FOUR IRONWOOD DAILY GLOBE, IRONWOOD, MICHIGAN MONDAY, JULY 26,1965. r<jt. il IRONWOOD DAILY GLOBE "The Daily Globe is an independent newspaper, supporting what it believes to be right and opposing what it believes to be wrong, regardless of party politics, and publishing the news fairly and impartially." —Linwood I. Noyes, Editor and Publisher, 19270964. Mrs. Linwood I. Noyes, President Edwin J. Johnson, Editor and Publisher Project Stormfury Hurricanes are defined by the U.S. Weather Bureau as "cyclonic storms of the tropics" with wind speeds of 75 miles an hour or more. A giant hurricane is a 500 billion horsepower engine capable of lifting two billion tons of water from the ocean in a single day and dumping it back in torrential rains. The Weather Bureau has been experimenting for rlmost two decades with dispersing hurricanes by cloud-seeding. With the assistance of the Navy, the Bureau in August and September will conduct a more ambitious venture in hurricane bombing, Project Stormfury. The Stormfury operation will involve as ' many as 17 airplanes. Project rules forbid the seeding of any hurricane that might strike a populated area within 36 hours. The principal experiment will be the .seeding of the hurricane's eye with silver iode "smoke" to encourage supercooled water to freeze and fall, releasing heat energy latent in the clouds and taming the storm. As long ago as 1947 the Weather Bureau seeded a hurricane 400 miles off the Georgia : Coast. Instead of breaking up. the storm turned toward the mainland and smacked into Savannah. The National Hurricane Research Project, a joint Weather Bureau-Defense Department enterprise, in 1959 seeded a hurricane without ascertainable effects. Mctereologists were en- couragcd, however, by Stonmvorthy programs in 1961 and 196-3. This year's tests will be far more ambitious. The weather bureau discontinued its 30-day warnings in 1958 but now denies these w e re dropped because they ruffled Florida tourist and other commercial interests. Emergency warnings continue, of course, and are issued by press and radio and television whenever a tropical storm becomes a threat to life or property. During this year's hurricane season, great dependence will be placed on the Tiros weather satellites. Ten of these have gone into orbit since 1960, the latest having been launched at Cape Kennedy on July 1 The four still functioning. Tiros 7, 8, 9, and 10, contribute to the most effective storm detection system ever devised. Warnings can do little to save crops and buildings, but in recent years a great saving of life lias resulted from evacuation of large populations from coastal areas. Hurricane Audrey in 1957 took 395 lives. The four hurricanes last year, three of which struck Florida and one Louisiana, cost 49 lives. The "hurricane season" extends from June 15 through Nov. 15, but tropical storms generate most frequently from mid-August through the two worst months. September and October.. As July waned this year only a tropical "depression" had been reported. The Weather Bureau names its tropical storms, not all of hurricane; proportions, after women—for reasons left to conjecture. The first this year will be Anna. The list extends through Wanda, if needed. "D" storms have a way of being rough. Diane in August 1955 was a "Class 9" storm (damage upwards of $500 million), which actually caused about $830 million damage and killed more than 180 persons in the United States. This vear—Watch out for Debbie! Steel This Week CLEVELAND—Steelmaking operations are at the highest level since the Independence Day holiday, and they may even rise higher in August, Steel magazine said today. Mills are well booked with orders for shipment before Aug. 31, and thev are racing to fill them. The pace is reflected by the 2,645,000 tons of steel for ingots and castings produced lust week, equivalent to an annual rate of 137.5 million tons. The September outlook is less optimistic. One major company, which is virtually sold out for July and August, is booked for only 35 per cent of capacity foi September. But it will continue to produce at a brisk pace to replenish in-plant inventories. New orders have declined because: 1. Mills are solidly booked until Aug. 31 for products in strong demand and can't accept more business if labor negotiation continue to the end order for September delivery because most mills will either be closed by a strike; or, if there is no strike, consumers will begin living off strike hedge inventories. Steel distributors are expected to reach peaks in their inventories about the middle of August. They will ready them for boom business if labor negotiations continue to then end of August, as now seems likely The United Steelworkers of America lias scheduled meetings of its executive board and of its policy committee for July 30. Steel predicts union officials will report moderate progress toward a new contract but will recommend that on Aug. 1 the USW serve a 30-day notice of contract termination. This would permit the USW to strike on or after Aug. 31 if no agreement is reached by then. But the metalworking weeklv says chances f.re good a settlement will be reached before Aug. 31. The heavy buildup of steel inventories makes it virtually certain that steel output in the second half will decline from the record first halfs 70.6 million tons. One company's marketing department thinks 31 million tons will be produced in the third quarter and that fourth quarter output may drop to 24 million tons, making the year's total 125.6 million tons vs. last year's 127.1 million tons. Both producers and users are optimistic about the long'term business outlook. And so are makers of aluminum. Steel reports that oversupply, pricing, and profits problems ibat plagued the industry for years have disappeared. Demand today is the highest in history, and primary aluminum production facilities are being pushed to the limit. This will be one of the industry's best profits years. To meet the surge in growth of markets — especially in transportation, packaging, construction, and electrical—the eight U.S. primary producers are stepping up capacity. As i-.f Jan. 1, it was 2,552,100 tons; now it is 2,756,000 tons; and by 1968, capacity will expand to 3,083,000 tons. D-Day for 'Right-to-Work' (Copyright 1989, King Futures Syndicate. Inc.I By John Chamberlain This is the week in which Lyndon Johnson, the "consensus" President, must come to terms with the "other" Lyndon Johnson who has asked Congress to repeal that controversial section 14(B) of the Taft-Hartley Act which permits states to ban the union shop. Harlem's Adam Clayton Powell, invoking the new "twenty-one day" rule, has asked for House of Representatives' vote on whether the bill calling tor repeal shall be brought out of the rules committee to the floor. If the House approves of taking the bill out of the rules committee jurisdiction, the fate of 14(B) will be settled within a very few days, and it will be settled precisely as Adam Clayton Powell dictates. The fight over 14(B) lias been the closest fight yet in this "Lyndon Johnson Congress," smd both sides are claiming victory. Yet the consensus of the country, to which Johnson normally pays the utmost deference, is definitely against repeal COPE, the AFL-CIO Organization for Political Education has tried to drum up national sentiment for killing state bans of compulsory unionism, but the heavy preponderance of mail in favor of retaining 14(B) has dismayed the labor leaders. Up to . the week-end when this column is being writ' ten, the only real effort on the part of the \ White House to forget the nation's "consensus" t s and to help along a 14(B) repeal has been to send Vice President Hubert Humphrey to Capitol Hill to talk to some farm congressmen, hoping, no doubt, to wheedle some rural votes for repeal in exchange for city votes for farm ' legislation. This has been the oddest congressional battle in years, for few people really care much about 14(B) in itself. The presence of right- to-work laws in 19 states hasn't demonstrably hurt-.the unions. On the other hand, nobody can impose compulsory unionization in non-right- to-;work states where the constituted bargain<, Jog unit in a given shop rejects the idea. This issue has become a lighting one for purely symbolic reasons. Labor regards it as a test of its national political power. The other side feels that if labor can win in Congress against the consensus as a whole, there will be no stopping the union leaders. The sad tlu'ng about it is that the rank and file of labor will lose its hold on its own leaders if they ever achieve total compulsory unionism. In states where the union shop is legal, labor leaders have offered to accept less in both wage rates and fringe benefits in exchange for a union shop provision. Labor leaders have promised to go easy on taking cases to arbitration or to present fewer grievances if only management will come through with union shop recognition. Union shop arrangements encourage so-called sweetheart agreements, with management and union bosses sharing power between them at the expense of what Thorstein Veblen, the sardonic social theorist of a bygone generation, used to call the "underlying population." As of the moment of writing, 20 out of 23 Texas congressmen are still in accord with Texas's Governor Connally in upholding right-to- work. And, since a House floor vote to return the question of 14(B) to committee would not entail expressing an opinion on the law itself, some timorous northern Republicans who fear the power of the labor leaders may be encouraged to go along with southern Democrats and with their own House leadership in preventing a vote on right-to-work repeal. The right-to-work forces have a bare chance of winning in the House. But if they lose there, they can still win in the Senate, where they have considerably more than enough votes to stave off cloture if tactics call for a filibuster. If Lyndon Johnson chooses to desert the nation's consensus on 14(B), the issue could become for his administration what the court-pack was for Franklin D. Roosevelt *- the first draining defeat. They Also Serve— ^" J '^&£i^^!$S^&&&M-<*~"*-* ' Today in National Affairs By DAVID LAWRENCE WASHINGTON — These arc mes when it seems to be a fad "Q. Who did the planning? "A. Now, that's the third point. The President has taken o downgrade the military mind 1 responsibility for this whole nd to arrogate to the civilian j matter. superior capability in dealing " Q . well, was the planning ith purely military opera-jby the military, or someb o d v ons. On Thursday, a dispatch, else? rom New York said: i ,, A _ The p , an tnat flnal , y went "The late President Kennedy, o the day of his death, felt the IA and his military advisers ed him into making the worst mistake of his career—the Bay [ Pigs disaster, according to a lose Kennedy aide. "While publicly and private- assuming full blame for the ragedy, Kennedy was aghast at he enormity of his error and itter at having been badly nisled by his advisers. Kennedy's aide, Theodore C. Sorensen, revealed the late 'resident's personal reaction n an article published in "Look" magazine. . . . " 'How could I have been so ar off base?' Sorensen said Kennedy remarked. 'All my life I've known better than to depend on the experts. How could I have been so stupid to let go ahead?" ft t> 6 "Sorensen said the key t o Kennedy's error lay in the fact he approved an invasion plan bearing little resemblance t o what he thought he had approved.' 'That so great a gap be- ween concept and actuality should exist at so high a level on so dangerous a matter r e - 'lected a shocking number o f errors in the whole decision- making process," Sorensen said, errors that permitted bureaucratic momentum to govern instead of policy leadership.' Perhaps the most authorita- Ive explanation thus far available about what did happen was jiven by Robert F. Kennedy, at- ,orney general at the time. As the brother of the President and a participant in the secret conferences beforehand at t h e White House, he was familiar with the whole Bay of Pigs operation. In an interview published in the Jan. 28, 1963, issue of "U.S. News Si World Report," the attorney general said flatly that it was never contemplated there would b e U.S. air cover for .the invasion. Excerpts from the interview— the text of which was approved by the attorney general before publication — are as follows: 'What happened was this: one air attack had been made on Saturday on Cuban airports. There was a ' flurry at the United Nations and elsewhere and, as a result, U.S. participation in the matter was coming to the surface. This surfac i n g was contrary to the preinvasion plan. There was supposed to be another attack on the airports on Monday morning. "The President was called about whether another attack which had been planned sould take place. As there was this stir about the matter, he gave instructions that it should not take place at that time unless those having the responsibility felt that it was so important it had to take place, in which case they should call him and discuss it further. "And that's what was postponed. It wasn't air cover of the beaches or landings. And, in fact, the attack on the airports took place later that day. "Q. Wasn't there to be air cover of the beaches from Central America? "A. That is correct —and that was not disturbed. All of t h e planes that were supposed to be Utilized were utilized — all in the planning. I might say they proved to be inadequate. The air cover at the beaches was definitely inadequate —but not because of some last minute into effect was approved by our military—the Pentagon, the joint chiefs of staff, as well as the central intelligence agency. This wasn't something that was planned by a few fellows over at the White House and then put i n operation. However, the President had to give approval to the plan and he quite properly has accepted the responsibility. "Q. There have been many reports that the military did not approve the thing — "A. As General Lemnitzer, who was chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, lias said, they did approve it, although responsibility for the planning 1 a y primarily with the CIA. "The President had made It clear from the beginning, prior to the approval of this operation, American manpower, American air power and American ships would not be used. <r <r -Ct "And this plan had to go into effect without that. The military approved the plan that finally went Into basis. operation on that The National Whirligig (Released b» UeClure Newspaper Syndicate* By ANDREW TULLY WASHINGTON — The danger inherent in President Johnson's almost adulatory affection for Defense Secretary McNamara is emphasized in the re-telling, in Life magazine, of Presid e n t Kennedy's soul-searching before the abortive 1961 invasion of Castro's Cuba. I say re-telling because the story unfolded by an ex-Kennedy aide, Arthur Schlesln g e r Jr., was told first in a book I published in early 1962—CIA: The Inside Story (William Morrow Co., N.Y.). Lyndon Johnson, it says here, appears to depend too much on McNamara's thinking in the conduct of the Viet Nam War. In 1961, Kennedy banked too heavily on the advice of the then CIA director, Allen Dulles, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Both cases are examples of a President permitting himself to be influenced by men who are committed to a plan of operation and whose opinions thus the quality of objectivity. lack "Q. What accounts for the miscalculation here? You say the forces that went in were not adequate— "A. I think it's a difficult question to answer —the plans and the recommendations obviously were not adequate. "Q. Why were American forces there if they were not used? "A. The plan was that, if the invasion ships starting from Central America were sighted by a Cuban plane, or in s o m e fashion the communists learned about the invasion, they were going to turn around. Our forces had permission to protect them from attack as they returned. "Q. You have quoted the President as saying, 'I want It understood that American forces are not going to be used, and if you still think this plan is good enough, we'll go ahead.' Is that right? "A. That is correct. "Q. Who was it he was talking to? "A. To all those who were involved in the planning. All those involved in the planning understood that American forces would not be used." What the episode proves is that American military men should not be asked to assume any responsibilities for operations which they neither command nor control. (Copyright, 1965, New York Herald Tribune Inc.) LONG ODDS — In the Cub fiasco, both Dulles and the Joint Chiefs Insisted that an invasion by only 1,400 men was a serious threat to a regime with a military force of up to 400,000. They did not suggest that the Castro government would topple the moment the invaders hit the beach in the Bay of Pigs, but they did predict that there would be enough uprisi n g s around the country so that the beachhead could be held and consolidated and a rebel government established on Cuban soil. Kennedy, as Schleslnger tardily notes, was not enchant e d with the Bay of Pigs project, and he weakened the plan by prohibiting American air cov e r . Even then, however, Dulles and the Joint Chiefs continued to maintain that the invaders could land successfully and then establish themselves in the Escam- bray mountains — some 50 difi- cult miles from the beach. * <r * THE BIG OVERLOOK — Under the circumstances, defe a t was almost inevitable. But the adventure might have had a better chance if Allen Dulles and Co. had not snubbed the highly effective anti-Castro underground. This was controlled by one Manolo Ray, a defect o i from the Castro regime, respected by detached Journal! s t s as an honest liberal but avoided CIA as a "leftist." In Miami, where the Cub a n excile leaders were sequestered, Ray was the target of reactionary Cuban businessmen and politicians who sought only to regain their property and power. CIA listened to these lower-case Met- ternichs. Ray's followers were not permitted to join the invasion training camp in Guatemala, but were detained under virtual house arrest in Miami. And neither Ray nor any other underground leader was told the exact date of the invasion. Consequently, the resistence movement was as surprised as Castro when the rebels hit the beach—possibly more so. * * * NO UNDERGROUND AID — No bridges were blown, no railroad lines destroyed. No attempt was made to cause Castro's troops even minor inconvenience as they moved toward the sea to repel the invaders. The landing took place at a point where three roads led into the interior. Castro concentrated his fore e s on these roads—surrounded by impenetrable swampland — and destroyed the rebels at will. It is not suggested that Secretary McNamara is leading President Johnson into a similar misadventure in Viet Nam. McNamara is taking the proper position that the only way to win the war, or at least secure a statelmate, is to fight It. But the uneasy Impression persists that in White House councils, McNamara's Is always the last word of advice. As Lyndon Johnson should know, no man is that good. As the Viet Nam fighting escalates Into an American war, Johnson needs to listen attentively to counsel from outsl d e the Pentagon, if only because no human being is going to criticize his own operations. Business Mirror The Washington Scene By SAM DAWSON NEW YORK (AP) — Uncle Sam has cleared the way to keep up with the big jump in the demand for coins and currency in the United States. His plan, in a sense, is less silver and more gold. The abnormal increase in the last two years in the volume of coins and paper money in circulation caught the United States by surprise. Apparently it wasn't duplicated in other lands To free its mints to meet the coin shortage, past and potential, the United States is changing the metal content of coins. decision by anyone else. the President 01 By BRUCE BIOSSAT WASHINGTON (NBA) — Justice Arthur Goldberg's publicly voiced reluctance at leaving the Supreme Court for the U.N. ambassadorship cannot hide the abundant evidence that he felt "walled up" in the high court's marble isolation. Ebullient in spirit, a tireless talker, a prime mover throughout his life, Goldberg never really adjusted to the hushed tones and red velvet that went with the honored post he accepted from President Kennedy in 1962. Says a labor lawyer who has observed his court tenure closely: He's done a good, competent job. But he really belongs out with the boys." Goldberg is an inveterate problem solver. When he has finished solving his own, he likes to plunge — sometimes unin-! fllct.' Association convention in Chicago in 1963, he told assembled lawyers: "A (labor) secretary's and a labor lawyer's phone n e v er stops ringing. The justi c e ' s never does ring. Even his best friends won't call him." He said he felt his detachment most keenly the week or more of the Cuban crisis in October, 1962. He -kept thinking President Kennedy would summon him for help. To the lawyers at Chicago he added: "But our phone was silent. And we went about our business of calling the calendar, and judging. . . . "Right in the midst of it, a messenger arrived with a White House envelope and I thought: 'Well, I'm not entirely out of it. I am sure the President is going to ask my advice now on how we settle the Cuban c o n - vlted — into the handling of of.her people's difficulties. If his appointment to the United Nations was a genuine 'I opened the envelope . . . and it was a notice from the Office of Emergency Management, giving me my directions urprise, his leaving court was as to how I could be evacuated not at all stunning to many in labor and law who knew him. Says one such source: "We felt he could not last in the detached atmosphere of the bench." Goldberg himself dropped many cues on this score. He heartily disliked the court's long vacations. At the American Bar Ironwood Daily Globe Published evenings, except Sunday* by Globe Publishing Company, 118 B. McLeod Ave., Ironwood, Michigan. Established Nov. 20, 1919, (Ironwood News-Record acquired April 16 1931; Ironwood Times acquired May 23, 1948.) Second class pottage paid at Ironwood, Michigan. MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED FRE8B The Anoclited Preii ta entitled exclusively to the me for tepubicatlon of all the local ntwi printed In thli newspaper, as well at aU AP news die- patches. .„..-.. et American Newspaper Publishers Association, Interamerlcan Press Association, Inland Daily Press Association, Bureau of Advertising, Michigan Press Association. Audit Bureau of Circulations. Subscription rates i By mall within m radius of 80 miles—per year, $9; six months, $5; three months. S3; one ' • "-"is sold 'Tier per mil By ...uuttiB, yuj uirvv month, SI.80. No mal to towns and local' service Is maintain year, $18; one in' subscriptions pnyn. carrier, $20.80 per i the week, W cents. by from Washington." Observers of Goldberg believe President Johnson was fully aware of the justice's discomfiture, and may also have known of his hankering to cavort a little on the international stage — among others. White House sources say the President thought of Goldb erg almost immediately as a possible replacement for the late Adlai Stevenson. Johnson's first talk with the justice came a day or so after Stevenson's death in London. Other announced timetables notwithstanding, it Is said the President had largely made up his mind the day before he took Goldberg with him to Stevenson's funeral in Illinois. The President's contacts with Goldberg over the months have been fairly frequent. Goldberg was on the scene, ottering' a bit of advice, when Johnson was preparing his convention acceptance speech last August. . As the new U.N. Ambassador, Goldberg will have one handicap —a rather heavy-handed speaking style. But most who know him think he will never theless perform superbly at the United Nations because of his dazzling talents as a negotiator. Day in History By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Today is Monday, July 26, the 207th day of 1965. There are 158 days left in the year. Today's highlight in history: On this date in 1775, the Continental Congress established a Postoffice Department. Benjamin Franklin became America's first postmaster general. On this date In 1759, the French abandoned Ft. Ticonderoga. In 1863, Texas statesman and soldier Sam Houston died. In 1891, France annexed the Pacific island of Tahiti. In 1941, Gen. Douglas MacArthur was appointed commander of U.S. forces in the Philippines. In 1945, final returns showed the Labor partj had won the election in Britain; as a result Prime Minister Winston Churchill resigned. Ten years ago — U.S. Ambassador Alexis Johnson was negotiating in Geneva with the Red China ambassador for the release of Americans held in China. Five years ago — The Soviet Union vetoed a U.S. resolution in the United Nations Security Council calling for an impartial investigation of the shooting down of a U.S. reconnaissance plane by a Russian fighter over international waters. One year ago — The Organization of American States voted for sanctions against Cuba after Venezuela accused Cuba of aggression. He is descrived as a "tinkerer" who gets at the problem of the moment and builds a bridge which often prevents a long- range crisis from ever mater- ialising. One lawyer says with an admiring laugh: "I almost feel sorry for the Communists. He'll de-trouser them, and they'll stand there smiling, liking him." This same man thinks Goldberg will have the "brass" to insinuate himself into decision- making more than Stevens o n did and won't be hobbled by the 225-mile gap between Washington and New York. He adds: "He'll be the (airline) shuttle's most noted passenger." Silver, in greater demand both for coins and industrial use, is being dropped from dimes and quarters and cut to 40 per cent in half dollars. With copper and nickel Uncle Sam can make more and cheaper coins — and avoid running out of silver. The growing economy calls for more money and credit. But in the last two years the demand "has grown much faster than the economy. Vending machines and turnstiles have • multiplied. The coin demand has spurted even more. Here is how the U.S. Treasury reports the rising demand for coins: The average annual Increase between 1954 and 1961 was $95 million. In 1962 this Jumped to $190 million; In 1963 to $226 mil lion; and in 1964 to $327 million. Federal Reserve figures show the annual increase in paper money in circulation in 1954-1961 was $259 million. This jumped to $1.17 billion in 1962, $1.47 billion in 1963 and $1.94 billion in 1964. The increase In coinage demand this year Is estimated at $495 million and in currency at $1.97 billion. The totals are sizable. In Jun« 1965 paper money in circulation plus demand deposits for which currency can be obtained reached $35 billion. The Treasury reports 12 billion silver dimes, quarters and half dollars are now outstanding. And 3.5 million of the new coins will be minted in the next year. While the value of the outstanding coins is much less than that of the paper money, the rate of increase in demand for coins has been much faster. This year coin demand is 15.4 per cent higher than last, while currency growth is up 5.7 per cent. One reason given is the advent of the vending machine age. Another is the growth of the economy. A third is the increase -in the number of coin collecors and in the size of the collections in an affluent society. A fourth is possible hoarding in expectation of a shortage increasing either the value of; collector's items or of the metal content of the coins. Still another might "be that in the months of increasing prosperity, money of all sorts burns holes faster in people's pockets. Timely Quotes Don't expect a U-2 photograph; don't expect a Ranger photograph ... All the pictures we will get put together under the best conditions will aggregate less total information than is on Just one Ranger (moon) photograph. ( > —Physicist Robert Leighton, principal investigator on the Mariner IV Project to photograph Mars. •;.;.If I was an octopus I would have eight jfingers crossed, —Dan Schneiderman, manager of the Mariner Project to Photograph Mars, ^ .
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