South Western Baptist from Marion, Alabama • 1

TEEN S. IIEXDERSOX, J. BATTLE, EmTOIB" Wlkctkvr It brlgkitlit th il(Utof Owrt Urarketi uiitoyou more ill an unlv Gul. 6 VOL. 14-NO.

49- TUSKEGEE, THURSDAY, MAY 7, 1863 50 NOS. IN A VOLUME. BAPTIST, rr i as VfT mm 'If -ft 4 risdiction exists at all aionjr the A RBtiiaiODS FAMILY NEWSPAPER PUBLISHED WEEKLY. HENDERSON BATTLE, PBOfRIKTORH. colonies, not seceded States that were in actual rebellion against their sovereigfi use of force iff but temporary.

It may subdue for a moment, but it does not remove the riecesssity for subduing again and a nation is pot 'governed which is perpetually to be My next is its uncertainty. Terror is not always the effect of force, and an armament is not a victory," A fa rtlicr objec -Mr. The war is' forced upon us. We devised to win favor among the most have always desired peace. After a fanatieal of the Northern people, ut- conflict of opinions between' the tering nothing that has not already North and the South, in Church and been attempted, practically but in State, of more than thirty years, vain, by the United htates suppose growing more bitter and painful dai- it to be worth no more than the paly, we withdraw from them to secure, per upon which its bold iniquity is peace they send troo'ps to compel traced, nevertheless, it is the avowal us into re-union 1 Our 'proposition Of a principle, the declaration of a was peacabl'e separation, saying, "we wish, the deliberate attempt of the are actually divided, our nomiiial chief magistrate of a nation to do union is only a platform of strife." that which, as a of war, 'The answer is 'call for seventy-five must be repugnant to civilization, thousand troops to force submission and which we calmly denounce as to a government whose character, in Worthy of universal reprobation, and the judgment of the South, had been against which Christians in the name sacrificed to sectionalism.

'From the of humanity and religion ought to speech of Mr. Burlte, already- refer- protest. red toj the following language may What shall sound Christianity say be quoted as not inappropriate to our to that, one idea philanthropy. 'which, position in respect to peace. in the name, of an imaginary good, "The Proposition 13 Peace, Not in l'ind fury rushes upon a thousand peace through the medium of war mtion able evih 1 iiui If it were the time for such -argti- shall signally fail, as it certainly will to achieve the ruin of the South, what is promised Nothing but war! cruel, relentless desperate war! Because the President by his scheme violates the constitution, we might condemn him tho constitutionality of of his acts be less important to iis than to the people over whom he presides because ho has violated his word, his special promise, and even his solemn oath of office, we might abhor his act though that is a matter which may chiefly concern his conscientiousness, and illustrate the character of that officer whom Southerners refused to-sitliite as their President because of the diabolical mischief intended, we might in the name of heaven indignantly denounce his proclamation thoug no weapon formed against us be, practically, more harmless.

But these are not the considerations which move us to protest: we solemnly protest because, under the disguise pfjmilanthropy, and the pretext of doing good, he would seek the approbation of mankind upon a war that prmises to humanity only evil, and that continually. Let philanthropists 'observe, even according to its own terms, this mea ment, we should fear the issue of border, it has existed all the while, was not obtained by force, and is not the fruit of conquest. This fact is admitted by our enemies themselves; It is worthy of special notice, that notwithstanding the gigantic' exertions of the United States, they have not been able to secure the return of a single county, or section of a county much less a single State that has seceded. No civil order and peace spring up in the track of their armies All in front of is resolute resis- tence, and behind them, when they have entered our territory, is a deep, uncompromising opposition, over, which only military force can for moment be trusted. Thus the civilised world is called upon to observe an invasion which4has lasted two years, and achieved nothing but cruelty.

Before it a people ready to die, but neither ready to submit, nor wpak enough to be conquered and for its gloomy prospect an interminable war, growing more and unfeeling every day, because more hopeless to them -that by it have-sought things impossible as well as unrighteous. In the name of the great Prince.of Peace, has Cristianity, has civilization, nothing to Bay to such an awful tragedy Such is the. war for the Union Yet every day our foes are deepening and widening that river of blood which divides us from them forever The only change of opinion among our people since the beginning of the war, that is or material importance to the final issue has been the change from all lingering at tachment to the former Union, to a more sacred and reliable devotion to the 'Confederate government. The sentiments of the jxeanlear.ejiaLalterablejn.an.votheii respects by force ot irms. it the whole country were occupied by Uni ted State troops, it would merely exhibit a military despotism, against which the peoplo would struggle in perpetual revolutionary while any Southrons remained alive.

Extermination of the inhabitants could alone realizo civil possession of their soil. Subjugation is therefore clearly impossible. Is extermination desired by Christians The moral and religious interests of the South ought do be appreciated by Christians of all nations. These interests have realized certainly no benefit from the war. Wc are aware that in respect to the moral aspects of the question of slavery, wc differ from, those- who conceive of emancipation as a measure of and on that account we suffer much reproach which we are conscious of not deserving.

AVith all 'the facts ot the system of slavery in its practical operations before us, "as eye, witnesses and ministers of the Word, having had perfect understanding of all things" on this subjectof which we speak, we may surely claim respect for our opinions and Most of us have grown up from childhood among the slaves all of us have preached to and taught them the word of life; have administered to them the ordinances of tho Christian church; sincerely love them as souls for whom Christ, died we go among them freely and know them in health and sickness, in labor and rest, from infancy to old ago. We arc familiar with their physical and moral condition, and alive to all their interests and we testify in the sight of God, that the relation of master and slave among us, however we may deplore abuses in this, as in othor relations of mankind, is not incompatible with our holy Christianity', and that the presence of the Africans in oar land is an occasion of gratitude on their behalf, before Gad; seeing that thereby Divine Providence hat brought them where missionaries' of the cross may freely proclaim to themthe word of salvation, and. the work Js not interrupted by agitating fanaticism. The South has done mora than any people on earth for tta christianlration of the Africa race. The condition of slaves here hj not wretched, as Northern fetlods would have men believe, but prosperous and happy, and would have been yet more AN ADDKJ2SS To Christian luoiighftut the Woritl.

'GHniSTiAN Brethken: In the nnmo mis lorm, tifi1 matters interest to us, which w-ebe- i-lievc'deeplj concern the cause of our Master, and to which we in-ypke your serious' attention. speak not in the spirit ot con-'troversy, not by political inspiration 'Sftibiit; as servants of the Most High 1 -God wc speak the '-truth in love," concerning things -which make for. fin the midst, of Avar surrounded by scenes that pain the souls of all men deploring the evils which r'-aro inscpcrable from national con- pressed by the convictipn, that for 'vjour own sjiko, for the sake of our '-posterity, for the sake of of the truth, and above the sake' of our Redeemer's it behooves us to testify of tilings in our beloved land, seem to be neither understood nor appreciated by our enemies, nor yet, clearly appreciated by Christians of' other 'We put forth this address after prayer, solemnly invoking the of Almighty God, and coin- what we say to that Pi-qvi- dence by which we trust we are directed, and by whose authority and power the Governments of the earth stand or fall. If wc were moved to make this address by, any fears of the final issue of the war in which our country engaged, by any inclination to meddle with "political questions, by any desire to resume cotroversy in respect to -matters -which have been to the arbitration oT the if indeed anything that compromised the simplicity, dignity and purity of Christian duty moved us to issue this address, we should to have it despised by you, and' could hope for no blessing of God to rest" upon it. But" for all that wc say in the following declarations, we are to be jugdged by succeeding gcnerelions, and to answer in that day when the secrets of all hearts shall be made known.

We do not 1 ropose to discuss the causes of the war. They arc matters of recent history, easily and read of all men. To dis cuss them would obviously involve much more than, as Christian minis1 tors, we feel it our province to Wc submit for your consideration, as tile first point of our testimony and ground or protest That the rear waged against our -peo-. pie, in principle and in fact proposes to afhieve thai -which in the nature of the case, it. is impossible to accomplish by moltncf.A The wai- proposes the restoration' of the Union.

We can, rationally suppose a war for conquest, or to e.s'pcl an invader, or to coin pel respect for stipulations of peace and international which hftVc been but how 'fifoasures of violence can -independent States, restore their fellowship, re-establish rights, or coerce It people to brotherly kindness, unity and devotion to each other, is utterly beyond our conception, fttit if our enemies be discngenuous tlieir pr'ofossiofis if tliey tight not to recover seceded but to subjugate them, wliat promise 03 men' find in numbers, inteligence conr-tttg and moral energies of tllft-'mjlHonwho inhabit tho' Confed -eitie'8tMflif tlt anch a people ca'n ''ftVvtdeOepUrble or happy, as striinateito mere military torcc rfliyBltation, therefore, were possi- Would the Uni- the refOltM col fllf ii I ft ones itwim is tion to force is, that you imair the object by your very endeavors to preserve ir. The thing -you fought foils not the thing you recover." Christian brethren, could the hand of violence win you to desire fellow ship 'with a people while it destroyed your peace, polluted your sanctuaries, invaded the sacred preoints of your houies, robbed you of your -property, slaughtered your noble sons, clothed your daughters in grief, filled your land with sorrow, and employed its utmost strength to reduce your country to the degradation-of a subjuga-' led province? Would it not rather animate you to prefer death honora'-ble death the patriot's alternative, the Christian's martyrdom As an excuse for violence, our enemies charge that the Confederate States have attempted to overthrow "the best government on earth and call us "traitors," "rebels." We deny the charge, and as to the epithets, if they defined our position, under the circumstances, we could glory in them, as do the people of God when persecuted for truth and conscience sake. But we regard such terms as gratuitously assuming the very point at issue. 11 employed sincerely, we Will not complain but we are persuaded that many have uttered these expressions under the influence of lootings, who -would not otherwise assert the political doc- trines they imply. We are not dis- posed to engage in angry retort, and i only mention th'esc tilings to show that wc appreciate them.

It will appear singular when men reflectupon it, that so many intelligent and Christian people should desire to withdraw from "thebest government on earth" And wo need not discuss. the kindness of those who so generously pro.poso to confer 011 us by force of arms "the best government." No attempt-has been made to over throw the government of the United States, unless by the fanatical party which now administers its affairs. The South never entertained such an idea. If tlint Government, fall for lack of Southern suimoi-ti let men discriminate between the downfall of an oppression AV.hen the oppressed have escaped, and a wanton effort lo break up good government. So Pharoah fell, but not by the hand of Israel.

The dismemberment of the Union by secession was not a blow at government. It was lor our own deliverance. It was an election of the people, only hastened and reii-deied in some cases imperUivo, by the violent movents of the Executive of the United St.a'tes'. Viiginia may be referred 10 as an illustration, The State was not willing to secede hastily biit the dcm.and of President Lincoln thatshe should furnish troops to fight her sister States, ended all hesitation. At once she "took position with the Confederacy to battle in defence of liberty than in Opposition to all her principles to invadCj or suffer the invasion of the South.

Sd-far, therefore, from desiring to destroy tlje United States Govern merit, the great object of those Slates which first seceded was to secure their own riglilSj and their tranquility while the immediate object of the States which -last seceded was to place themselves as barriers in the way of a fanatical administration, if possible, stay the bloody effort td coerce, independent Sta tes to remain in the Union, when their constitutional rights would not be respected, and when the very purpose to coerce them showed a readiness to sacrifice the lives of citizens to the demands of sectional hostility The South would never vote in favoc, of annexing" or retaining a Northern State by- force of nrms." Instead thercfor9f wag- pc, war lor the overthriw of: tlio lea tunics, tne. LIU CJU liU It Ull VVU li. I the labyrinth of intricate and end- less negotiations not peace to out of universal discord, fo i "m.nted from principle, in all parts of the empire not peace to depend on the judical of perplexing questions, or the precise "marking the shadowy boundaries of a complex government. It is sim-" pie peace, sought in the spirit of peace and laid in principles purely "pacific." Such a proposition of peace was cleai-ly the appropriate duty of a Christian people. The South can point out on the page of history the names, and refer to the earnest and repeated efforts of lur commissioners of peace.

But our foes preferred war violence and by- violence the end they aimed at was unattainable, as the purpose was unworthy of a Christian tia.tion. this violence, upon principle, and" ia tiro tight of all the facts tof the case, we as the servants of God and ministers of peace testify and solemnly protest. The second general point we submit for your Christian consid js 4. C( ji at 2 j. ilk sLuiii aura utv auuinwn otuies is utlwei sally regarded by our people rf as final, and the formation of the Con- federato- Stales government as a fixed promising in nanrcspecl a restora tion of the former Union.

Politically and ecclesiastically the line lias been drawn between North and South. It has been done distinctly, deliberately, finally, and in most solemn form. The Confederacy claims to possess all the conditions! and essential characteristics of an: independent Government. Otir in-. stitutions, habits, tastes, pursuits and religion suggest 110 wish for reconstruction of the Union.

We regard the Confederacy, in the wise providence of the Almighty, as the result of causes which render its independent; existence a moral andf political necessity, and its filial and future independence of the United States not a matter that admits of the slightest doubt. Among all the indefensible acts, growing out of the inexcusable war waged against us, wo will refer to one especially in regard to which, for obvious reasons, Ave Would speak, aijd as becometh us, plainly and earnestly the recent proclamation of the President of the United States, seeking the emancipation of the slaves of the Sduth is in our judgment, a suitable occasion for solemn protest on the part of the people of pod throughout the -world. Firstj upon the hypothesis that the proclamation could bo carried out in its design, wc have 110 language to describe the bloody tragedy that would appal huiffanity. Christian sensibilities recoil from the vision of a struggle that would inevitably lead to the slaughter of tens of thousand of poor deluded insurrectionists 1 Suppose their owners suffered in the nat.ureir things the slaves would suffer infinitely more. Make, it absolutely necessary for tho public safety that the slaves bo slaughtered, and he who should write tho history of that event would record- the "darkest chapter of human woe' yet written But iwoiwiy, Iflippose tho procla- mation as ndeed we esteem It in the Mlh eppmW doemnent.

i a full discussion of this whole question of slavery, We fear no investigation, we decline no debate but we would not, at an hour like this and. in an address which is chiefly a protest, invoke the spirit of controversy. We content ourselves with what we regard, as infinitely more solemn; we stand before the world, while war silences the voices of disputants, and men in deadly contention wrestle on fields of blood, protesting against the crimes that in the name of liberty and philantr.opy are attempted! Let it go forth from our lips' while we live let it be recorded of us when we are dead, that we ministers of our Lord Jesus Christ) and members of his holy church, with our Jislnds upon the Bible, at once the sacred chart of our liberties, and the 1 foundation of our faith, call heaven, and earth, to l-p-oovd, that in the name of Him whose we are, and whom we serve, wc protest No description ecntn-o of the United Slates, even thouSh indignation alone inspired us to l'tt01' would exaggerate what unholy infatuation, ai-uthless persecution, a. cruel and 1 i shameful device, adding severity and 0 bitterness to a wicked and reckless When it is remembered that, in the name of "a military necessity," this new. measure was adopted, we may pass by the concession of weakness implied in this fact, and content our solves with calling attention to the immorality of a necessity created by a needless war of invasion.

"Mili tary necessity. an oxcusc not for self defence not for self preservation but for violating the laws of civili zed warfare, and attempting a- bar baritv. If "military necessity" be the inspiration to attempt emancipa tion, how shall men praise it as plu- lantnropy Are other nations un interested in such conduct? Pr'oclaim the right first to invade and subjugate independent States, exhaust all re sources, and thpn avow the principle of "military necessity" as an excuse to add severity lo tho wrong, as a plea- upon which project a scheme violative of every manly, honorable and Christian sentiment I Suppose an invader happens to bo too weak to conquer upon any other plan, has he therefore the right to prochun that poison and tho indiscriminate slaughter of women and children shall bo his legal method? The common caiisc of humanity, and the common hopes 'of Christian civilization, as they appeal to every nation, cry Out against this. 'wretched subterfuge If the '-military necessity" of weakness may righteously adopt 'any measure that an invader's ingenuity can invent or his malice suggest, what laws, what principles of justice and equity 'shall nations at war respect? At one time thq world is told "the reliction is weak, and will bo crushed out in sixty days at another "Union men abound iu the South and will welcome United States troops as dcj livorers' and now the invader is so hopeless of. his task, that it is a "military necessity that he obtain help of slaves! May it not be pertinently asked, what that is creditable to this invasion, ought men to believe, and to what end is thlt decitfal war Waged When tb'is ItstWrt, Hkef pVeWding schemes, sure is in no proper sense an act of merey to the but of malice toward' the master.

It provides for freeing only the slaves of those who fight against theUnitcd States. The effort is not to relieve that government of slavery, where the philanthropy has full opportunity for displaying its generosity, and the power to exercise it in respect to salvery, if it exist at all, can bcdndulged but the effort is simply to invoke slavery as an agent against the South, reckless of the consequences fcc the slaves themselves. Shall a pretext at once so weaic anu so pasc mueaci inieni gent men, and make them ltnasrme Abraham Lincoln is a philanthropist! His position ought to bo offensive to every sincere friend of the slave of every shade of opinion on the ques tion of.slavery. How does it affect the cause of the Confederacy? If to awaken a deeper resentment than ever inflamed the people of tho South before; if to quench the last senti ment of respect that fingered in their breasts for the U. S.

government it to unite them more resolutely than ever, and to make it to the individual interest of every pel-son in the bounds of the Confcdraoy to sustain and strengthen it witFl every dollar and every and every prayer, and every energy of manly virtue and Christian encotirgement, tic to advaco the invader's interest, and give him hope of success, then has tho procla mation fu-nished him opportunity of congratulating himself. We submit father That war against the Confederate Stales has achieved no good result, and wc find nothing in the present stpte of the struggle that gives promise of the United Slates accomplishing any good, by its conlinumicc. Though hundreds of thousands of lives have been lost and many millions of treasure spent though a Vast amount of valuable property has been destroyed, and numbers of once happy homes made desolate though cities and towns have bo lemporarly captured, and ttged men and helpless women and chilren have suffered such things as it were even a shame to speak of plainly; though sanctuaries have been desecrated, and ministers of God been dragged from sacred altars to loathsome prisons though slaves have been instigated to insurrection, aiid overy measure has been adopted that the ingenuity of the enemy could devise, or his ample resources afford by sea and by land yet we aver, without lea.r of that the only possession which the United Stotcs hold in the Confederate States is the ground on which United States troops pitch their tents and that whenever those troops withdraw from a given locality in our territory, the peoplo resident therein testify a warmer devotion to the Confederate cause than even before their soil was invaded. Nothing is therefore conquered no part of tho country is anbdncd the civil jurisdiction of tho United State, tjie real test of their not fiikti afi.tat for the inistken of Abo, iwwjwf 1 -v; jr'i.