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SLAVliUV IN TUG DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. COSCRCM Or TUB UNITED STATM. Mir. FlKCKNtV'S REPORT. (Concluded.) 2 Would the states of Maryland and Virginia, if cession of this territory to the Federal government had not bren tnadc, from any thing which has been shown to Congress, be induced with, or abolish tho institution of domes tick slavery within it At the ni'ieot the cession from those States, slavery exist cd'in every portion ol their territory in the same degree, and diiiiject to the same laws and regulations by which it was outlioriz 'd and regulated in the territory ceded to the Federal Government.

It still exists in those states, without any material variation or modificati in of their laws respecting it. As thos'i states, then, havo not abolished it within the territories remaining under their jurisdiction, is it reasonable to suppose that would have abolished it in the territory comprising the District, had they continued to retain their original jurisdiction over it Can any reason hatever be given for the abolition of slavery in this particular District, which does not applv with equal loree to every other slaveholding section of the country Can any causu ba shown why the States ot Marylandand Virginia would have abolished, or would now ahohah, slavery in this District, had it continued to form a part of those respectively, which would not have warranted produced general abolition throughout those states Most unquestionably not As those states, then, have not abolished slavery in the residue of their territory, it is evident thai they would not have abolished it in the District of Columbia, if it had continued subject to their action. It follow conclusively, therefore, that Congress, as the local legislature of the District, and acting independently ot the national considerations connected with its powers over it, is bound, lor the preparation of the publick faith, and the rights of all the parties interested, to act upon the same reasons, and to exercise the same paternal regard, which would have governed the states by which the District was ceded to the Federal Government, And it is unnecessary to add, that Congress has acted wisely in treating the institutions found in existence at the time the cession, as the institutions of the people ol the District in continuing their laws and customs, as the laws and customs to which they had been used, and which should never altered, or inteifen with, except where the people them Melvcs may lie desirous of a change. committee must go further, and express tneir lull conviction, that any interference by Congress with the private interests or rights of the citizens ol th District, without their consent, would be a breach of the faith reosed in the Federal Government by the States thut made the cession, and as violent an infraction of private rights as it would have been if those Stutes themselves, supposing their jurisdiction had remained ii nil paired over their territory, had abolished slavery within those portions ol their respective limits, and hail continued its existence, upon its present basis, in every other portion of (hem. Anil surely there is no citi.cn, 111 any niarterof the country, who has the smallest regard for our laws and institutions, stale and national, or for equal justic ti.

same by tlc rami portions ol slave holding Slates and the oulv dill wnce is, that 111 the case snmiosed, the alwhtion would he the work ol State authorities, while, in the odier.it is sou.Tlt accom phshitbythe authority of Congress. of nui.gi iiuuig uuu uner 111s 00110, is tue name in both cases and the opportunities for mischief, in case the ork be accom! phshed, arc equal in both. Can it be necessary to sav more to establish the position, that any interference with shivery the District of Columbia, 0.1 the part of Congress, would be a violation of the publick faith, the faith reposed 111 C'ongrens by tliose without which they never could liiivebccn iiiiiic.eii 10 nave made that cession 7 It only remains under this head to show that Congress ould not interfere with slavery in the District of Columbia, a violation the publick laith, 111 reference to tin idaycholdmg States generally, as well us loth Statcsof ir 4.1111a aim Maryland. The. provision in tho constitution 011 .1 r.

K. ssion of .1 territory for a scat of the Federal Governincnt, and lo exercise exclusive over 11, was a8 nMV otl)f In its nutional objects all the fl far as there was any pht i onferr.tl on Congress might interfere with, or ir junously affect, tho institu twns of thevanous States, each State iosscssf, an i tP proportioned to the probable danger to As far as v.n.r committee know or believe, however, apprehension o. in interference on the subject of Uomrstick slavery was r.ained 111 anv nuarter, or expressed by any airman of the dy. An examination of the ommentariea en the eon' stitution will show thut various apprehensions were entertained, us to the powers conferred on Congress, by this clause, such as that privileged classes of society might be created within the District; that a standing army, dangerous to the liberties of the country, might be organized and sustained within it, and the like but not a auzestion can be found that, under the local powers to be conlcrrcd, any attempt would bj made to interfere with the private rights of the citizens who might be embraced within the District, ortodisturb, or or by the municipal institutions of the States, or that the subject of domestick slavery, a it existed in Ihc States, could be in anv wav involved in the pio posed cession. At that time all the States held slaves.

Many ot them have since. Iv their own indeDendent action, without influence or interference from the Federal Go vernment, or from rir effected, in their own time and 'wav. the work cmanciDalion others of the original Stales, remain as they were at the time of the duopuon ol the constitution, in reference to this description u. properly, and severs! new members have been admitted into Hie 1110:1 as slaveholding States. All IheSlates wiiicn nave held, or now hold, slave property, have invariably considered the institution as one exclusively subject to State authority, and not to he affected, directly or indirectly, ny rcuciai The practice of thJ Government, as well as its theory, has established Ihisdottiine, and the action ol the Stutes in retaining or abolishing the institution at pleasure, hascou ..1..

.1,1., i.rnw ioU'. Now the SUII.eCI Ol "lo rn! me one of some agitation, and Con gress is solicited to adopt measures in relation to the Dis Friet of Columbia, which have been shown to be most dangerous and destructive to the security and interests of the two lavcholdin" Slates by which it was ceded to the Federal Go ii LI I II. ver enl. Your committee win not irouoie inc nuuso 10 prove, that any measure of the Federal Legislature, which would have this tendency in those two Stales, would, from the very necessity of the case, and the unity of the interest whereby it exists, havo tha same tendency, ineasureably, in all the other slaveholding members of the Union. This position is too plain for argument.

If, then, all the States were equally interested in the objects tor which this territory was ceded as the seat of the Federal Government it that cession was designed by tln fframors of. the constitution, to ensure to the nenelit ol the whole conli deracy, and was made ill furtherance of that design and if Congress, contrary to the obvious intent and spirit of the cession, shall do an act not re quired by the national o. jects contemplated by it, but directly repugnant to the interests and wishes of the citizens of the ceded territory, and calculated to disturb the peace, and endanger the interests, of the slaveholding members of the Union, such an act must he in violation of the publick faith: of the laitli reposed in Congress by the Stales that made the cession, and which would be deeply injured by such an exercise of power under it ami also of the faith reposed in Uiat body by all the Mates, inasmuch as 110 independent State in the Union can tie injured 111 its poace, or its iighttul interests, by the action of the Federal Government, without a corresponding injury to every member of the confederated States. 1 our committee have already shown that an interference and an cuoahtv ol rights and privileges among citizens entitled 1 with slavery in the District ot Columbia, would involve a vi to it, who would attempt to justify such an outrage 011 the pail the publick faith, us regards the rights and interests those States. The question then is, art.

the citizens ol tin ot thecilizt ns thereof. They recur to this topick, however. District desirous of a change themselves las any request joti account of iis iiiiportauce, and for the purpose of putting niuvcmi iil bo ii made ny mem 111:11 would ju. iu an interference with their private rights on the part of Congress None, whatever The citizens of the District not only have not solicited any action on the part of Congress, but it is well known that tiiey earnestly precatc such action, and regard with abhorrence the irons that are made by others, who have no interest whatever in the District, to effect it. It imH)ssible, therefore, that any such interference on the part ot Congress could be justified, or even palliated, on the ground that it was sought or desired by tliose who are alone interested in the subject.

II, tlierelore. Congress were to interfere with this description of property against the consent ol the people of the District, your committee feel bound to to s.iy, that it would be its gross a breach of publick faith, and as outrageous un inlraclioii ol private rights, as it would have been if such an interference had been committed by the Muues 01 wliicli 1110 I'isirici was loriueriy a part, supHisiug that il never had been ceded to the mted Mates. Your committee will here anticipate an objection which may be urged against thi i reasoning and these conclusions. i hey have shown that the powers of Congress over this I lis trict divide themselves into two classes, national and local; Ibat in reference to the former, the action of Congress sho.il I he governed by the interests of the hole country, so far as they are connected with the branches of the Fedeial Govern ment located within the Ihstrict that in reference to the latter, its powers an and its actions should be, those of a local and municipal legislature, extending its paternal care and protection over the citizens dependent upon, and sub jected to, this branch ot its authority; that in the exercise of us powers, Hit? safest stand 111 relerence to slavery is, what would the States to which the District originally belonged, and of which its citizens were originally citizens) have done ill rase their jurisdiction had never been transferred to Congress and thut those States would certainly not have interfered with the. institution of slavery in the District, hud the power to do so remained with them.

The objection anticipated is, that the Stales in question have pursued an unwise policy in relation to its government. To this, however, your committee consider it perfectly conclusive to reply, ihul uu der our institutions, that people is the best siovcriied which it in another tight, and, as they consider, upon unanswerable is governed most 111 accordance with his own habits, interests or islnle LegtiUlures can nut do, without txcediii" their an and wishes; that the policy hitherto pursued by Congress in reference to slavery within the District, your committee have every reason to believe, has been in perfert conformity with the wishes and intercu of the citizens concerned and that it will be time enough for Congress, acting as the local legislature of the District, and in thut capacity bound to consult the governed, as the regulators ofits action, to move in any matter relating to their private interests and rights when they themselves shall ask such movement. There is another consideration connected ith this part of theorgument, which your committee think worthy of atten tion. It is tins: that there is no law in the District prohibiting the master fiom manumitting his slaves, which he may do at i his own discretion, and without incurring any responsibility whatever. Ccitain it is that no such law has been passed by Congress.

The citizens oftho District have no necessity forthc aid of Congress, should they wish the iilxilitiuii of slavery among them. They have only to exercise an existing right, and their wish will be accomplished. Can there be more de evidence, than, that they do not wish the abolition of slavery, than that it continues to exist among them I or can any on desire more conclusive proof that any attempt by Congress to fctfect this object by the torcrt of law would be an interfer ence with the rights of private proertv, against the wishes and consent of those concerned, and lor none of the purposes tor which Congress is authorised by the constitution to take private property for publick line? Hence, your committee believe they have proved, beyond the power of contradiction, that an'mterference by Congress with slavery 111 the District ol" Columbia would be a violation of Iho publick faith of the faith repos. iu Congress by thn States which ceded the territory to thn Federal Government, so fir as the rights and interests of tliose citizens residing within the ceded territory arc concRrued. Your committee will consider this proposition in reference to Uu: interests ot the States of Maryland and Virginia.

They were slaveholding States at the time they made their cession, and tney are so still. They entirely surround this iisinct, irom wiucli they arc only separated on all sides by ground, i hey arc aware that, uudcrthr constitution, Con i ess possesses exclusive legislation" over the atoresaid District; but tin? power of legislation was given to be i xcr cised for benetieial purjioses nly, and cannot, therefore, be exercised, consistently ith ublick laith, tor any object that is ot war with the great principles upon which the Government itself is founded. The constitution, to be properly understood, must be taken as a hole. herever a particular power is granted, the extent to which it may be carried, can o.ily be inferred tiom other provisions by which it may be regulated or restrained. The constitution.

while it confers upon Congress xcliisive legislation wiit i(i this District, does not, and could nut, confer unlimited or despotick authority over it. It could confer no power con tnu to the fundamental principles of the. constitution itseit, and the essential and unalienable rights ot American citizens. The right to legislate, therefoie, (to make the constitution consistent with itself,) is evidently qualified by the provision that no no man shall be deprived ol life, liberty, or pioperty, without due process of and various others of a similar character. We lay it down as a ride, that 110 Government can do any thing directly repugnant to the principles of natural justice and of the social compact.

It would be totally subversive of all the purposes for which government is instituted. Yuttel says The great end of civil society is, whatever constitutes happiness with the peaceful possession of pioptrlv." Mo republican ould tolerate that a man should be punished, by a special statute, lor an act not legally punishable at the time of its commission. No republican could approve any system of legislation by which pri vate contracts, lawttilly made, should ho declared null and void, or by which thr? property of an individual, lawfully ac quired, should he arbitrarily wrested from him by the high hand ot power. But tiic.se givul principles are not left tor their support to the natural ieelings ol the human heart, or to uie mere general spirit 01 republican government. They are expressly in.orporut in th.rroustitiiiioti.

and thev have been recognised, and insisted on, by the Supreme Court of the lilted States, which lays down the following sound and in 1 controvertible doctrine: i here are acts which the Federal thority. There arecertain vital principles 111 our free repul lean eminent, which win determine and overrule an apparent and flagrant abuse ol" legislative power as to authorize inanilest injustice by positive law, or to take away that si enrity for personal liberty or privute propeity, for the protection whereof tliv government was established. An act of the legislature, contrary to the great lint principles of the social cannot Ik considered a rigntjul exercise of legislative antltoiiljf. The obligation of a lav, in governments established 011 express compact, and 011 republican principles, niusl be determined by the nature ol the power oil which it is founded. A few instances will sufiice to explain.

A law that punished a citizen lir an innocent action, or that was in violation of an existing law a law that destroys orimnairs the obligation ot tin? lawful priv ate contracts ol citizens; a law that makes a man a judge 111 his own case or a law that takes property from ami gives il to U. It is against all reason and justice for a people to entrust a legislature with siieh powers, and therefore it cannot be presumed that they have done it. The legislature may enjoin or permit, forbid or punish they may declare new crimes, and establish rnlesof conduct for future cases but they cannot change innocence into guilt, or punish innocence as a crime, or vinlate the rights 01 antecedent law tut private contract, or the right of private properly. To maintain that our Federal or Stale Legislatures possess sucii powers, even il they had not been expressly re Hiruiueo, vouia oe a political heresy, altogether inadmis sible in our Jree repuliiuiM government. "I Now, every pruicquu uere aiiirmen uy me court, applies to, ami protects the people ol this District, as well as the people ol the States.

The inhabitants of this District area part of the people of ie United Stutes. Every rigni ami interest second bv tlie constitution to the people ot lliw Slates, is equally secured to the people of the District. Congress can therefore do 110 act alfecting property or per son, in relation 10 mis iisincl, which it is prohibited to do in relation 10 me citizens ol the Mates, without a direct vio lation of the publick faith. For instance, it is a well settled constitutional principle, that private property shall not be imaginary lines. They made the session for the eroat na I taken for publick use.

without iusl comneiiMati.m mv. tionut objects which have been alreudy pointed out, and they i the true meaning of this provision obviously is, that private niuue 11 iroiu motives 01 patriotism alone, anu wiiiiom any compensation from the Federal Government for the surrender ot jurisdiction over coumiundmg positions 111 both Stutes. The surrender was made for purposes deemed sutlicienMy important, by all the original Slates, to Im: provided for in the const it ul 1011 of the United States, and was made in conformity with that provision ot" the constitution. It is surely, unnecessary, alter this statement of facts, to undertake to show that those patnotick States made this cession for purposes of oou 10 me union, and consequently to themselves, and not toi purposes of evil to themselves, and consequently to the Union and thai bL. Government of the United States accepted the cession for the same good, ami not for evil, pur jioaes.

If, then, it can be demonstrated that the aliolilion of Slavery in the District of Columbia would produce evil, and not good, to the States that made the cession, the conclusion is inevitable Dial such an act oil the part of Congress would le; a violation of the faith reMMfd in it by those Stales. Td all to whom this is not perfectly palpable without un argument, tho following considerations are presented. It ha been already said that the States of Maryland anil Virginia surround tho District. It has also been shown that, in referene to slavery within the District.the relations of Congress are entirely those of a local legislature, and that its action therefore in this capacity, should be governed by the Mine reasons which would have governed those Mate? themselves relation to this suhj. ct, iftheir jurisdiction over this territory had never been surrendered.

Let us suppose, then, that this jurisdiction hud never been surrendered by Maryland and Virginia, and that it wos now proposed that they should abihsli slavery, and relinquish all power of legislation over free blacks, within the the portions of these states which constitute the District of Columbia, retaining their respective inst.iut,,,,,, eavery in all the remaining portions of tkrVi07' Who is there that would not be amazed at the lolly of such an act Who docs not see that such a tep would necessarily produce discontent and insurrections in the remaining portions of those Stutes? Who does not perceiyo tlut under such circumstances the District would constitute at once a neutral gioun.l, upon which hosts of free DiacKs, lug.tive slaves, and incendiaries, would bo assembled ami that from such a rE.d! Tfy mischief would hi; spread 1 1 1, "'S'y. with almost tho rapid ty of the movements of the utmosnherr. property shall be taken only for publick use. bnl shall not be laKL even tiicu, ithout adequate remuneration. It is evident, however, in reference to ulavery, either that tho Go.

veriiiusnt would use the slaves, or that it would not. If it would use them, Ihrn they would not lie emancipated and it would be an idle mockery to talk of the I'nrcdoiii of thos: who would only cease to 'private, to become publick slaves. If it would not use them, then how could it lie said that thev were taken fer the publick use, consistently ith provision just recited, liuteven if they could be taken without reference to publick use, they could not be taken without just compensation. It isexci questionable, however, whether Congress could legally apply the publick revenue to such an objirct, even ith the consent ol Ilia owners of the slavi s. As to emancipation without their consent, and without just compensation, your committee would not stop to consider it.

It could not Ix ar examination. Honour, humanity, poltey, all forbid it. It is manifest then. from all the considerations herein stated, (and there are others equally forcible that might be ured) that Congress could not ubolisli slavery in the District ofColuinl.ia, without a violation oftho publick faith. Your coinuiittco ill only add one or two reflections upon this interesting (mint.

What is the meaning of tho declaration adopted by the (louse, in relation to the District of Columbia It is not, that Congress cannot, ami will not, do an act which it has solemnly proclaimed to involve .1 violation ol the publick faith Does it not afford every security to the South which it is in the power of the Federal Government to afford Is it not tantamount, in its boutins; obligation upon the Oovern meat, to a positive declaration, that the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia would ba unconstitutional Nay, is it not even more ejjicacious in point of fact Constitu tional provisions are mutter ot construction. The opinion of one 1 louse, upon an aitstrai I controverted point, may be overruled and reversed by another. Hut hen Congress has solemnly declared that a particnl.tr act tronltl lie a violation of the puMick faith, is it to be supposed that it would ever violate a pledge thus iven to country? Cun any abo Uiionist expect it Need any citizen of a Slave Slate fear It? What is publick faith but the honour ol the Govern ment? WI.V lirf. rtiu na tni'i. 1 I Why, but because they involve liie pledge and depend upon the sinctitv of the national tuilh "Why are all compacts or the certainty oftho consunuemi.l i promises made by Governments held to be irrevocably bind.

Jlow then can any doubt or deny the dam ers .1 I Why, but because they cannot break them without cooniiiti iii in i no uiiu uesi uig an commence 111 ineir justice and integrity Surely then, your committee may say "ilh the utmost confidence, (and the sentiment will be ratified by every American heart) that the declaration now promu'gated in relation to this subject, will not be depart ed from by any sueceding legislature, except under circumstances (should tiny such ever arise in the progress of our country in which a departure from it would not be regarded by the slaveholding states themselves, as a wanton or arbitrary infraction of your publick laith. our committee are further instructed to report, that, in the opinion of this House, Congress ou dit not to interfere in anyway with slavery iu thu District of Columbia 2dly because it ould be unwound impolitick It wi.l he palpable to of all, that if the commit have succeeded in establishing tUc think they have, that any sue): mtetferenc on thr part of Congress would Ik a violation of thepu luith, would be a work of supererogation to attempt to show, that such an act would be unwise and uupohtick: as there iy be some, however, who may not agree w. their arguments or conclusions upon that point, they feel bound, under the instructions of the I Jousu to otler a tew suggestions under this bead. The Federal Government was the rreaiinn rik of the Confederacy, and the great obje, ts 0I its creation and organization were to form a more perfect union ri Article 1, ectioii 5. Amendments to the Constitution, art.

Dallas's Kej. vol. 3, p. 33tf. justice, insure domestick tranquility, and provide for the com mon ueioacc aoa general wenare." Apply these principles, then, to an interference by Congress with slavery in the District of Columbia.

Such action, to be politick, must be in accordance with some one of those great objects and it will be the duty of the Coinmittes, in as concise a manner as possible, to show that it would not be in accordance with either ot them. First, then, as to the District itself. It has already been shown, that any interference unsolicited by the inhabitants of the Distri ct, cai.not establish jua tice," or promote the cause of justice within it, but directly the reverse. No greater degree of sia very exists here now, than did exist when the constitution was mloitpd. and then the inhabitants ot the District tm States of Maryland and Virginia, and had a voice in the adoption of I 1 iuui iiiwruinniu oureiy tneir subsequent transfer to trie jurisdiction of Congress, made in conformity with that constitution, could not deprive them of the protection to which they were entitled by these great leading principles of it.

Ob the contrary they had every right to expect that Congress would cstablifch justice," as to them, in strict compliance with the great cnaner under which they acted, and by which it is forbidden to interfere with the rights of private property, without their consent, or in anv way to affect, injuriously, their domotick institutions. Of those institutions, slavery as, and is, the most important and any attempt on the part of Congress, actios as the local I of the Dis trict, to abolish it, would not only be inmolitick. but an act of 'TV. i r. .1 D.

uuu oppression. Secondly, as to the States of the Union. Here again your Committee have hut to refer to their former remarks, to show that ih lt; tinn nf slavery in the District would not establish justice," but work great injustice to the surroundin? States i and lo all the slave States in general, and in degree proportioned to their proximity to the Dis'rict, and to their influence upon the institution of slavery in the Union, of such action on the part of Congress. They havo also shown lli.it the abolition of slavery here, so tar tiom tendinn to "ensnr domestick tran quility," would have a direct tendency to nrnduce domestick discord and violence, and servile war, in all the slaveholding oiaics. j3 lliese conseuucnccs.

tbnn. won lollovf sucl. action in reference to thu States, your committee need not say, that iustcad of providing for the common defence by il," Congress would be called upon to provide for the com mon ucicucc jh consequence 01 11, and to an extent which cannot now be foreseen. Seeing, then, that the American Confederacy as formed for the great purpose of providing for the common defence and general welfare," it follows necessarily, that Congress is not only restrained from the commission of any act by which these objects may be frustrated, but that it Is bound to sustain and promote thonu The same provision ol the constitution which requires it to tall out thu militia to 14 suppress insurrections," unquestionably imposes the corresponding obligation upon it, to commit no act by hich an insurrectionary spirit may be excited. The same provision which enjoins it 011 the Federal Government to guaranty to each State a republican form of government, and to aid and protect each stale against domestick evidently implies the correlative obligation to take no step, of hich thu direct and inevitable tendency would be to overthrow the State Governments, and to involve them in wide spread scenes of misery and desolation.

In one word. if it be the duty of Congress, as it most clearly is, to support and preserve lite constitution and the Union, then itismani i st, that it is bound to prevent the adoption of anv legislation which may lead to their destruction. Your committee con sider these positions too obvious to require argument or illustration. They consider it equally manifest, that any attempt to abolish slavery in the District, would necessarily tend to the deplorable consequences to which they have adverted. Congress, therefore, is loimd, by every principle of duty which forbids it to interfere with slavery in any of the States, to abstain from any similar interference in the District ot Your committee have already adverted to the evils that would necessarily result to the surrounding States, and to the slave Sates generally, tVotiiatiy interference by Congress with the institution of slavery in the District ot Columbia.

The nature and magnitude of those evils, however, require that they should be exhibited more lully and distinctly. The question is, whether slavery ought to lie abolished in the District ol Columbia JN'ow suppose the affirmative of this proposition were sustained by Congress, what would it lie but indirect legislation, or rather direct interference, as re gards the rights and property of the southern States. And can any one imagine that such a state of things would be patiently borne I lint this is nut all nay, it is not half the evil that would follow. Could slavery tie abolished in the District without leading directly and inevitably to insubordination and revolt tliroiigho.it the south And can any one desire to produce such results Is there a man who has forgotten the history of St. Domingo, or the insurgcntatteu.pt at Charleston, or the tragical scenes at Southampton or the recent and lamentable occurrences iu the States of Louisiana and Mississippi or is there ait individual who would wish them repeated, and extended throughout the entire regions ol the south Why, then, will infatuated individual persist in pressing a scheme, which is not only impracticable, ad regards the states, but fraught with evil to the very objects it is proposed lo benefit True philanthropy would avoid this subject, seeing the distraction it creates, and the dreadful coiis.

qiicnccs it involves. Il would leave it to those whom it most concerns, and wno alone arc competent to act upon it. It would trust to time, and to the gradual operation of causes which may atiseol themselves, but which can neither be produced nor hastened by foreign interference, or the power of this Government. Why, then, your committee earnestly refloat, why urge a measure which is clearly impracticable iu itself, which none but the slaveholding slate havo a right to uci. on, anu, uuu iiicii uus increuwo, anu win always in crease, the hardships and restraints of those for whosi; imaginary benefit they are waging this cruel and fanatical cru sade 1 vv nave said mat tne scheme ot general emancipation is impracticable.

The slightest relli ctiou must satisfy every ii .1 caiioiu niimi 01 me in. si 01 tins assertion. Admitting that tl.c cderal tiovernment had a rtght to art this matter, which it clearly has not, it certainly never ci I achieve Fiichan operation without full compensa tion to the owners. And what would probably be the amount required The aggregate value of ull that rpecics of prop erty is not less probably than four hundred millions ot dol lars And how could such an amount be raised? Will the people ot this country ever consent to the Imposition of oppressive taxes, that the proceeds may be applied to the purchase ot slaves i he idea is preposterous and not only that, but it is susceptible of demonstration, that even if an animal appropriation often millions were actually applied fo the purchase and trausiortation of slaves, the whole number would not lie sensibly diminished at the expiration ol a half a century, from the natural growth and multiplication of the race. Uurthen the Treasury as might, it would still be an endless expense and an interminable work.

And this view of the subject surely is sufficient of itself to prove, that of all the schemes cvei projected by fanaticism, the idea of universal emancipation is the most visionary and impracticable. Hut even if the scheme were practicable, what would lie gained by effecting it Suppose that Congress could emancipate all the slaves in the Union, is such a result desirable? This question is addressed to the sober sense of tl.c people of America. Would it be politick or advantageous? Would it contribute to the wealth, or grandeur, or happiness of our country On the contrary, would it not produco consequences directly the reverse? Are not the slaves unfit for freedom notoriously ignorant, servile, and depraved and would any rational man have them instantaneously transformed into freemen, with all the rights and privileges of Amer ican citizens Are they capable of understanding correctly thr nature of our Government, or exercising judiciously a single po.ilical ngbl or privilege. I ay, would they even be capable of earning their own livelihood, or rearing their fami li independently by their own ingenuity and industry What then would follo from their liberation, but the most deplonble state of society with which any eiviiiztd country was ever cursed How would vice and licentiousness, overrun the land How many mils and nen ilentiaries, that now seldom hold a prisoner, would be crowd ed to suffocation 1 low many fertile fields, that now vicld regular and abundant harvests, would lie unoccuoieJ and desolate llow would the foieign cnminerco of tne south decline and disappear lliw many thousands of seamen, of whom southern agriculture is the Tory life, would be dri ven mr support to loreign conmnrs 1 Ana how large a wr tion of the federal revenue, derived from foreign commodi ties, exchanged for southern products, would be lost forever to this Government And, in addition to all this, hnt would be the condition of southern society, wereall the slaves emancipated Would the vvliit. consent that the blacks should bo placed upon a full footing of equality with them Unquestionably not Hither the one class or the other would be forced to emigrate, and, in either case, the whole region of the south would be a scene of poverty and ruin.

Or, what is still more probable, the blacks would every where be driven before the whites, as the Indians have been, until they wera exterminated from the earth, And surely it is unnecessary to remark, that decay and desolation could not break down the south, without producing a corresponding depression upon the wealth and cntcrprize of the northern States. And here let us ask, too, what would be the condition of the non slaveholding states themselves, as regards the blacks? Are they prepiired to ceive myriads of negroes, and place them upon an cnuality with the free white labourers and me chauicks, who constitute their pru.c and strength? Will the new states consent that their territory shall be occupied negroes, instead of the enterprising, intelligent, and patriot id white poHilation, which is daily sr eking their borders from other portions of the Union Shall the yeomanry of those states be surrouiKicu ny iiiousaiH.s 01 such beings, and the white labourer forced into competition and association with them Are they to enjoy the same civil and political privileges as the free white citizens ot the north and wct and to 11 i 1 lie aumiueu into ine social circle as tneir inends and com panions 1 ioiinng less man an tins will constitute perfect freedom and the principles now maintained by those who ad vocate emancipation wouio, 11 carried out, necessarily produce this state of things Yet, who believes that il would be tolerated for a moment Already have laws been Dass .1 i i 1. .1.1: cu in several 01 uiv iioii niuienuiuiug states to exclude free blacks from a settlement within their limits and a prospect of general and immediate abolition would compel them in self defence, to resort to a system of measures much more rigorous and effective than any which have yet been adopted. Driven from the south then, the blacks would find no of refuge in the north and, as before remarked, utter extermination would be the probable, if not the inevitable, fate of me wnnie race, mic uic unu ii mm, that can derire such results Where the American who can contemplate them will lout emotion here the abolitionist that will not pause, in view ot" the direful consequences of his scheme both lo tlie whites and the blacks, to the north and the south' and to the whole Union at large Your committee deem it their iluty to say that in their opinion, the people cf the south have been very unjustly censured in reference to slavery. It is not their purpose, however, to defend them.

Their character, as men and citizens needs no vindication from us. AY hen ver it known it speaks for itself, nor would any wantonly traduce it but those assassins of reputation, who are also williim hi destroyers of life. Exaggerated pictures have been drawn of Con. art. 8.

tArt. 4, sev 4. the hardships of the alare, and every effort made to malim tne to enlist against it both the religions and political feeling of the north. Your co r.mittco cannot too strongly express their unanimous and unqualified disapprobation of all such movements. The constitution, under wliich we live, was framed by our common ancestors, to preserve the liberty and independence achieved by their united efforts in tlie council and the field.

In all our contents with foreign enemies, the south has exhibited an unwavering at tachmenl to the common cause. here is the spot ot which Americans are prouder than tho plains of Yorktown Or, when as Britain more humbled, or America more honoured, than by tho victory of New Orleans All our history, from the revolution dow attests the high, and unilonn, and devoted patriotism ol the south. Her domestick institutions are her own. They were brought into the Union ith her, and secured by the compact which makes us one people and he who would sow dissensions amon? members of tlie Bamn great political family, by assailing the institutions and impugning the character of the citizens of the south, should be regarded as an enemy to the peace and prosperity of our common country. It there is a feature by which the present age may be said to be characterized, it is that eickly sentimentality which, disregarding the pressing claims anil wants of its own immediate neighbourhood, or town, or stale, wastes and dissipates itself in visionary, and often very mischievous enterprises, for t.ie imaginary benefit of remote o.e i Tn.o r.k'.

lanthropy, rightly understood and procrly applied, is one of uuu most tnoDimg principles ol our nature; but misdirected or perverted, it degenerates into that fell spirit ol fanaticism which disregards all ties, find trnmnlpa mi rill stacles, however sacred or venerable, in the relentless oros CUtlOn Ot Its horrid purposes. Exneric.iee nroves li.i..v. i that, when individual in one place.mistaking the true character ol benevolence, rashly undertake, at the imminent hazard of conflict and convulsion, to remedv what thev are pleaded to consider evils and distresses in another, il is'naturally re ranled thiii. t.n im li.t 1 liiud iiijuieij, eiiiii us u. ppet i 01 madness hich may be repelled or resisted, as anv other madness may, or as manifesting a feeling of hostility on the one side, which must necessarily orodnee corresponding alienation on the other.

It is all important, therefore, that the spirit of abolition, or in other words, of illegal and ollicious interference with the domestick institutions of the south, should fie arrested and put dow and men of mtellistencc and inlluenee at the north should endeavour to produce thai sound and rational state of publick opinion which is equally due to the south and to the preservation of the Union. And this brings yourcommittee to the last position they have been instructed to sustain and that is. that, in the opin i in ol Uih house, congress ought not to interfere, in any way. wiiu siavcry 111 tne i.isirici 01 Columbia. 3dly.

Uii ause it would bo dangerous to the Union. The first great object enumerated iu the constitution, as an inducement to its adoption, was to form a more perfect union." At that time, all the States held slaves, to a "reater or less extent and slavery in the States was fully recognized and provided for, in many particulars, in that instrument itself. It was recognised, however, and all the provisions upon the subject so regarded it, as a Slate, and not a national institution. At that time, too, as has been before remarked. the District of Columbia constituted an integral part of two of thn independent Slates which became parties to the Confederacy and to the constitution itself.

Since that tune an entire cnmicipation of Slaves has taken place iu several of the old States but iu all cases this has been the work of the States themselves, without any interference whatever by the federal Government. ISew States have also la en admitted into the Union, With an interdiction in their constitutions against involuntary servitude. In this way the slave States have become a minority in representation 111 the Federal Legislature. Their interests, however, as States, in the insti tution of domestick slavery, as it exists witiini their l.uuLs, have not diminished, nor has their right to perfect security under the constitution, in reference to Ibis description of pro perty, been in any wav, or to anv degree, surrendered or im paired, since the adoption of that instrument by themselves and their sister States. Th operation of causes, to a great extent natural, and proceeding from climate, soil, and consequent production, has rendered slavery a local and sectional institution, and has thus added another to the most alarming apprehensions of patriots for the perpetuity of this Union the apprehension of local and geographical interests and distinctions.

How immensely important is it then, that Congress should do 110 act, and assume no jurisdiction, in reference to this great interest, by which it shall ever appear to place itseit in the altitude ofa local, instead of a nutional tribunal alpartial agent, providing for peculiar and sectional objects and feelings, instead ofa general and paternal legislature, equally and impartially promoting the general welfare of all the States. IS'o one can fail to see, that any other course on the part of Congress, must weaken the confidence of the injured States in the federal authority, and, to the same extent, prove "dangerous to the Union." Since the adoption of tho Federal Constitution, the District of Columbia has been ceded to the United States us a scat of the Federal Government but not only many eminent statesmen of the country, but all the sluvchcldlll" States, speaking through their legislative assemblies, firmly believe and insist that tlie cession so made has conferred iq 011 Congress no constitutional power to abolish slavery within the ceded territory. Your committee have abstained from an examination of this question, because thev were not instructed to discuss it. liut they have no hesitation to say, that, iu the view they have taken of the whole question, the obligations of Congress not to act on this subject are as fully binding and insuperable as a positive constitutional interdict, or an open acknowledgment of want of power. Considering the subject in this light, yourcoiii.nittcc have already proved, that any interference by Congress with the subject of slavery, would be evidently calculated to injure the interests anddisliirb the peace of the slaveholding States and il they have succeeded 111 establishing this position no argument is necessary to show, that such conscouences printing from the action of Congress as the local legislature 111 oe an equal violation ot trust reposed in that oony as tne legislature ol the nion.

It. il i established these positions, as thev think thev le.ve one doubt that the action contemplated ould be "dan creu's 10 uie union. "iK ingdireclly calculated, as it would be, to weaken the confidence of the District in Cnmrn.u a and laithlul lH al legislature, and tl.e coiilidencc oftho slave holding States as an impartial ouardi. in of ir Important as the Union is to each State, and to the wiu.to American iieople, everj one ill admit that, as far as nossihlc 1 1 1 anu tiinu leelllies to all Hie in areata an ine sections ot the country should characterize tl ol the cderal Uoverniiient. Thn actioii.therelore.on the part of Congress, which shall weaken or destroy that confidence in any portion of our citizens, or in any uie union, must mevilal.lv in ll.

danger the I mon itself Who can doubt this reasoning 1 no noes not Know that the aritation ol anv iiiiesti.m i.n necleu with domestick slavery, as it exists in this country among any portion of our citizens, creates apprehensions atid i ai iiciuuiii i.i uie si.tvciioiiimg estates 7 Who does not ltllf.Ur ttl.l, tl.A I. vllv. nauuii oi anj sucii quesiiuil in cither oraiicn ol Congress, shakes their confidence in the se i.r.lu muni iinitoriuiii inieresis and, conse quently, in Ihe continuance to them of those reat bene nts, to secure Inch they became parties to the Union 7 Who then does not believe that unv action bv Ci.nirrea lm. mg for its object tiie abolition of slavery in any portion of the union, However narrow or limited it may be, would neccs. sarny impair Ihe coiilidencc ot the slaveholding States in their security relation to misdescription of propeity.

nut ci end to all their hopes of benefits to be derived to them from the further continuance oftho Union, and tl.e.r iiseu io oe impelled iy mere lelemg one portion of the union, to attempt a gratification of that techu at thesacn ficc ol the dearest interests and most sacred rights ot another portion, who can doubt that the Union would be seriously An.li .1 .1 11... .1 u. .1 oui mis conclusion does not depend upon reasoning alone. The evidences of pub iick sentiment on tins point, are equally abundant anu decisive, lour committee bain. already should be made by Congress, without producing an excite ment, and involving consequences, winch no pat; lot can con template without the most paititul emotions.

It would be regarded bv the slavL holdins States as an cnterin" wed 'e to scheme ol general emancipation, and, therefore, tend to pro J. I i i 1 1 I the gious duty, have embarked in this crusade ogainst the South, solemnly invoking them in the name of our common country to abstain from a system of agitation which has not only failed, and will always fail, to attain its objects, but has eveii brought the Union itself into a state of imminent and fearful peril, ft is contidenlly believed that this appeal will not be niade in vain, and that hereafter all ho truly love their country will manifest their patriotism by avoiding this unhappy cause of I'iscord and disunion 'and that they will make no further exertions upon a subject, from the continued agitation of which nothing but aiftnented cviis can result. our committee conclude bv reporting the following reso House "istruclionsT given themty the Resolved, That Congress possesses no constitutional ttfniint a loiiiienere any way ith the institution ol slavery in any of the Slates oftllis Confederacy. KesoUed 1 hat Congress ought not to interfero in any way with slaveiy the l)Itljc, of CoIImuia. And whereas it is extremely important and desirable, that he agitation ol the snbj should finally arrested, for the restoring Uan q.nhtv to the publick mind, your recommend the adoption ot the following additional resolution, viz Resolved, That oil petitions, memorials, resolutions, proK.sitions, or papers, anyway or to anv extent whatever, to the suhieei .1...

shan, without cither being printed or referred, be laid mum the table. 1 THE EVENING POST. FRIDAY, JUMJ 3. For PresiilcQt. MARTIN VAN MTRKN.

For Vice President. RICHARD M. JOHNSON. rCP'TIie office of the HvExrsi; Fost, and of the New 1 ORii I ost for tiir Country, is removed to No. 43 Pine street, three doors from the corner of William street, and a few doors from its former location.

exclude several other matters intended lor to day's paper, in order to give the entire remain der of Mr. Pinekney's report on the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. It presents in a plausible form, tlie arguments by which it is maintained that the emancipation ol the coloured race within the District by Congress, would lie a breach of the understood compact between the United States and the States of Virginia and Ma ryland, as well as a violation of the publick faith towards the other slavelioldin.j States. The reasoning of the report, however fails to make this out. The only common sense view of the sub ject is, that the two States, in ceding; to Congress the entire jurisdiction and possession of the District, yielded also the right of legislation over it, in as perfect a manner as they thomselves possessed it.

If any reservation or limitation of authority had been intended, it would have been expressed. Congress has as nint right to extend tlie bbssing of liberty to all human beings within the District, as Virginia and Maryland have within their terri tory. As to the expediency of such an act at the present time, that is another question. The reso lution with which the report closes to neglect all future petitions iu relation to legislative emancipation within the District wi 'ready protest ed and now protest again. a tyrannical and unconstitutional violation of the right of the citizen to represent his views by means of memorials addressed to the legislature.

The attack of the Creek savages upon I ruin ton is said, in a letter from Augusta of the i 1th May, to havo occasioned a and bloody liht. Forty whites i re hilled, and from one to two hundred Iiulcui t. An Indian chief was taken prisoner, (ienend Jessnp has passed through Columbia) South Carolina, on his way to the Georgia frontier. According to an article in the Columbus (lieu.) Enquirer, the mail to the west of that place is entirely stopped, and all cniumu dors, Smith and More were on horseback: the others in the carts. More fell.

Siit.th.thouih wounded in tne thiMi I I ran ins uorse, anil 1 larrv (wlio was woiiik ed in ie back) up behind him, and with Uoss, who was unhurt. tix.L their way roiunl the pond. Jos had to leave his horse he (tlie horse) It lliii mortally wounded, after rimnin bin. distance. Thev ull sfot fio no.

Smith i inv.iii. i.aiiv llUMlli.il. 1 Ins iiioriUMH a party from our fort, wild lili. eiidrum scouipanv of tilled Mates from is. fwhn tn i 1 mis piaceesier(iay, and will be stationed here nr nrr th, suiiimei went out iu search of the slam.

They found the bouics ol More and Lanier near where thev wen shot received four balls, and was scalped three 'time the side of ins i arc cm on, anu one eye cut out. mi on: ball struck Lanier, and for some rnnse Ihev not taue ins scalp, ullhou 1 near severed Pmi.i l.u ic action I l.n..u.,.. i. 7. I'nl i i I "iii.iin cio ii oi iu uu lounii.

ney arc coniiiion and ei.u ,1 benelit of ull the States and for if eeu heard Irom them citizens ol all the States. Its onlv siren 1 ibV havc we no General Houston deuce of the States, and ol the peoolc. llTat these wmii lw. 'f the battleui which Santa Ana was taken nrisom Them iils win 10 no secured to them, and mat these trr. nt ive been so r.

i.i I i. 1 i to i.iouiU. miFM, us preservation. Anv ol the details. Oeneral Houston can read and write surely, for he was educated at Dartmouth ...1..

i i i i i.isagrecmcnt to the amendment ol the Senate in thn bill for carrying into efl ct the convention ith Spain, and agreed to appoint a committee of conference. Several claims for pen to remain in tho hands of their actual occupants. General Cordova has again sent in his resignation of tlie command of the North. His health is one reason for this step, being afflicted with a cancer on the tongue. Rodil acquired his fame in Peru by an obstinate defence of tlie castle ol Callao, the sea pt.rt of Lima.

The Uticen of Spain has just completed her 30th year. A convention for the suppression of the slave trade has been signed by the French Minister for Foreign AfT.irs and thebwedish who immediately sentitofTby express to Stockholm. LI VEK POOL COTT( )N AP. KF.T uu ui uiuiiu voltoi, Friday, Way 5. brisk, and a good extent of bi.mo wS "au U.dVa"CC 1 4d und but 1 uesduy the inquiry has become very luVited, the market flat, and purchases may be made good lcrrn8 0I I 1 vc taken 1500 bales of American and jOu burnt.

I he import this week JO baa, tho shies are IS, 190 bags, viz: Satuiday, May 7. There was an improvement in the early irt of the week of c. 1 4 iu Amccan, but at the close the advance was lost again. The prevailing easterly wind has kept back arrivals. Mr.

r.rown, a Methodist preacher, and Mr. Canficld dilor ol the Temple of Reason, are disputing in puhhek at Philadelphia, on the question, hether the resurrection of Jemia Christ can be subslantiated by the New Testament. On the 27th instant, ntfamboat United States, bound up Lake Krie, ith numerous passengers, ran on the rocks at the entrance of Dunkirk harbour, and sunk. The DufTalo War also that steamboat William Penn is sunk above Sandusky. No lives were lost in cither case.

The 1 cm said will bo saved but the United States ill be a total lo. s. The packet ships of the 2 ttl. have not ye. saded, and those winch should have departed yerterday are Mitl kept in port by the strong cas.erly winds.

Then? are now about sWty sad of! tho bat.cry waiting lo go out an1 than 200 are at anchor ithin (he Hook. The port of Cos. ton is equally crowded. On the first of June there were bc tw. cn 30 and 40 ships and brigs, and more than 100 schooners and ready for sea, and waiting a wind.

Some of these had been wind bound ten days Adv.ees, letter, Iron, il. Marks, are to the 20th re anticipated an attack from fl 1 1 H.tiii 1 May Seminole's. ocinmoies .1. i nl of aliiht. 1 he llcr likewise slates that information bad cove of r'e "ear eo.

oi by men who made their ban i nm that Sa Ian band ho ere it sieue, hy a are body Indians, tor above to one con, per nay, that the, was not a on the Block of North Hollyman, and George Fisher ol JNorth Carolina, ereamong the killed. 2Cth May, announces an lllat ''iS inform. The Indian, were still depredations, and hail advanced within lo of Maudaiin, situated on the St Jo.ms. 1 h.y had killed some cattle beloiumi" to Mr Hick man, anil had destroyed the houses belonnno 1.. Mr Motto sp ciame Iron.

icw York, whom thoy kided and sea pcd. All the planters within the viiicinily ere removing to Mandarin, aving their fields with the crop growing. The probability is, they will rc long destroy all the settlements on the St. Johns river. CHl'RT OF OVF.ll AM) TERM1NFR lJenson, Banks, Randall Thecourt opened at 10 oVIock yesterday morning for tho poseof trying Richard P.

Robinson, charged with the purpose of F.llcti murder Jewett LonS before the hour of ow ning rvcrv avenue tothe court room as crowdco with persons an.xious t(J witness the trial and less than five minutes after the doors were opened n. erv seat without the bar was occupied 1 before impaimellmj; the jury, the counsel for the prisoner requested that the entire pam.el should be called over, and twenty one only answered to their names. The pr soner nas hen mlormed of his right to cluilleimc twenty jurors, and us many nioic fo. cause as he choose. I he of the jury then commenced, when seven jurors only were sworn, the other fourteen bavin been cilher peremptorily challened or i v.

nul ti. c.o ideation is cut olfwith Montgomeiy, Mobile, kc. The stage are the names ol the seven" Isaac W'inslow Knrtis vkiit! coaciies nave tallen into tlie hands ot the Indians, who have Josepli M. i'errv Jewett 1 itimiiir i. i murdered such of the drivers and passengers as were not euwuru u' fortuna.ecnougl, to escape by flight.

The contractors have Talesmen be calh from iiiereiore ccascii scnum me mails, as it is minossih f.ir me aisui tne 1. ourt. lie o.n.te lutfiioiiiiu inui. me horseman to get through the Creek territory. The Court might be biassed.

The 1 ne sirengin Che Indians is repent the Ucorgi, Fedem. Union of about half an U7. JV Jir'nlm' as variously estiinahd at from live to ten thousand lighting sent 111 the former of whom was peremptorily challenged, men, of whom a larre proportion are hostile to the whites) lnu ''itler sworn. 1 11 ill ii. mm.

.1 I uiid. 11.1. 01 me i. .1. 1r.u1111111.cu iron, hi n.

i ine uisirii 1 uu ii rut i. ni nnm m. un nm iioiioriii inu i. jw. ieiiti; 011 ii i j.tin.

us in me i tall "real I en tlllS I 111. .11 ll I. itr 1.. 1 1 I I 1 I i nui iilllll v' iMin ss, as me un; luiiiiucr. completing tlie 1 11 ry.

which was not legislature ot the limm, can have no coiislitulinied ed till i.A'?.. over this Ho WICANOVT, May S. "S.iMHnaital M' i. "(in the morning ot th 4th, Henry A. More, Horace 'eld, James C.

ot the I hstncl, were irrant. lor the mere purpose of render Smith m. aterburv. and J. IMCT lid rr.

1 A'. II lUUUril, Willi I Ihe indictment was then read by Mr. Meigs, Clerk of the ilir. tel. ml, 1.

i i. icu piamaiion, os rs to Attheeasl me prisoner these local powers should be so exercised ti. .1 1 1 1 wi .....1 ..1. im ate. hen.i', Tl V.

I cav. as tney were cnienug tl.e hammoik, i. VJiii.Vi 1, 's hlteen or twenty Indians rushed from an ambush and fired A on ol April I Ca PSS: 1C P'ar interests of upon them about fifty yards at the same lime cut lhc. Vourt ess lor ui 11. uiicr.il iiucresis 01 an ie Mates, our assemlr inr Mr ct.mmittee have also shown, as they think successfully that fiaurj 111 iiiu uisinei 01 Columbia would he a deep injury to the citizens of the District, and, therefore, a wuLiuoi.

01 iiiu trust reposed in Congress as the local leHs iJiurcoi uie L'isiricl and. also, that it won il i.iiliet "'jury "PO" the slaveholdmj; Slates, and would, I un llieil I nl ii ri lllA, Ity was CX accniuplish esiiieu weia arcells, Caleb with liavmg feloniously, in Killed Jewett, ast. half an hour, and on re. the District Attorney nnr cause on the part or the prosecution. Alter having stated to the jury the nature ot the testimony he should ofinr and on e.

i i ''V 1,10 he remarked that he had wit die not .1 .1 1 i i vuuiifii on uie other side, but had uivou them nil lii iiiaunu ill Ills 3" "'l "'l to resist the tes tiniony wlnoh he hou Id n.l.lne,. i icu coiiiioe.il 'e clear ease; and be showed a train of ir. u.iistai.t.al evidence, which was not rebuild, by clear should look for a convic Uosma Townselid was tjen called on I he direct and cross exa.ninatio.. occupied thecourt for four A. .1...

con. bided, deem it improi.er .1 I 7' 1 present. 1 he next witness was Dr. uuu received. Lldredsre.

oneof he f.t..l i a "exi examined, hen tne court niliiiiirii. i i. i i i uciock, to meet morning. Uaz. a at 10 this From New York Mirror.

I UK Prima. Vv ure not aw are that writer views belter, than hv lllll.T IHC lOIJOrl III" letter and advertisenie.it. W.l, r. 1 ...1.. I.L.I IL i professionu ri.jiessinu oraiicues oi education are by no means Ucenick authors r.

11 overl Kiked at least he can make bis mark. tio fi" eomposi a certain rencounter at Wasl oi.iy uc needed hv iiimo a lr uiicriis, aim tneir peculiar manner of acting We remomber to have read, bile he was Governour ofTen VbTon "Tl "7'! a inessi.Te or iw.i i. I laiciu ir 1 1 mo Vt 1 1 19 really extraordinary that while wc have official orders even lromSaiitaAna.dateilsu.ee his captivity, we et nothing Irom Houston. Cannot those ho furnished the Santa Ana documents, oblige us with the bulletin of the engagement issued bv the victor VOMiRESS F.UNKSPAY, JuSB 1. III tllO SENATE iiiess.iiM t) were received irom tne rrestucnt, containiii" a nurers communication from F.

Cunev in reply to charges made lions it I Were Congress, iu a single instance, to stitfer I him by a and an answer of Samuel wi to i i of fraud contained in the evidence taken before the Committee on Publick Lands. Mr. Benton moved now iloniKint among us. Mr. Wallack litis adopted the ex 3CI nun ny oinersOl llts 1 may be as successful as they were, in attaining his ohjJct by this means.

He is not onlv a line mn.l own walk, unrivalled; i pnyaIe he is much esteemed and rcsprcted, ami is deservedly popular with the friends ol literature and tl.e sta2c in this con i.trV. T1U in Kug und ill not be protract, beyond a month, and his return the United States w.ll be welcomed, as i alwa IS by the congratulations of and i' ket Ship Shi 18S6. My dear sir I am most anxmuB to the United States, anonit.id av "I on some striking au.l poweiful American OfcouV i am desirous tint the principal character l. I Tiriitl.ltinri.t .1 .1 I 1 umi mis answer he pniiiod, on Ihe oroiimi ol mere ju iiicoto jnapiraio me and my lramatick cnDnbili I IIP ciiflt no limn I I Mr. Gwia, which gave rise to a long debate, in the course of enough to off fr 'V kin(! which was said that Mr.

Gwiu had been shot through the dollars, whtcb 1 will pay any w'iter ho .1 'T in in a late duel, and was orobablv a. read 1. oest piece ol the description aihided to. All I In t.l..,..l...l 1'" I no Kill. i.

utt. ln io uieir reion neyonu tne limits to hicil they could 1 senate rctused to lav the subiect on the table, bv a vote i merary gentlemen ot your in .11 nave wished lo cantine it, will enter in no ddtails upon this portion ol their duty. Sufiicc it to say that the Legislatures of several, if not all, the slaveholding Stat. s. tion havo solemnly resolved that 'ongress has no constitutional 111 the I lorsF.

of REPRi.sr.ST atives the amendment of the auinonty to abotist, SaVery the district ot Columbia." It Senate to the bill to provide for certain Ohio and Vir would be utterly impossible, then lore, that anv such aitpinm 1 iruna .1 i i I'i o.ti'MH i tin iirrfM i iti in ti.uicn tiunp 'i i. hi ii i' inr fit i a i of 20 to 17, and adjourned without any decision on the unv adjudged the premium inn if I 11 12, mill il enclosed adycitiscment in the M.rror; and, with many thanks for the kind ne.n.w.r i ou nuvt; iilien rsei, matter lor me, I am, my dear sir. obliged and faithful servant. ToGf.ori;e i MoRnis, your WALLACK. Editor of the Mirror.

TO N'ATIVE tlRAMATICK AUTHORS. 1 he subscriber mm iv.it... ni.ni ui cm: duce same results, in relation to the Federal Government wcre referred to the Comniiltee on Revolutionary play upon an attractive and sinking suh and the Union, that would be produced by the adontion of Claims. Mr. Hunt H.e American history.

Tl.e principal part tobe adapted any measure directly alllxtin" the domestick institutions nis style ol acting. A committee of literary gentlemen the States themselves. 'ntitH in. t.tutions of Utatemot.t relation to a publication ol Mr. Pinekney's re will be chosen to decide upon tl.e merits ofsuch'plays as may Your committee will not dwell urion the nirlore tlmt i.

Port' 0,1 slavery question, fiom the office of the Globe, in to them for this preinium, which will be award thus presumed to their minds. The retleclion it eY. ite which he had been renrvsented as voting r. 1r luU'f! wnttr ol tha best production of the above descrip one of mingled bitterness and horrour. It is one.

thev trust. nev' l.0'.'.. 18 "Mil, (post never to be realized. Look inff upon their belovVd i na8 no on or belore tho first ot tcioi.er next, addressed to as it now stands, the envy and admiration r.ftl.e v.rl.f. aullionty to interfere with the institution of contemplating, as they do, that unrivalled constitution, bv slavery in the States.

Mr. Hunt said that onlv nine mem vvhich a teauteous family of confederated States, each i.idu' hers had voted against this resolution, and that ho voted in Swlth favour. The Office bill, from the Committee of the system and knowing as they do, that under the beneficent was takt'n "IS amended, an I ordered tobe engrossed influencf of our free institutions, the people of this country lor a third reading. The hill to establish certain Post Routes u1. IVM'en'y and liappuuss, not only was aUo taken the amendments of the Con.miiw unpossesseii, dui scarcely imagined, by any other upon noi auvcu to tne liorrours, or ucpici tne consequences oi that most awful day, when the Buiiui ricanireeuoiinsiiall go down in blood, and iiothin icinaiii oi uiis Kionous liepublick but the lee.li.icr anu uisoououreu iraemtnts.

It would, indeed, betheextinc tmctionof the world's last hone, and tiie ii.bil. of in.n... over all the earth But yourcommittee feel, that with these Btnna nn tl.Ais 1 I i uivy wouia oui impentn tly ciiartTo uiu not make au oarnest appeal to the patriotism ol the American People to sustain the resolution adopted by the House. And they would also appeal to the good sens. and good feelings ol that portion of th alx.lition acting imdar a mistaken nsc of moral and reh nolo were concurred in, other amendments were adopted, and the bill was ordered to a third reading.

Later from Kxolaxd. We have by the packet ship St. Andrew, Captain Thompson, London papers to the 6th and Liverpool to the 7th of May, both inclusive. Letters from Madrid of the 2Sth of April, give the follow as the composition of the Spanish ministry according to the recent arrangements: M. Mendizabal, President of the Council and Minister of Finance.

Count Almodovar, Foreign Allans. General Rodil. War. M. Ferrer, Marine.

i iMorus, ev 1 oik nrror ollice. JA.i i wau.ACK. No arrivals This forenoon. Thick and foo out Hide Vessels lying at anchor in tlie North River: ships foi Liverpool Star, do John Jay, do Solon, do Columbus, do Josephine, do Calchis, do; Montreal, London. Albany, Havre; Charles Carroll, do Junior.

Mob.lcl? William Byrnes, South America Ceylon, Catavia Plata Ari.ster.lani; Hercules, New Orleans; Hews, Bremen ship Isabella. Crenun Bremen barque Duke Orleans, Havana; brigs Pava, Lubeck Margaret, Mar s. mey, and others nanu not recoil an i.ciaiu on account of head inds. There arc aliout two hundred sail of fishing schooners at anchor in side of Sandy Hook, wind bound it looks like a new wrest just sprung up. in Prince's Bay i and off th All the harbours are full of small craft, The other two departments, of Jutice and the Interior, were bound for the last eleven days..