they as good friends of the United States, deplore.

Syria is another story in several respects. It has had during recent years a series of socially radical governments; it has never accepted UN resolution 242 (the basic document in Mideast diplomacy since 19S7) as a framework for settlement of the Arab-Israel conflict; it actively supports and supplies some of the Palestine organizations; it intervened on their behalf in Jordan in 1970. (Incidentally Soviet involvement in that episode was probably far less extensive than the Whita House, eager to claim its own "Cuban missile crisis," i a i or pretended.) On the other hand. Syria has since that affair exercised a firm control over Palestinian: in its territory. It has so far refused to sign a "treaty of friendship" with the Soviet Union, as Egypt and India have done.

Its spokesmen insisted to me that, having so recently won their independence from the French, they are not aboui to surrender it to another great power. At the same time, it is impossible to convince the Syrians that Israel is not permanently settling down in the whole Golan area, that it does not have further substantial expansionist designs, and that in two. five or 10 years Damascus iteslf may not be threatened and its citizens, like the Palestinians, forced to become refugees For their part the Syrians contend that Israel will never find security by territorial expansion, that the solution of the conflict is for the Israelis to stop behaving like "Western invaders" creating merely a "Middle Eastern ghetto" lor thcT.isel.'cs. as one Syrian put it and insiei turn their talents and energies to a genuine "assimilation" with the Muslims and Christians of Palestine and a rcconcil-iaii" nn equal terms with the other Arabs. Yost lias chief U.S.

deterate to the United S'athns from rind hai '4U yearn of didoiuntir exjn ri'nirr. Good Morning by Dunagin Yost Lydda airport attack was not in any sense mounted from Lebanon. Lebanon is a democracy, and it is almost evenly divided between Muslims and Christians. An attempt to crack down on the Palestinians would not only be ineffective but would almost certainly lead la civil war and an end to democracy in Lebanon, which would hardly increase secur'ty on Israel's frontier. A substantial Israeli military intervention in Lebanon might have much the same consequences.

Fa- better, say the Lebanese, to do as they have done periodically to negotiate i the Palestinian leaders improvements in the security situation, even though improvements are of limited durability given the fragmentation and indiscipline of the liberation movements and the involvement in them of Syrians, Libyans, Algerians, Iraqis and others. Perhaps the only solid solution of this p.irilcu'ar problem would be to install a Unite! Nations peacekeeping force, per-VH. 3.1)1)0 to 5.H00 men. in a buffer zonr just t'Oi lh of the border. Of course, the Lebanese, like President Sada' Egypt, are utterly convinced that the United States could bring about peace in the Middle Fast if it really wanted to; that Soviet influence in the area will increase and American influence decline more rapidly than in the past which 7.

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