The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts • Page 3

SEPTEMBEE 23. GEEEIT SMITH ON MoOLELLAN'S NOMINA TION AND ACCEPTANCE. I write these pages for the candid. 1'artizans woul not hear me they follow party. Those only will hear who follow truth and who will till follow it at whatever expense to rrty.

The North is divided fearfully divided. One por tion holds that the North, and the other that the South, it the only guilty party in this war. Which of them ia right is the great, nay, the only question to be answered at the coming election. If the North is the guilty party, then McClellan should be preferred. If the South, then Lincoln.

I name them because every day makes it more evident that all our votes will final ly be concentrated on them. McClellan is the candi date of those who hold the North. to be the guilty par ty, and, therefore, whatever exceptions some of them take to him, all will feel constrained to vote for him. So, too, all who hold that the South is the guilty party will feel it to be their duty to vote for Lincoln Many of there, would prefer to vote for Fremont, if they could thereby vote as effectively to defeat the candidate whose sympathies are with the South. But this they now see they cannot do.

It is in this wise that Fremont and Cochrane will themselves, not withstanding their dislike of some of his measures, vote for Lincoln. They are too magnanimous to let personal considerations hinder them from voting for him and they are too patriotic to withhold a vote which the salvation of the country calls for. May they hasten to inspire their friends with the like magnanimity and patriotism So, too, the great influence of Wendell Phillips will be brought to the side of Lin coin, as soon as he shall see that the man to be elected must be either Lincoln or a servant of the South. Strong as is his preference for Fremont, he will not let it work to the destruction of his country. We need not go back of the Convention which nom inated Lincoln, to learn that the Union Party lays all the blame of the war upon the South.

Nor need we go back of the Convention which nominated MeCIel- lan.to learn that the Democratic party lays all the blame of it on the North. The proceedings of the Chicago Convention afford conclusive evidence that the Democratic party is identified with the Rebellion is at peace with the enemies instead of the friends of the nation at peace with the South, and at war with the North. Nevertheless, it is not to be condemned but rather to be honored lor this, provided the North is the guilty party in the war. I am not of those whose motto is, Our country, right or wrong." It is only when she is right that I am with her. I can be loyal to the North so far only as she is loyal to justice.

Nor, if I would, could I help her wherein she breaks with justice. A nation, like an individual, puts herself beyond the reach of help in proportion as she defies the claims of truth and righteousness. Let me here say that McClellan, no more than any other member of the Democratic party, is necessarily worthy of condemnation for opposing the cause in which his country is embarked. Nay, if it is an unrighteous cause, then it is proper in him to stand forth a gain ft it to stand forth as distinctly and emphatically as he does by accepting his nomination at the hands of the enemies of that cause. I repeat, the question to be passed upon at the coming election is Which is the guilty party in this war the North or the South 1 It is admitted that the South took up arms to dismember our nation and that she robbed it of moneys, forts, guns, and portions of our little standing army.

It is admitted, too, that it was only in reply to these outrages that we armed ourselves. Hence, whilst the war on her part is offensive, on oars it is but defensive. Notwithstanding all this, the North may not be the innocent party for she may have oppressed and provoked the South beyond endurance. I am slow to admit that any Rebellion in a land where there is free access to the ballot-box can be justified. Nevertheless, if it can be shown that it was because she was made to 6ufTer intolerable oppressions that she flew to arms, I will not condemn her.

Had she such oppressions to complain of? It is said, more in Europe, however, than in America, that our high Tariff was a burden upon the South. Never, however, had we a Tariff" so nearly approach ing Free Trade as when her States began to secede. Moreover, the South could have had it as much lower as she pleased. What, however, if our Tariff were not a proper one That, surely, would not be enough to justify Rebellion. Had the South any right to call herself oppressed by the election of Lincoln is one at all.

-lie was elected constitutionally. But he was against slavery It is true that he was only moderately so, however. Several of the Presidents immediately preceding him were thoroughly for Slavery and yet the North did not claim that she was oppressed by their election Least of all did she claim that their election furnished ground for Rebellion. Was the South at liberty to regard herself oppressed, because so much was said at the North against Slavery Certainly not. The Constitution provides for free speech.

Moreover, the South spoke as freely against our systems of labor as we did against her avery. She sneered at our small fisted farmers and our greasy mechanics." She stigmatized our noble laborers as "the mudsills of society." Then, too, the South helps send missionaries over the earth to argue against idolatries and other abominations; and thus is she estopped by her own acts from forbid ding others to search and criticise herself. Was the South oppressed by Northern legislation against Slavery 1 Never. The North was always will ing to have the Supreme Court of the United States pass upon such legislation. When, however, the North sent Commissioners to the South to induce her to con sent to have the constitutionality of those laws, under which she was casting Northern freemen into the pit of Slavery, passed upon by that Court, those Com missioners had to fly for their lives before the murderous onset made upon them.

But John Brown, and at other times other Northern men, went into the Southern "Mates to help persons escape from Slavery The North, however, was not responsible for this. She ever stood hy Slavery, and helped the South tighten the chains of the slaves Little right has the South to complain of the sympa thy of John Brown and others with her slaves. Where these delivered one slave, her kidnappers made slaves of ten Northern free men. But there was rejoicing at the North over the escape of Southern slaves I I ad mil it. So was there rt joking at the South over the escape of Southern men from Algerine Slavery.

Such rejoicings cannot be stopped and all attempts of the South to stop them will be vain attempts to change human nature. Was the South oppressed by the refusal of the Northern people to accede to a proposition of the Southern people, to have an amicable separation of the States, and an amicable division of the Territories and other National property There was no proposition from the Southern people to the Northern people. There was a proposition from Southern individuals, Unauthorized by the Southern people; and it was roade not to our t-opV, but to our Government to a Government which, instead of being authorized to dismember our nation, is sworn to preserve it, and which, instead of being authorized to throw away the Constitution, ia sworn toktep it sacred and unbroken. The people of the North were ready to meet the people of the South in a Convention of Delegates. They were ready to make large concessions, in order to save from disruption the nation so dear to them.

Kulirely Wet mi l.Aw fo iiidcws and "'J iiicj i mt v' consummate the remarkable action of Congress in favor of altering the Constitution to the advantage of Slavery. In fine, they would have consented to almost any demand of the South, short of the sundering of the nation. This they would not consent to; and, because she knew they would not, the South would Dot have the National Convention. The aundering of the nation was the one thing she was intent on and nothing else, nor all things else, would she accept in lieu of it. Hence, to get this one thing, which she could not hope to get otherwise, the resorted to ariua.

Herein, and herein only, is the explanation of the outbreak of the Rebellion. Could she but have been brought to recede from her determination to set up a nation for herself and by herself, all other difficulties with the South might have been adjusted. It is in no degree necessary to my argument to explain why she then insisted, has ever since insisted, and never more strenuously than now, on this national independence. at some, under whose eye this paper may fall might like to meet wUh the explanation, I will give it. The whole explanation of this pertinacity on the part of the South is to be found in the fact that she is determined to maintain slavery, and that she despairs of maintaining it unless she shall erect herself into a nation independent of every other nation.

The South saw Slavery cast out of all Europe, and all American Slavery except her own to be tottering. She saw, too, that the North was every day becoming more enlightened in regard to Slavery, and therefore more hostile 10 it. Hence the great and absorbing question with her was what she should do most effectually to insulate herself, and shutout those ever swelling floods of Anti-Slavery sentiment and Anti-Slavery influence which were constantly pouring in npon her. Her natural decision was to build up about herself the high, and, as she hoped, impervious walls of a new nationality. The North she regarded as already abolitionized.

To remain, therefore, in connexion with her was to allow herself to be abolitionized. Hence she broke off from the North. For what else would she have consented to break off from it, and to lose the incalculable advantage of being a part of this great nation In all this, wl.ich I have now referred to, and I know not that there is anything more of this bearing to refer to, has the South suffered intolerable oppressions Nay, has she suffered any oppression None whatever. In our national affairs she was generally allowed to have her own way. I admit that we wronged her; but never even in the slightest degree did we oppress her.

And the only way in which she was ever wronged by us was our shameful indulgence of both her tyrannous spirit, and her greed of place and power. Surely, surely, then, the North is not to be accused of provoking the Rebellion. Surely, surely, then, the South is the guilty, and the only guilty party in the Rebellion. And surely, surely, then, the North cannot, without making herself very criminal and very base, vote for the candidate of those who hold the North, and not the South, to be the guilty party. But it may be said that their candidate (Gen.

McClellan) does not hold, in this respect, as they do who nominated him. If he does not, then is he very unfortunate in being misrepresented by his friends, who put him forth as the representative of themselves, and who. it is fair to suppose, knew him thoroughly when they do so. Since the Northern men, who espouse the cause of the South, single out McClellan for their standard bearer, it would be madness in us, who cleave to the cause of the North, to believe him to be with us, and to vote for him. If he is indeed a North-side man, nevertheless since they, who know him, have set him forth as a South-side one, he cannot complain of us for not voting for him.

He can complain but of his friends who have misrepresented him, and whose misrepresentations justify us in withholding our votes from him. But we are cited to MeClellan's Letter of Acceptance. That it is a Letter of Acceptance is, of itself, suf ficient to disentitle him to the yote of every loyal man. That he is the candidate of a Convention composed of the open enemies of that cause for which his country is pouring out her treasure and her blood composed of those whose war is upon the North only is surely reason enough why no intelligent friend of that cause can give him his vote. But we will look further into this Letter.

I said that the North is di. vided between those who hold the. North, and those who hold the South, to be the guilty party. On which side does McClellan's Letter place him It spares the South, but it abounds in inculpations of the North. The indirect and unmanly way in which he makes, or rather insinuates, his charges against the Government was doubtless intended to render them more effective.

It will, however, serve but to denote the lack of an open, brave and manly spirit in their author. He has nothing to say of the barbarity with which the South conducts the war murdering fresh captives or, if sparing them, sparing thousands to be tortured in spirit and body, thousands to be starved to death, and (worst fate of all thousands to be snnk in slavery. Nothing of all this does he say. But, in his characteristic cowardly, roundabout way, he accuses the North of the high crime of perverting the war. I grant that there have been a few instances in which Anti-Slavery zealots have shown their disposition to pervert it, and innumerable instances in which Pro-Slavery zealots have shown the like.

Just here let me say that miserable men are all they who, when monsters are striking parricidal blows at the country, are incapable of making a single and square issue with those monsters, and are intent on mixing up with the one question of putting down these monsters conditions in behalf of or against Slavery, haleas corpus or something else. "Down with the Rebellion, come what will of it to any of our schemes or theories or interests is the voice of wisdom. Moreover, if Slavery or this or that political party, this or that church, shall be found to stand in the way of putting it down, let them all be swept out of the way. Nothing is worth preserving, that stands in the way of putting down so unmitigated and unparalleled a wickedness as the Rebellion. When it shall have been put down will be time to decide, (and not till then will it be time so much as to consider it,) whether the safety of the nation shall call for the weakening or, strengthening of Slavery, for its utter annihilation or for overspreading the whole land with it.

In the meantime, use Slavery or Apprenticeship, or anything else, in whatever way you can use it most effectually to the crushing of the Rebellion and let all heads, all hearts, and all hands find their one thought, one feeling, and one work to that end. I admitted that there were instances of a disposition to pervert the war. But bj far the most signal of all the instances of the actual perverting of the war, and of perverting it even to the direct help of the rebels, is that of McClellan himself. He it was who began his mediating military career his half-one-way and half the-other way Generalship with a proclamation of safety to the foe at that very point where the foe was most vulnerable and most alarmed. He it was ho assured the slaveholders that he would guard their homes, their wives and children from servile insurrection, and who thereby left them free to go forth to swell rebellion's battling hosts.

And now for him whose duty, instead of ministering peace and security to the enemy, was to leave hint appalled and paralyzed with every possible terror and now lor him, I say, to throw out, in his cowardly way, his utterly false charge that the Government has perverted the war, is enough to make the soul of every honest man boil over with indignation. Very far am I from saying that McClellan should have favored servile insurrection. But I do say, that he should have left the slaveholders to all their fears from their slaves, and to all that occupation of their thoughts and time which' those fears called for. 1 add, that his relieving them of those fears and of that occupation was treason to his country was even literal treason for it was adhering to her enemies, giving them aid and comfort." Ilemaindtr in our ntrt number. Dr.

IlEBDARD'a Lectures. The special attention of our readers in Boston and vicinity is called to the advertisement of Dr. Hebbakd, in another column, in which he announces a course of ten lectures, to be given at the Tremont Temple, commencing on Monday evening next, Sept. 2G, on Physical Education applied to menial and moral improvement, and splendidly illustrated with a cabinet of Manikins and Models, costing over 15.000. These lectures have been delivered in various parts of the United States with great success and to universal acceptance.

THE I 135 LETTER FROM HENRY a WEIGHT. Lake St. Mart, Sept. 11, 1864. W.

L. Gabkirox Mr Friesd, I am once more in the cottage-home of Henry Willis, on the shore of one of the most beautiful lakes I ever saw. It is indeed a gem of purest water on the bosom of Michigan. It is four miles from the city of Battle Creek, one of the most flourishing inland young cities of the West, on the right and left banks of the Kalamazoo river. Through the influence of Henry Willis, the Merritt family-parents and children and many others, this has been the home of radical abolitionism, of reverence for human rights, and of sympathy for the most oppressed and outcast of all the sons and daughters, of God the negro the American slave.

Now, of course, in this hour of peril to freedom and free institutions, the city of Battle Creek, with its environs, is the home of loyalty to liberty, and to the Administration in its efforts to crush the rebellion and restore the Union in its integrity, without slavery. I came here last week from Sturgis, Cold Water and Union City, having lectured in those places on the Chicago Platform, and the Relations of the Peace Democracy to Slavery and the Rebellion. Yesterday, the 10th, I spoke to a large crowd gathered in the streets, and again, in the afternoon, from the balcony of the Battle Creek Hotel. In the evening, I spoke to a still larger crowd from the same place on the Chicago Platform, and the pro-slavery, treasonable and murderous antecedents of Rynders, Wood, Seymour, Vallandigham who framed and adopted that platform, and called and managed the Convention that nominated McClellan for the Presidency of the United States. This forenoon, I lectured again in the city, then came home with Henry Willis to spend a night, and rest for twenty-four hours, to bathe in the pure waters of St.

Mary's Lake, and to breathe the fresh, clear air that ripples its pure surface, and waves the tops of the forest oaks that encircle it. Tomorrow evening; I lecture in Harmonia then go on my way to the region of Detroit, to lectnre on the Democratic Platform and Party, in their relations to slavery and the rebellion. By the way, there was one feature of the Convention of traitors in Chicago which I forgot to name in the account I sent you. August Belmont, the agent and partner of the European banking house of the Rothschilds, was the recognized leader and manager of that Convention. It was his money that brought a thousand New York and Philadelphia ruffians to Chicago, headed by Isaiah Rynders, to howl and hoot down all opposition to McClellan.

His wealth bought up McClellan by furnishing him a princely establishment in New York. His wealth furnished the means for the torchlight procession and fireworks, all of which were imported from New York. August Belmont brought together and shaped all the doings and conclusions of that Convention. At one hotel, seventeen hundred persons dined, the day the platform was adopted, at two dollars each, at his expense. He was fierce in his denunciations of the war and the emancipation policy of the Administration.

He insisted that the rebels could not and ought not to be coerced into subjection to the Constitution and laws that the only just and safe way to restore the Union was for the North to concede all the slave-mongers demand to offer them an armistice, and propose to them that, if they will return to their allegiance, the Federal Government will assume and pay their war debt. I give you these facts as they were stated and believed by all parties during the progress of that Convention. WThat was the motive that prompted Belmont to spend one hundred thousand dollars on that Convention The European banking house of which he is the great agent and partner in this nation have in. vested, as all parties asserted, about one hundred millions of dollars in Confederate stocks. If the rebellion is crushed by military power, every dollar of this investment is gone forever.

If the rebels can be brought back by an armistice, and by concessions on the part of the North, and an offer to assume and pay their war debt, the investment of the Rothschilds is secure. Hence not one word was uttered by that Convention, in its speeches or resolutions, in favor of coercing the rebels into subjection to the laws and Constitution, but every thing was said and done to favor a restoration of the Union by compromise, and by offering to pay their war debt. Thus, 6imply and solely to secure to the house of the Rothschilds the money furnished by them to the rebels, to aid them to destroy the Republic and found a slave empire on its ruins, that Chicago Convention was governed in its conclusions. The only definite point of the platform is hostility to the tear and emancipation policy of Lincoln. This was the one and only definite point made in all their speeches.

August Belmont, to secure the payment of the debt due frop the rebels to the house of Rothschilds, dictated the platform and the nominee of the Democratic party, and the letter of acceptani-e of McClellan. Why did Belmont rave and swear like a fiend over the fall of Fort Morgan and Atlanta Why is it that the Democratic partisans have not one word of cheer over news of success to Federal arms a salute is fired nor a cheer given by them over the victories of Farragut, Sherman and Grant. The policy of the Peace Democracy is shaped solely with a view to secure to the Rothschilds the funds they have invested in Confederate loans. Must the people of the North pay the debt contracted by the slave-mongering traitors, South and North, to get means to murder our sons and brothers, and abolish freedom and free institutions This they must do, so sure as Belmont and his Peace Democracy get possession of the Federal Administration. Pause, laboring men of the North, and, before you vote for McClellan, ask yourselves whether you are willing to pay the house of Rothschilds for furnishing the slave-breeding pirates with the means to cut your throats Down with Lincoln, by ballots if we can, by bullets if we must Resist the draft by arms and blood!" "Disband the army!" "The rebellion cannot and ought not to be crushed by military power No coercion to subjugate the South to the Constitution 1 Restore the Union by yielding to the South what they demand Restore the Union by compromise, by armistice, and by a Convention of the States Such were and are the mottoes and watchwords of the Chicago Convention and of the Peace Democracy.

They call on the North now, in the midst of victory and final triumph over the rebellion and slavery, to throw down their arms, and sue to the slave-breeding traitors for peace, and to call them back into the Union by offering to pay their war debt And all this that August and his partners in guilt and infamy may get back the money which they have advanced to the rebels to fit out piratical ships to pray on our commerce, and armies to blot out the United States from the map of the world This bloody civil war was begun solely because the Democratic party, in 1860, would not yield to the rule of the majority. Abraham Lincoln was elected by a constitutional majority, given in the exercise of a free ballot. That the majority shall rule is the basis of all Democratic or Republican institutions. Against this principle the Democratic party rebelled in I860, and resorted to civil warto establish the rule of the minority, and to subjugate the majority to the minority. What has filled the nation with widows and orphans The Democratic party refused to submit to the decision of a free ballot, which gave a majority for Lincoln and Liberty.

What has sent anguish to the hearts of so many mothers and desolation to so many homes 1 The Democratic party would not submit to the rule of the majority, and resorted to arms, to plunder and murder, to compel the majority to submit to the minority. This Democratic war against the fundamental principle of Democratic government might be ended in triumph to freedom and free labor before Jan. 1st, 1865, simply by giving to the emancipation and war policy of the Administration an overwhelming ma jority in November. On the triumph the Peace Democracy hangs the last and.only hope of the rebels and their European allies. Peace, in the mouths of Democrats, means the absolute and hopeless subjugation of freedom to slavery, of free labor to slave labor, of free society and free institutions to slave society and slave institutions, over the nation and the continent.

It is computed that fifty or seventy-five thousand aliens and rebels from the South will be present in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Iowa, to aid in defeating Lincoln at the ballot in November. I have no doubt, from what I have seen and known, that there will be more, unless the Union loyal party take prompt measures to protect the ballot from the vote of traitors and aliens. Tens of thousands who have refused to take out certificates of citizenship to avoid the draft, are determined to vote and the Democratic party is pledged to secure to them the right to vote, or to have a free fight." Dear Garrison, In every place I visit, the entire community seems impressed with a foreboding of an impending terrible calamity. Well they may for. so surely as the Peace Democracy triumph on the 8th of November, and elect McClellan, so surely will the American Republic fall to rise no more, and a slave empire be reared upon its ruins so surely will the freed slaves and the negro soldiers be returned to slavery so surely will Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Virginia West be consigned to the hell and horrors of slavery, if by arms and blood the Peace Democracy can effect this object.

Compel every man and woman to show where they stand whether for the Republic or the Confederacy, for Freedom or Slavery, for Jesus or for Barabbas. "He that fs not for me is against me." No So says Jesus. HENRY C. WRIGHT. LETTER FROM FREDERICK DOUGLASS.

William Llotd Garrisox, Dear Sir, You were pleased to remark in the last number of the Liberator, (heading it with "Frederick Douglass on President that the secessionist newspapers in Great Britain are publishing with exultation a letter recently addressed by Mr. Douglass to an English correspondent and you further favor your readers with an extract from the same letter, which criticises in plain terms the policy of the present Administration towards the colored people of the country. I am sure you will allow me space in the columns of the Liberator, (not to qualify, not to take back any charge, statement, or argument contained in that letter, not even to find fault with its publication here or elsewhere, though it was flung off in haste, and was not written for publication, but for the eyes of the esteemed friend to whom it was addressed.) to remove an inference respecting my present political course, which may possibly and will probably be drawn from the extract in question. In the first place, it is proper to state that that letter was not written recently as you mistakenly allege, but three months ago, and was in no wise intended to be used against the present Administration in the canvass and issues as now made up between the great parties, and especially by the disloyal and slavery perpetuating nominations placed before the country by the Chicago convention. Since the date of those nominations, we are met by a new state of facts, and new considerations have arisen to guide and control the political action of all those who are animated by a sincere desire to see justice, liberty, and peace permanently established in this rebellion and slavery cursed land.

While there was, or seemed to be, the slightest possibility of securing the nomination and election of a man to the Presidency of more decided anti slavery convictions and a firmer faith in the immediate necessity and practicability of justice and equality for all men, than have been exhibited in the policy of the present Administration, like many other radical men, freely criticised, in private and in public, the actions and the utterances of Mr. Lincoln, and withheld from him my support. That possibility is now no longer conceivable it is now plain that this country is to be governed or misgoverned during the next four years, either by the Republican party represented in the person of Abraham Lincoln, or by the (miscalled) Democratic party, represented by George B. McClellan. With this alternative clearly before us, all hesitation ought to cease, and every man who wishes well to the slave and to the country should at once rally with all the warmth and earnestness of his nature to the support of Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson, and to the utter defeat and political annihilation of McClellan and Pendleton for the election of the latter, with their known antecedents, declared sentiments, and the policy avowed in the Chicago platform, would be the heaviest calamity of all these years of war and blood, since it would upon the instant' sacrifice and wantonly cast away everything valuable, purchased so dearly by the precious blood of our brave sons and brothers on the battle-field for the perfect liberty and permanent peace of a common country.

Let me say one other word. I would never give intentionally the slightest joy to the enemies of huaian liberty. My rule is to do that least that they like Most, and that most that they like least. But nothing strange has happened to me in the said exultation over my words by the secessionist newspapers in Great Britain or elsewhere. The common example of those who do not go at all, playing off those who go farthest against those who go, but do not go fast and far enough, is but repeated in this exultation and if I mistake not, in other days, there were often ut terances of the Liberator itself, both on the eve and in the middle of Presidential campaigns, which caused even greater exultation among the known enemies of liberty against timid, short-sighted and trimming anti slavery men in the high, places of the country, than anything I ever wrote concerning Mr.

Lincoln and his Administration could produce. Yours for freedom and the equal rights of all men, FREDERICK DOUGLASS. Rochester, N. Sept. 17, 1864.

THE FREEDMEN IS LOUISIANA. New Orleans, (La. Sept. 6th, 1864. Mr dear Mr.

Garrison, I enclose for your perusal a brief account of our work, in the Board of Education," created under Order 38," issued by Major General Banks. Many of our friends at the North seem to be possessed" by some spirit of hostility to whatever we do in this Department, that disqualifies them for any just judgment in the case. They seem to be moved by the spirit of of the Staff of your good Governor Andrew, who once said, in my hearing, that he would not approve anything General Banks did, if he knew it was right." Too busy for defence, and too much in earnest to recriminate, we can wait until our labors result, and then send you, as I do now, the irresistible figures. So much is sure there is not in history a record of any disenthralled race or. people who have taken steps so strong, so rapid, and to places of such power aud permanence, as those of the people of color in the Department of the Gulf, under the wise and steady administration of Major General Banks.

If there is any point of salient Restoration" or Reconstruction," which includes the colored man visible in the ruin of this Rebellion, it has been forced up from this Delta by the rule of the Commanding General of the Department. The whole system which has organized the social chaos haa evolved labor and health from the widespread indolence, license, and disease of a disruptured society is the work of the General. If there are in the system any deliberate inhumanities, any disregard or oppression of the colored man because he is colored, they are more my fault than the fault of the General for having confidence in my life-time Anti-Slavery, and my real regard for the colored man as a character, General Banks baa neve issued an Order," since I have been here, nearly two years, that was to affect the social or political status of the negro, without consulting me. That abuses exist is possible, probably inevitable, in a society torn from civil anchorage by revolution, and drifting in every stage of wreck. But such abuses do not spring from the system of General Banks for the labor and education of the colored man, but they exist because we have not yet been able to extend its beneficence to all.

It is a singular thing that our friends forget that tbe principal Parishes of Louisiana were exempted from the effect of the Proclamation of Emancipation. Slavery had all its old prestige advanced by that very examption. We were met by slaveholders with the law and the gospel by the inveterate habits of the people by officers hostile to the negro and his freedom by lukewarm friends; by the cupidity of commerce; by the hatred of race and contempt for "condition by the timidity of the Government; by Phillips, with Ithu-riel's spear, and Pillsbury, with Thor'a hammer by the want of money, and of men to tabor and yet we have succeeded, and we shall succeed. In the old days of Anti-Slavery, we used to say that the testimony of the colored man was the test against the system. His testimony should be as conclusive now, on the other side.

It is unanimous here, except among a class of colored people who, with all their adorable qualities, have not yet forgotten that they were, themselves, slaveholders, and who have not attained to all the graces and the wisdom of Freedom. If our friend Wendell Phillips would go with me over this "Delta," where everything is as formative as the soil beneath our feet meeting at every turn the tremendous facts of the time and place we should hear no more from him of Serfdom," and other "changes" of the London Time: About a week thereafter, his Dorian periods would round to our praise, and his classic habit might be once more allied to justice. We'll wait and Affectionately yours, B. RUSH PLUMLY. 2The gratifying Educational Expose referred to by Major Plumly we shall publish next week.

LETTER FROM A NOBLE "WOMAN. Hcxtlt Lodge, Edinburgh, Sept. 1, 1864. Mr Dear Friend, It has greatly surprised and grieved me to see that some of your old friends and allies have so far forgotten one of the leading principles of the Anti-Slavery movement the freedom of thought and speech as to withdraw their support from the Liberator, and even utter words of harshness and intolerance towards yourself, for no other reason than that you have exercised the right of forming and giving expression to your own opinion on the question, Who is the fittest man to fill the Presiden tial chair Though the fact, that the South is in violent opposition to Mr. Lincoln, and the copperhead journals of the North loud in praise and support of Mr.

Fremont, is, to niv mind, a somewhat speaking one, I feel that it is not for me to venture an opinion on a question so vast and so complicated especially seeing that some of the truest and best friends of the slave have come to conclusions so widely different on the subject. But I am puzzled to discover on what rational ground the Anti-Slavery integrity, either of yourself or of our excellent friend, Wendell Phillips, is to be measured by your allegiance to the one, or your rejection of the other. Surely, you have each given proof most abundant by your labors and sacrifices on behalf of the slave, that, in taking whichever view you might, you could only be actuated by the one motive which has all along been your guiding star the aim to obtain and secure equal rights and liberties to the black man as to the white and that if ia error, the error must be in judgment, not in principle. When, however, so far from thus judging of the course you have seen it right to take in the present crisis, yon are accused of having abandoned the cause of the slave, some of us, who have been readers of the Liberator for the last eight and twenty years, and who have watched, with increasing admiration, the utter forgetfulness of self with which you have ever remembered those in bonds as bound with them, till we have come to look upon you as the greatest of living moral heroes, must be allowed to regard charges like these coming from old adherents as simply absurd indicative merely of some great and not very desirable change in the temper of their own minds. But it does give mc deep pain and anxiety to learn, that a grave probability exists that the glorious pioneer sheet may have to be discontinued, in consequence of the falling off of subscribers, and the increased expenses attendant on its maintenance.

In token of my longing desire that such may never be the case until the grand result it has done so much to bring about may be fully accomplished the song of freedom to every man, woman and child be heard throughout the whole of your once United States I enclose a draft for 10 sterling on Messrs. Brown, Brothers Boston. Always sincerely and affectionately, Your friend, ELIZABETH P. NICHOL. A GREAT AND TELLING VICTORY! Harper's Ferrt, Sept.

20 11.40 A. M. Hon K. 31. Stanton I have just received the following official dispatch from Gen.

Sheridan, dated at 1 o'clock this morning General: We fought Early from daylight until between 6 and 7 P. M. We drove him from Opequan Creek, through Winchester, and beyond the town. We captured from 2500 to 3000 prisoners, five pieces artillery, nine battle-flags, and all the rebel wounded and dead. Their wounded in Winchester amounts to 6000.

We lost in killed Gen. David commanding division in Sixth army corps wounded. Generals Chapman, Mcintosh and Upton. The rebels lost in killed the following General officers Gen. Rhodes, Gen.

Wharton, Gen. Gordon and Gen. Ramseur. We have just sent them flying through Winchester. We are after them to-morrow.

This army behaved splendidly. 1 am sending forward all medical supplies, subsistence stores ami all ambulances. (Signed) JOHN D.STEVENSON. Brig. Gen.

Washington, Sept. 20. By order of the Secretary of War, a salute of one hundred guns was fired from Franklin Square at noon to-day, in honor of Gen. Sheridan's great victory. Gen.

Grant has ordered the army under his command to fire a salute of 100 guns at 7 o'clock to-morrow morning, in honor of Sheridan's great victory. A dispatch just received from Gen. Sherman at Atlanta says Everything continues well with us." SnocitisG Accident on thr South Shore Railroad. Last evening as the six o'clock evening train from Boston to Cohasset was going with considerable speed between West Hingham and Hingham, tbe centre passenger car of the train broke from its shackles, and tumbling down a slight embankment, fell over on its side. The passengers experienced a heavy shock, and were thrown about in a promiscuous manner.

It was feared at first that many had been seriously injured but upon inspection it was found that though some inside the car had sustained slight bruises, no one was aangerousiy Hurt. We grieve to learn, however, that John Q. Thaxter, a well known broker doing business in this city, who was standing on the platform at the time, fell underneath the car and was crushed to death. He was so deeply imbedded in the earth, that his body was recovered by digging away the soil that covered it. The car must have struck him with terrible force, as his legs were broken, and he survived the accident only a few minutes.

No blame is attributed to the road for the disaster. The only reason that can be ascribed is that one of the car wheels became loosened. The car broke from the train in a most surprising and singular manner. The track was found, upon examination, to be firm and sound. The other cars of the train, in front and in the rear, passed on uninjured, but were all unshackled.

Mr. Thaxter was about tnirty years ot age, and unmarried. He had resided many years in Hingham. where he was widely known and universally esteemed. He was a member or tne uomra or Brokers in this city, which body, npon being informed of his death, without transacting any business, adjourned.

Trav eller of Tuesday. Sy-PARKER FRATERNITY LECTLTRES-iH Ssrami Samoa. AT MUSIC HALL. OraiUS ADDRKSS ST GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS, Ob Tvksdat Etbjtujs, Oct. 11, 1864.

To bo followed on suoeesriva Tassday Erenlap fey Oct. 18 OCTAVIUS B. 1TU5THISQHJLM. I Oct. 25 ANNA E.

DICKINSON. -u Nov. 1 OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES. Nov. IS DAVID A- WASSON.

Nov. 23 To bo announced. Nov. 29 CHARLES Q. AMES.

Dee. 6 WENDELL PHILLIPS. Dee. 1J-JACOB M. MANNING.

Dm 20 HENRY WARD BEECHES. ORGAN CONCERT each Brain at 7 e'eloek. W. Eceaxa TaATxa, Organist. Tickets admitting the bearer aod Ladyto the Coarse, at $3 each.

Tickets admitting one person to tbe Coarse, at ft eaea. Checks for Skats Ros.avs.tf" till 7 1-1 o'clock, $1 60 additional for each seat. For sale at Oliver Ditsoo A Cos, 277 Washingtoa street; John Barnes A Co's, 33 Court street, John S. Rogers's, 1071 Washington street, and at the Anti-Slavery Office. Checks for Reserved Seats for sale only at Oliver Dit-son A Co's, aod at John S.

Rogers's. Only an average quality of seats will be reserved, (the east section or the hall,) leaving the same qaality of seats (the west section) for those who do not parehaee leoaiiosl checks. Sept. 16. Amusing Scientific and Instructira Hluitxated LECTURES ON PHYSICAL EDUCATION, Applied to mental and moral improvement, srLnsTDiMVr illustrated witb a cabinet of Manikins and Models, costing over $15,000.

Bt DR. W. WALLACE HE DBA RD. Lacreaa 1st, ox oh oat Evas is Sarr. 26, At TREMONT TEMPLE.

Introductory to tbe General Coarse. LECTURE 2d, Sept. 27. On the Skin and Hair, Cause and Care of their Diseases, Preservation, of the Hair, Bathing, Drees, Ao. LECTURE 3d, Sept.

28. On the Bones and uncles, Causes and Car of weakness, stiff joints, lasiness, general debility, Ac. LECTURE sth. Sept 29. On the Digestive Organs, Month, Throat, Stomach aad Liver, and Causes and Cure of their diseases, Ac.

LECTURE Sth, Sept. 30. On Animal If eat. Nutrition, Influence of Diet oa healtk, strength, long life, Ac. LECTURE Ctb, OeL 1.

On the Heart, Causes and Cures of its Diseases, Circulation of tbe Blood, Ac. LECTURE 7th, Oct. 3. On tbe Lungs, Causes and Cure of Weak Langs, lt.f Asthma, Bronchitis, Consumption, Ventilation, Ac LECTURE 8th, Oct. 4.

On the Brain and Nerves, Causes and Cora of Kervoa 6 Diseases, Influence of Education on Health, Long Life, la, LECTURE 9th, Oct. 6. On the Organs of the Sense, Bye, Ear, Nose aad their Diseases, Causes and Cure of Catarrh, Ao. LECTURE 10th, Oct. 6.

On the Temperaments, Character, Beaaty of Expression, and its Cultivation, Influence of Sunlight oa Health, Ae. "EXTRA LECTURES. LECTURE 11th, Oct. 7. To Ladies only On Women and her Diseases, Causrc and Cure splendidly illustrated.

LECTURE 12th, Oct. 8. To Gentlemen only On the Origin of Life, aad tat) Laws of Hereditary Descent" Like Father like Cb'ili. LECTURE 13th, Oos. 10.

To Ladies only On Maternity, and the laflaeaee of Mothers on the character of their Children. LECTURE 14th, Oak. IX. To Gentlemen only On Manhood, and the eaases and means of preventing premature decline, Ao. Coarse Tickets at $1.25 Single admission eeate may be bad at the door, and at Bookstores.

sep27 MERCY B. JACKSON, M. has removed 62 Dover street. Particular attention paid to Diseases af Women and Children. Aeercc.

Luther Clark, M. D. David Thayer, M. D. Offioe hours from 2 to 4, P.

M. COLLECTIONS BY E. 1L HEY WOOD. Abington, 70o South Ablngton, H. H.

Brig ham, $1 30 East Princeton, 2 67 Upton, 56c West Wreataasa, T. M. Cheever, 1, others, 3.674 67. MARRIED Ia Auburn, N. on Wednesday evening, Sept.

14th, at the home of the bride, by Rev. Sam eel J. May, of Syracuse, William Llotd Gaaaisoa, of Boston, to Ellks, daughter of David and Martha Wrights At Kanona, Steuben Co, N. on the 7th hj tae Rev. Mr.

Cool boy, Mr. STaraax K. BAarovof PhUsaont, N. to Miss Mabt E. NaAixr, of tbe former plaee.

DIED In Chelsea, Sept. 18, Annua Baowv, son of J. M. W. andS.

E. Yerrinton, 11 months. Young Ladies' Boarding-SchooL DIO LEWIS, A. M. will open a Boarding.

School at Lexington, on too first day of October, 1864. Isaac N. Carlktos, A. for several years teacher of Latin, Greek and Mathematics in Phillips's Academy, An-dorer, will be the Resident Principal, aad will de-vote himself wholly to the work of instruction. Mrs.

Carlctos, a tried and suooessful teacher, will tastrwet ia French. Ma. Theodobk D. Wild, for many yean Prineipal ef the Eagles wood School in New Jersey, will hare charge ef an important department, In all the approved features of the beet seheola nothing will be wanting, while it is Pr. Lewis's special aim to Illustrate the possibilities in the department of physical training.

Parents havinr danrbters of delicate eonstitatioas te educate are invited to send to Dr. DlO La WIS, Lexingtoa. for a Circular. Lexington, Sept. 8.

MISS H. M. PARKHURSrS B0AEDIHQ AHD DAY SCHOOL FOR YOUNG LADIES, Kswstrao, IT. Y. 17 The Fall Term will ooramoaoo on Wednesday.

Sepu 21. Aag.36 2w MR. AND MBS, D. MACK'S Family Boarding-School for Yormg Ladies, At Orchard' HiLij Brlmokt, Mais. THE School wiil commence the last Monday af September, Ciroulars and references waen roqaesaeo.

July 8. 3a A. J. GROVES, ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR JLT XJLW, Ottawa, La Salle Co, JJIiaoia. 17" Special attention given to seourinx aad onlUatUc claims for Eastern Merchants.

References Wbkdxli, Phillips, Boston. A. L. Paihr, Suffolk Bank, do. Farwxll, Fikls A Chicago, Illinois.

Stbtkhs BAaatraT, Washington, D. C. Sep 12. tf I -J ALL interested in Phonograph io Shorthand should sene for the PHONOGRAPHIC VI8ITOR, Jfo. 4, sevea cents.

Nos. 1. 2. aad 4 now readv. 21 aanta.

Address ANDREW J. GRAHAM, Broadway, Htw Tark. Jane 24. tDee. 1..