The Austin American from Austin, Texas • 4

ANITA BREWER'S Kefunt EDITORIALS An Intensified War A View From The Mountains Fraternities Work at Change in Image individuals or gangs who often invade public buildings. But it will set a standard for an intensififed war on crime throughout the United States, on the side of harsher and more fitting penalties and less emphasis on the often regarded supplier rights of accused persons. What has been called the Mallory rule, handed down by the Supreme Court in 1957, held that a confession could rot be admitted into evidence in a federal trial if it was made during what the court called "unnecessary One example of what this means was provided in a confession given after only five minutes of questioning, but thrown out of court because it conflicted with the "unnecessary delay" ruling. The Supreme Court did not define what it meant by the term, unnecessary delay. It is difficult to conceive how five minutes constituted unnecessary delay.

And so a confession resulted in no conviction, and a criminal went free. There has been wide alarm by the public over the sharp and continuing rise in criminality and its serious and major crimes. Now the House and Senate have approved separate measures to give law-enforcement officials much stronger authority. Numbers in Congress say that these moves are necessary in the face of the rising crime rate. They say that there is a growing sentiment throughout the country against "coddling" criminals which critics charge stems from Supreme Court rulings in recent years in cases before it.

Tne criminal under the new concept of rights is being treated like a tender hot house plant, while his victims, slain, ravished or brutally injured, have relatively inferior standing before what is described as the majesty of the law. The new legislation if and when enacted will apply only to the District of Columbia, with its abnormally high crime rate and record of violation of women by prowling booklet spells it by older fraternity brothers trained by the University's Testing and Counseling Center is being proposed in an effort, "to stimulate the freshman pledge toward academic interest and scholastic success." The fraternity men haven't forgotten their independent brothers. Interfraternity Council funds were appropriated last year to provide extra hours of free instruction to all interested freshmen not only Greeks, but all freshman students. Meanwhile in the United States Senate, an amendment has been adooted in the Senate version of the Higher Education Bill which would prohibit federal direction, supervision or control over "the membership practices or internal operations of any fraternal organization, any fraternity or sorority, or any religious organization at any institution of higher education, whose facilities are not owned by the institution of higher education and whose activities are financed from funds derived from private sources." This amendment clearly tries to remove any possibility of the Civil Rights Act having an effect on membership in fraternities and sororities. The House bill does not include the phrase relating to the ownership of facilities and the private firancing.

The House of Representatives in Washington is expected to take up Monday the bill authorizing establishment of a National Foundation on the Arts and Humanities. A similar measure was passed by the Senate on June 10. Although such a foundation would he a great boon to the arts and humanities in the United States, its passage- should bring a chill to the hearts of University of Texas enthusiasts. Ideal head of a Foundation on the Arts and Humanities would be UT Chancellor Harry Ransom, and it might be the one job in the world that would lure him away from the Fraternities at The University of Texas are going high brow or at lfeast they want folks to think they are. The Interfraternity Council at UT has just published two slick looking publications.

The emphasis is solidly on scholastic endeavors of fraternity men and their participation in student government and honorary and service organizations. Conspicuously absent are the booze-and-broads photographs which graced such publications not too many years ago. "The progressive fraternity can add materially to a young man's education," is the theme of one of the publications. "It both aids the scholar and develops the man. The progressive fraternity contributes significantly to the high academic standards, good social behavior and constructive extracurricular activities of its institution and its men.

type of group not only complements, it provides a real basis for successful higher education." The pamphlet points out that the All-Fraternity grade average is consistently higher at the University than the overall All-Men's average. "The pledge period often has been criticized as a semester of wasted time and poor grades," says the IFC. "Yet this past year, the grades of the freshman fraternity pledges at Texas were higher than either those of the boys who were completely independent or those of the freshman mmbers of the local clubs or co-ops. "The modern fraternities at The University of Texas also have proven instrumental in encouraging a boy to remain in school until graduation. A study completed last year revealed that the percentage of dropouts after their freshman yer is 80 per cent lower among fraternity men than among independents." Dr.

Thomas Jenkins, of the Student Life staff and advisor to fraternities, also has proposed further scholastic improvement within the fraternity system. Pcer-to-peer counseling (the Progress Reported in Leukemia Vaccine The medical profession is looking with great interest on a development that has been hailed as looking like the first successful vaccine immunization substance against one form of leukemia in animals. A tandem team, the Sloan-Ketter-ing Research Institute in New York and the Institute Gustave Roussy in France, reported this progress. It applies only to animals, and so far not to human beings. Both laboratories say that cells from the cultures taken from the spleen and thymus glands of mice provide 100 per cent immunity against Rauscher-virus-caused leukemia.

It seems to indicate that the essential leukemia immunizing agents lies in cell material itself. Rauscher virus is only one virus ihat causes leukemia in lab animals. The study and experimentation is being pursued with an eye to eventual tests on human beings. or two and marking off on their calendars the days when, with a little bit of luck, they may get a short relief for what is prudently and inpre-cisely called "rest and recreation" in Hong Kong or Manila. The men who are making a career of the Army and the Marines, like the professionals of the Navy, will be in Viet Nam for a long time, but as the demand increases for a larger American force there non-professionals from the Selective Service will have to be sent in as reinforcements.

Meanwhile, the civilian representatives of the much criticized Agency for International Development (the foreign aid administration), who have the important and dangerous jobs of working with the Vietnamese province chiefs in hamlets surrounded by the Viet Cong, are in even more difficult circumstances. They do not know from one foreign aid appropriation struggle in Congress to another, whether they will have a job. They are without their families in isolated communities that can be overrun by the enemy every night, and the surprising thing is not that so many of them go home after their term of duty, but that so many of them stay on long after they are free to go. The shortage of material of spare parts, of some medical supplies and of certain types of weapons, planes and helicopters can probably be met fairly quickly in Viet Nam. Even the shortage of specialists mechanics, electronic experts, etc.

can probably be eased over the next few months without calling all the reserves of the armed services to duty, but there will still be a problem. For the demands on Washington and the American people in Viet Nam, great as they are, could easily be repeated elsewhere in the vast area of revolutionary struggle from Japan and Korea through Southeast Asia and the Middle East to the Mediterranean, and if China should try to meddle in the Indian-Pakistani conflict and encourage the chaos of communal and religious slaughter in the Indian sub-continent, the pressure on the US to do far more would be urgent. Viet Nam is only a symbol of this larger problem. We have no adequate professional military and civilian service to deal with it. We are fighting a war on a modified peacetime basis.

We are improvising brilliantly in Saigon, with a constant turnover of ambassadors and officers and technicians, but we are not yet ready either for a large war in Viet Nam, or for the longer battle for Asia. By JAMES RESTON (c) 1965 New York Times News Service FIERY RUN, Va. On a long flight from Viet Nam to Virginia, there is time to reflect on the American war effort in Southeast Asia and the even more complex political crisis in Asia as a whole. One contradiction stands out. The Americans in Viet Nam seem to be talking about a long war and planning a short personal slay.

Viet Nam is a savage test of strength, but is only a limited effort in the much larger struggle for the future of Asia, which the undeclared war between India and Pakistan makes clear will probably go on for a long time. There is little evidence in Saigon that the United States is ready for this larger war in Asia or even that it is prepared for a long war in Viet Nam. The American strategy in Viet Nam is to stun the Viet Cong with air power, force Hanoi and the Communist National Liberation Front in South Viet Nam to sue for peace, and then leave the control and pacification of the country primarily to the South Vietnamese government, which still shows no signs of being able to control or pacify its own squabbling and ambitious leaders. What the armed forces of the United States have done to stabilize the military situation in Viet Nam in the last few months is impressive. The commitment of more than 100,000 Americans to the struggle, the bombardment of North Viet Nam, and particularly the hounding of the Viet Cong by air power all over South Viet Nam have undoubtedly avoided defeat, but this is only the beginning of the beginning, and even in Viet Nam, let alone the larger battles for Asia, there are shortages of men and materiel and contradictions of policy.

The Navy, for example, is carrying the burden of the air war against North Viet Nam from its aircraft carriers in the South China Sea. Secretary of the Navy Paul Nitze, anticipating this assignment, called for volunteers from the Navy Reserve. They did not respond in sufficient numbers. So the men on active duty in Viet Nam were forced to extend their service for four months. This was done without much complaining.

In fact, the spirit below decks in these aircraft carriers in the South China Sea is an inspiration. But the men there are working literally 18 and often 20 hours a day, keeping the fighter-bombers repaired, often in 120-degree heat, sleeping fitfully for an hour Up die Ladder Dolly on the Escalator TTTTTiri TTTTT 1 xLix JUL vJaJL LI 1 1, I. A reasoned response by the Russians would have been a long article in Pravda denouncing baseball as hooliganism. Instead, they escalated immediately to Step 67 the Enemy's Road Even at this level, Dr. Hans points out, effective cultural warfare can be waged without intense danger of wiping out all culture.

To ban further tours by the Bolshoi, for example, would invite further escalation by the Russians. The reasoned response would be to bed the troupe in sheets full of cracker crumbs, house them in hotel rooms next to convention parties, and steer them through a program of rigorously planned activity such as Doris Day movies, visits to the Senate and afternoon TV game shows. Dr. Hans' critics have vilified him for daring to think about ways of making culture an effective weapon of the state. As the Russians have shown again, however, culture in the era of the superstate is as much an instrument of policy as the ICBM and the secret agent.

As Dr. Hans puts it, "You can't make an omelet without cracking a few By RUSSELL BAKER (c) 1965 New York Times News Service WASHINGTON Moscow's abrupt decision to keep "Hello Dolly" off the boards in Russia is bad news. The official interpretation that the show was banned in retaliation against United States war policy in Viet Nam is not taken seriously by people who understand relations between modern superstates. The people find it laughable to suggest that Moscow thinks it can give American bombers tit-for-tat by cutting off David Merrick's rubles. In the words of one war-room thinker, "What we are faced with is the danger of total cultural warfare." In striking against Broadway's most successful musical, Moscow is over-reacting in an escalation out of all proportion to the original American thrust.

The crisis was begun quietly enough last month when Soviet photographic planes flying over Cuba recorded the absence of Bobby Fischer from the Casablanca chess tournament. Scanning newspaper cuttings in the ministry of cultural warfare, several commissars reported simultaneously that Fischer, the American chess cham pion, had been denied American passport permission to attend the tournament. Here, it seemed, was a quiet, concealed move by the United States to strike a sneak blow against Communist culture. In banning "Hello Dolly" Moscow abruptly confronted Washington with a cultural challenge of the deepest gravity. The men here who favor lobbing one into the men's room of the Kremlin are already urging a five-year prohibition against the Bolshoi Ballet, and Sol I'urok has been warned that "we're eyeball to eyeball under the complexion bulbs." The voice of sanity behind scenes belongs to Dr.

Hugo Hans, wnose seminal work, "Culture Can Turn the Tide," defines 93 brilliantly thought-out steps up the escalation ladder which precede the dreadful Step 94, Universal Cultural War. (Banning predawn Russian classes on educational TV, permitting unlimited export of movie magazines to the Soviet Union, etc.) Dr. Hans points out that in refusing to let Fischer go to Cuba to play chess, the United States, unwittingly perhaps, was escalating to Step 22 the Enemy's National LETTERS EDITORIALS SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE Page 4 Austin, Texas Friday, Sept. 10, 1965 mmmmmm tufa? r- The Root of the Tragedy on the Indian Snb-Continent Memories of Insult and Blood and Strife Hindu and Moslem boys going to school together, of the almost desperate attempt of leaders of both countries for so many years to play down religious hatreds. These things are all true and are the foundation for whatever hope remains for the subcontinent.

But the terrible fear that must eat at the men of responsibility in New Delhi and in Karachi is that if the war goes on Hindu and Moslem far behind the lines will look at each other, shout that terrible cry "unclean!" and that then the knives forged of centuries of hatred and mistrust will be whetted and bloodied. wives and their children, and their old ones. The blood of partition was hardly dry when a new ugliness came between India and Pakistan the struggle over the sweet-scented Vale of Kashmir. This struggle, too, was part of the Hindu-Moslem inheritance of fear and suspicion. The hope was that as time passed, hatreds would ebb, that one day men would be more rational and perhaps then the issue of Kashmir could be settled.

One day but not now. Columns and pages and books could be written about Pakistani lawyers defending Hindus in Dacca in East Fakistan, of Moslems in high places in India's government and army, of A. M. ROSENTHAL (c) 1965 New York Times News Service NEW YORK The day that Mahatma Gandhi died in 1948 a Pakistani delegate walked across the shabby lounge of the United Nations headquarters at Lake Success in New York and took the Indian delegate by the hand. The two men, blood-bitter antagonists at the council table, stood quietly looking at each other and neither was ashamed of the tears in his eyes.

TTiere were times when Indian and Pakistani officials would meet together in New Delhi over a whisky and water in a drawing room, or in a club, and talk to each other, not only with courtesy but with the kind of tenderness that comes from a fondly remembered shared past, now forever gone. "Tell me," an Indian from the Punjab would say, "Do they still have that bookshop near the university in Lahore, the one with the men selling sweets outside? Such delicious sweets, I've never tasted anything like the sweets of Lahore." Or a Pakistani would say: "Wherever is Balakrishnan? Remember, he was in our regiment. He was a good man, how he could drink, that man; some day, I would like to see him again, that Balakrishnan." After moments like those, strangers would say to each other, why, Indian and Pakistani are really the same after all. divided by a political partition, lnit really the same people, brothers, and that is what will count. That was comforting, but not the whole truth.

The two nations, once one. are now at war and communiques speak of raids and attacks: the danger was never grea'er to India and Pakistan. The root of the tragedy are the fears and hairecis, the memories of insult and blood and strife, that have divided Hindu from Moslem on the Some of these divisions spring from a kind of national memory centuries old Indians' bone-deep remembrance of Mogul conquerors sweeping from the northwest. Some are as fresh as a scream a Moslem's memory of his brother cut down during riots in Delhi. Some come from taboos of religion a Hindu sees a Moslem eat a beafsteak and is sickened.

Some come simply from different ways of thinking. Also largely based on religion. The monotheistic Pakistani is brought up in a direct one to one relationship with God. He prides himself on straight talk, a yes or no, right or wrong. He is contemptuous of an Indian Hindu, whose religion is more diffuse, who may see God in a tree or a mountain spring and who is more reflective, less sure of where truth lies, believes there may be many truths as there are many Gods.

"You can't trust the Hindu," the Moslem says, simply because for centuries he has not understood his thought processes. Can these divisions be conquered so the two nations can live in peace? There are many men in both countries who live in the belief that they must and can. The late Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was one such. Before his own politicians who were talking of the heritage of Swaraj freedom Nehru rose to denounce those wno divided caste from caste. Hindu from Moslem, and he cried: "If we cannot forget these caste and communal weaknesses which erupt in us at the slightest provocation and cannot tolerate other communities, then to hell with Swaraj!" There are also Pakistani officers and politicans who fear anti-Hinduism as they fear evil's incarnation, and try to dampen the hatred and hold the reins, and among these has been President Mohammad Ayub Khan.

Many Moslems and Hindus fear that war on the subcontinent could mean hidenousness beyond description the slaughter of the 46 million Moslems in India, the 10 million Hindus in Pakistan, a bath of blood such as the world has never seen. The antipathies and aversions are part of the heritage of both nations; they breed fear and contempt. From the 11th to the 16th Century the Moslems swept India as conquerors. The Moslem conquered but he paid for his conquests. He paid with a burden of contempt that distorts the man who carries it the weakling Hindu, the cowardly Hindu, the cow-worshiping, monkey-loving Hindu.

And the other price he paid he was an alien, never quite at home, r.ever quite trusting the people around, fearful of the inevitable resurgence of Hinduism. The British, who unified India on the map but not in her soul, helped in some important part to strengthen the image of the Moslem as the fighting man and the Hindu as the "Babu" or clerk smart, a little pushy, a good official of the civil service, but a "Baba" nonetheless. When the time came for independence from Britain, many Moslem leaders feared they would be drowned in a sea of Hinduism as part of India, and so there was partition the creation of Pakistan, a state whose territory is divided by more than 1,000 miles of India but which managed, against huge odds, to live and prosper a bit. strengthened by its vision of nationhood and its fear of India. For Moslem Pakistani as well as Hindu Indian knows fear.

During the partition riots, when unknown millions died from Calcutta to Bombay both saw how savage they could be, how men of different religions who lived in a village or town for generations, could stab and mutilate each other, and their Air Panel Director Is Named The Austin American LOUIS N. GOLDBERG, Publisher CHARLES E. GREEN. Editor THE AUSTIN AMERICAN Published by Newspopers, 4th ond Guadalupe Streets, Austin, Texas, daily except Saturday, Sunday, New Year's Day, Fourth of July, Labor Day. Thanksgiving Day, Saturday, Sunday ond Holiday issues Austin American-Statesman.

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Charles Murphy, Austin attorney, was named executive director of the Texas Aeronautics Commission Thursday. Murphy, a graduate of The University of Texas wlio attended the University of Houston, has served four terms as state representative from Harris County. The new director will have charge of the expanded commission program authorized by the 59th Legislature. Budget was increased S2S0.000 this- fiscal year to aid small communities attract new industry through airport development. Murphy has practiced law for the past 15 years, is a former counsel for Texas Aircraft Dealers Association, and worked as a test pilot for Bell Aircraft..