The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts • Page 2

153 I will now proceed to examine, very brie fly, tome of the parts of that alchemy by which the leopard has been taade to chango his pots, the contrivances of men to put aide the claims of God, and sin to become no longer ain. I shall consider the objectioa 1. Thai slaves art not qualified for freedom. Wherever I go among the slaveholders of or chare this excuse is rife and it has been made ao long and so loud, as to be thought fairly cdnclusive of the whole matter. It is much of the same nature with the objectioa that was made to catholic emancipation in Ireland, by the ecclesiastical And civil aristocracy of Great Britain.

What answer would such objectors have made to the corps of opponents to one of the most magnanimous acts of the British government, when it was alleged that all the institutions of the country would be broken up, and even religion itself eould not be maintained under the malignant influence of catholic emancipation that the vice and ignorance of the catholics (continued at least, if not in some measure prduoed, by proteslant persecutors) would break down every salutary barrier and that they were only qualified for living under the restraints in which they had been reared? Or to the autocrat of the Russias tv ho should plead in justification of his recent carnage of the Poles, that this portion of his subjects are totally unqualified for any other government than the one which is crushing them into the dust; that the tyranny which he exercises over them is not of his own enactment, but that it has been entailed upon him and that although desiring all good to this portion of his unfortunate subjects, he is still under the necessity of keeping up the old system of oppression to which they have become accustomed: in having it imposed upon him by his ances-i tors, and being thus, as it were, compelled to maintain it, he is the most unfortunate of men. deservm? commtsseration msteaa 01 fclams Would such reasons as these be received with any portion of tolerance Would they not be considered as founded in the most profound ignorance of the constitution of the human mind, or to be the shal-Jow excuses of the rankest hypocrisy God has formed all men for freedom, just as surely as he has fitted them, in their physical conformation, for the pure air of the ambient heavens Freedom is man's appropriate element; that in which he acts best, and in which lie shows most of mental and moral life All others are unnatural, unhealthy, and tend to produce death, the death of the whole being and they are the devices of man's inhumanity to That the first part of this proposition js true we may easily satisfy ourselves for when we are deprived of liberty, nature J3 ever trying to regain it; she finds nothing that can be received in exchange for it; and just as unerringly desires to escape from chains as she does to withdraw from tb.3 foul and pestilential atmosphere of a charnel-house. Do we not, then, say to God, when in his word and through Lis judgments, he thnndera in our ears, 4iet this people that they may serve 'they ran serve thee belter as slaves than in the dilion for which thou didst form them Again what has disqualified the slave for freedom his natural state The chains that we have cast upon him. Is it a reasonable course, then, to prolong a condition all whose results, down to the present moment, have been disqualification for freedom, with the expectation that it will yet, afW the failure of our experiment for two hundred years, bring forth fruits that consist with freedom? Shall we be careful daily to make the chains more secure, and hypocritically tempt God with our prayers that he may remove them? If this excuse be a gcod one now, and slavery be continued, producing no other fruits lhan such as it has already yielded it will be good next year, next lustrum," next century; and slavery, with all its horrors, is made perpetual. Are you willing to say But it is said in avoidance, that although the present adidts are, and must continue through the remainder of their lives, unqualified for freedom, and therefore should remain in slavery tee can qualify their children for freedom by bestowing uponihen a suitable education, and rearing them under the influence of the hopes and expectations of freemen.

This enticing lmmanity was proclaimed by the slaveholders of Kentucky thirty years ago, to my knowledge how long before I know not. How carefully this pledge has been redeemed, is proved by' the fact that the generation which was then commencing and that was to be qualified for freedom, have grown up, and are the very person upon whose vice and ignorance and, disqualification at this time, the excuse for continuing slavery is founded. 15 Lit we will naps this bv. and examine with what fidelity ire are redeeming our pledge of preparing their successors, the present youthful generation, for freedom. A few of our people buy primers, spelling-books, and testaments, for them and on Sunday morning or afternoon they are instructed for an hour or two by the children or the junior members the white family, in the elements ot reading.

In a few ot" the towns and villages, sabbath-schools for the blacks are established, in which they receive instruction for an hour, or an hour and a half. This comprises all or nearly a'll the means that are in operation to prepare the rising generation of blacks for freedom. There arc day schools for the free colored people, one at Louisville and another at Lexington if any slaves arc sent to them for education, I am uninformed of the fact. Now, I ask you, if you believe that there are, out of the whole number of colored people in thi state, (amounting to probably, 200,000,) 5C00 who are receiving elementary instruction ia reading from private and the sabbath-schools together Arc there, in your opinion, half that number who can rad the bil le understandingly and with case Are there one thousand who in It is an inquiry nt deroid of interest, though by no me.i;i very fialtcriu to human priile, to trace how rendilv, argument for accommodate themselves lo eirenmstincrs. At lirt, men art; to be enJavcd for the kx! of their souls when nny attempt it ru.nle for titc-ir moral ami intellectual vehoider iuit4 that lias no oilier teiileni-y ili.in to mnke tbo slaves unhappy ami himself insecure.

When from the increnMiij Iiht of Christianity its professors become abamcd any Ion-Rer to per! in plea of brutifyiiijj their ft How. men, that t'uey might lioll them as slaves aud some stir is made by the friend of libcriyauiJ ihe country towards emancipation, the rbrWlian slaveholder cries out, 4 not yet not yel for the world, not yet it will rxj the rum of the tlartt if they are set free now the pretent generation, are very isnoranl, totally BnqnaliGeU for freedom, ihe nrt will be prepared, and then, h.it cverv hod much desires ran be done advautacously and profitaMy for all This puts ihe wholn affair lo ret again. All becomes calm and tranquil. The present $m-e-ralion of slaves to their tmlit, the martcrs die ami art buried. The tcjrt generation thai was to exhilit full preparation for liberty, conies on the scene, with a new testation of ma'siets.

When the latter are reminded of the promises of their preni-tors, they vociferate the cjy they have inherited with their slaves, bo yet not yet! by no menus tliit geaeralioa ibey will ruin themselves the next we know will be prepared fully Are. So it will on to the last syllable of recorded time, or till not yet be drowned in the crashing thunder of fcsarea'i judjatetrt J. 1 addition to facility in reading English, can write a hand sufficiently legible for the transaction of the plainest business Are there one hundred who add to reading and writing, as above, a competent knowledge of arithmetic, as far as the rule of three I suppose these questions must all be answered in the negative. I know not one, either personally or from information, who can read. wrile, and cypher.

I do not pretend to precision of knowledge on this point and if I am in error, I shall gladly receive correction from those who have more accurate information. The conclusion to which my mind has been brought on the subject of preparation, is corroborated by this fact, that there is not, so far as my knowledge extends after caref id inquiry, even among its moil strenuous advocates, any regular deduction made from the time of field-la-'jor or domestic service of their slaves, to be-sloto upon them this preparation. Now, brethren, judging from the experience of the past, and our knowledge of the present, of what weight is the excuse for continuing slavery, based upon 4 preparation it saying more than the naked facts will warrant, that its advocates, whatever they may intend, act for the perpetuation of slavery If so, are you willing to unite in such action, or to continue it for another day 2. Hut ice are trilling to give up our starts, if every body else frill they all can be removed from the country. Whoever says this, subjects his sincerity to violent suspicion.

The condition in each case, though not physically, is morally impossible and it would not be more unreasonable to say, that you would give up your slaves if the sun would cease to shine. You are a preacher, pressing upon an impenitent friend the necessity of personal holiness he replies, to all your ear nestness, that he will submit to Goo in doing his will, if all his neighbors will go with him. What now would you think of his head, or his heart, or his manners? As to removing the slaves from Kentucky, sit down and make the calculation of their present numbers, probably their yearly increase, say 5000 consider what has been done towards removing them for the last six or seven years, during which period the theory of colonization has been favorably cherished by our countrymen; that there have been removed only about 150, nearly if not quite half of wuonrdied on the passage to Alnca, and in the seasoning of her deadly climate calcu-r late the cost of removal and of six or twelve months maintenance of 5000 annually, after their arrival on the shores of that continent calmly contemplate the nature of the public mind which it is indispensable should be brought up to'a full approval of the scheme: and after doing all this, if you still think the plan of removal is the most practicable one for the extinguishment of slavery, or that it is practicable at all for this purpose, I have not another word to address to you on this subject. The mind that could be led to such a conviction, after duly considering the facts, is too far gone in love with a darling scheme to be reasoned with. 3.

Hut we fear amalgamation or in other words, that there will be intermarriages between the whites and the colored people. Although I look upon this objection as un suitable altogether to a manly mind that has been careful to enlighten itself on thts sub- jtct, and impartially to reach its conclusions upon all and upon amalgamation as having no natural connection whatever with the concession to our slaves of their rights as men, yet, believing that it weighs somewhat with honest minds which have not taken enlarged views of the consequences of emancipation and that it is frequently used with no despicable effect by the opponents of all efforts in favor of freedom I shall not, as I had at first intended, pass it by entirely unnoticed. I have said that amalgamation has no natural connection with emancipation neither has it, any mo're than the assumption by the emancipated of any other of the powers belonging to our civil or social relations. Who fears the blacks will, if emancipated, become our echool-master3, our college-professors, our preachers, our lawyers, or our physicians? No one. Why Simply because they would, on account of their ignorance and total want of litera-y or scientific qualification, be totally incompetent therefore, there would be, on their part, no aspiration to the offices, and on ours there would, very justly and very certainly, be exclusion from them, if they should aspire whilst deficient in merit.

Now, from the superior tenderness and delicacy of the marriage relation, and from the greater care we exercise lest our friends and connexions enter into it unworthily, I entertain the opinion that alliances of this kind would be far less successfully sought by the colored people, than the public stations awhile ago mentioned. Many of us would be well contented with persons as schoolmasters, preach ers, lawyers, or physicians, with whom we would have insurmountable objections, (leaving outof view personal likings or to contract the marriage relation. Now, when to ignorance, degradation of caste, and a great deficiency of those qualifications, intellectual, moral and pecuniary, which secure social equality, is added that physical repvg-nance on the part of the whites, as earnestly alleged it seems to me that a stronger barrier of defence in the premises could not be erected. If you and every one else fear and repel amalgamation, you and they will be safe from its danger: for we may rest very secure in the belief, at least so long as there is an equality of sexes among the colored people, that Sabine violence attempted against us by a concerted movement of the black ladies and gentlemen, will not be the world's gossip during the present century. It is-very certain, that so strong would be the prejudice against amalgamation by the present generation of adults, probably for severalto come, that even the valor of a Sesostris or the charms of a Cleopatra could not overcome it.

And it does appear to my poor judgment scarcely a sufficient reason for continuing a great trespass against our I fellow-men, because some huudred years lience, a prince-royal ot Jamaica, or the duke of Barbadoes, the countess of Porto-Rico, or one of the royal maids of Cuba, dressed in the livery of the burnished may overcome it in the person of one of our great-great-grrnt-grand children, it is difficult to treat such an objection with the seriousness becoming the subject. Being nothing of a maien-maner myselt, nnd knowing no one in all the circle of my acquaintance who is in th least peril on this ground, I have not considered it as possessing the least solidity. 1. But if tee set our slaves free amowr us, they trill turn round ami cut our throats. This would be bad enough, truly but do you entertain anv serious apprehension of such a result? For if you do, I should be compelled to attribute it either to conscious guilt, for bad treatment of your slaves, or to a total want of manhood.

We have succeeded, thus far, in keeping in subjection these people, whilst committing against them the greatest trespass that man can commit against his fel- Jow, whilst withholding from them rights for THE LIBERATOR. which men in all ages have hazarded life, fortune, and honor and yet, when we re-1 store those rights peaceably and kindly, it ia most Btoutly maintained, tnat they to whom thev are restored, will turn and rend us. This is surely unsound philosophy altogether at variance with the laws of mind, as well as with historical facta for I am very aura that those who insist upon the objection may lately be challenged to produce a single well-anthenticated instance to show, that dangerous or ven inconvenient consequences have followed the sudden emancipation of large bodies of slaves. Now, I am by no means so sanguine as to indulge the belief, that in emancipation will be found a panacea for all the ills that flesh is heir to but that they will ultimately be immeasurably diminished by it, i cannot for one moment aouDi. And 1 wisn it always borne in mind whilst we are discussing that part of the subject which relates to the expediency of emancipation, that it is not the introduction of a new and untried evil, where none of kindred character existed previously but that it is the substitution of an evil, in the opinion of its advocates, lirht and transient when compared with the evil of slavery, whose ultimate tendency, in the judgment of all considerate men, who have weighed it, is to crush us.

Now, to every one of you who is a slaveholder, and in whose mind exists an apprehension of the danger predicated in the objection, I am bold to offer some, means of defence from all harm. Say, you have become convinced that slavery, as it exists among us, is a sin before God that you have repented of your own guilt in this matter, and are now anxious to show fruits that consist with repentance: ybu summon before you your servants the fathers and mothers, and such others of them as may be old enough to understand an explanation of the principles upon which you are about to act; you say to them, you have become convinced that the bonds in which you have held them ere inconsistent with the laic of love to our neighbor, enjoined by God upon every man and that moved by tlie sacred authority of the religion you profess, you have determined to continue" the sin no longer. With this, you read and then deliver to them, accurately authenticated deeds of manumission for themselves and their children. You further say to them, as I have already given to you the most convincing proof I can furnish of my friendship, it is not my intention to push you out of my doors, desiring never to see you again exposed to the impositions of a world with whose business you are in a great measure unacquainted, or to the prejudice and scorn of such as cherish for you no kind of sympathy no if you choose to remain in my employment, I will pay you what is just and equal, a fair equivalent for your services. I will continue to feci for you the love, and extend to you the conduct of a christian I will assist you in providing the means of educating your children for usefulness in life, and should you so choose, in binding thern out to profitable trades and employments and I will be your sure and steadfast friend, and your protector so long as your conduct shall not render it improper for me to be I ask you, now, if after doing this, and kneeling down with them at the footstool of God's throne to thank him for the christian courage he has bestowed upon you, and to implore his blessing upon the down-trodden and the poor, in their new estate, you would fear the flames of the incendiary, or the knife of the assassinJrIIate-ful as is to many the very name of abolition, here it is in its essence andits safety is sure, because it is the offspring and the exhibition of benevolence.

Well, after all this, you say, what can ire do r' I answer, you can rise up to-morrow and liberate all whom you hold in bondage. you reply, what effect would this have upon the great body of slaveholders in the I will undertake to affirm, that by such a course, small as is your number, you will have crucified the giant-sin of our land liis dying strugelcs may be fierce and long protracted, but his dissolution will be certain, because the death-blow will have been given. The ministers and rulers of any of the larger denominations of christians have it in their power lo-morroio to give the fatal wound to slavery in Kentucky and if in Kentucky, throughout the slaveholding region of the union for how would the congregations over which God has placed them, and upon wliom they would then be authorized to press this subject with all its overpowering weight upon sound consciences and christian hearts, stand in the blaze of such virtuous action and not be consumed or won by it If it were to prevail among presbj'terians alone, how long could the other denominations hold their fel-low-mcn in bondage twelve months, as I honestly believe, it tnen you win come up to the next synod, after havinjr 'loosed the bands of wickedness, undone the her.vy burdens, let the oppressed go tree, and broken every yoke so far as you are concerned, you have the promise of the Lord that 'thy jijlht shall break forth as the morninsr, and thy health spring forth speedily that thy righteousness shall go before thee, and the glory of the Lord be thy Ycu may, it is true, be called madmen but Paul wits so called before you. You may be called fanatics, fools, and knaves but Sharp, Clarkson, and Wilberforce, were so baptized by the enemies of humanity: you may, at first, obtain but little honor from men but you will win an eternal weight of glory from God. That you may be influenced by Him so to act, is the earnest desire of your friend and brother, JA5IES G.

BIRNEY. fiercer County, September 2d, Jt3-I. From the Cincinnati Gazette. LANE SEMINARY. The committee appointed by the Executive Committee of the Trustees of the Lane Seminary, to consider the matter recently brought before them, relative to the proceed ings among the students on the subject of saavery, jnepon i nat they have considered the subject, referred to them, and have collected such information as their opportunities may have afforded.

The subject of slavery, is one of the deepest interest to all good citizens of these States: yet one hich must always be approached with diffidence and discretion, for it has in some measure thwarted the wisdom of the ablest and best men of the country. Yet the committee, however much, as individuals, they may disapprove the conduct of some indiscreet zealots of the day or the sentiments sometimes avowed, tending too plainly to civil commotion and ansrchy; co not regard it as their official duty to interfere at all in the existing controversies. Their concern is with the government of the Institution, and they would recommend no other measure than the interest and usefulness of the Institution require. No seminary of learning, especially no theological one, should stand before" the public as a partizan, on any question upou waieh able men, and pious christians Such a course will not only lessen it influ ence and bring discredit upon the cause of education and religion, but what is still worse, will tend to pre-occapy the minds of the young witn oilier party prejudices lo unsettle the judgment, and unfit the mind for venial and useful intercourse with 'mankind. Such an institution, instead of tending forth to the world men deeply imbued with i spirit of benevolence, kindness, and forbearance towards all men, friends and foea, will generally pour into the controversies of community, a heated torrent of unex-tinguishable rancor.

Party spirit generated thus early in life, and thus intimately blended with the acquisition of knowledge, becomes a constitutional disease of the mind, extremely difficult of cure and destructive to its future usefulness. This is the tendency of all such discussions among the students, on the kind of questions referred to, ns array them into parties, or attach them to parties existing in community. For these, as well as other reasons, which might be the committee are of opinion, that every thing tending to keep alive a spirit of controversy on the subject in question, ought to rixcludeil from the Seminary. The committee are further of opinion, that no associations or societies among the students ought to be allowed in the seminary except such as have for their immediate lobject improvement in the prescribed course iof studies. The plan of instruction is inten ded to be so arranged, as to occupy as much of the time of the students as a due regard to their health and other proper considerations will admit.

That plan has been adjusted according to the best judgment of those to whom the government of the institution had been entrusted. It is therelore totally inadmissable, that other'plans and other ob jects should be introduced without their -approbation. Associations and discussions, foreign to the course of instruction, distract the attention, and retard improvement. If the topics are matter of public interest and popular excitement, the mischief is peculiar ly aggravated. All men, and especially the younjr, partake of the enthusiasm of agita ted minds around them, and those whose judgments are not well settled, too often be-j 7.

come intoxicated witn. the poweriul stimulus. The mind so delights in this kind of excite ment, that it can hardly forsake it, for the sober business of secluded study the relish for it becomes too much like that cold water, compared with the burning cup of the drunkard. Hence it is, that the education must be completed, before the young are fitted to en gage in tho collisions of active life. To pur sue an edncation with success, requires the whole undivided energy of the mind.

If in some instances, an individual may sue ceed, while other leading objects occupy his attention, hundreds will be ruined in attempt ing to lollow such an example. The committee further report that the an ti-slavery society of the seminary was organ ized without the consent of the trustees or the faculty and the discussions connected with it, were without the assent and against the advice of the faculty. It appears that their proceedings, as published and reported, were occasionally spoke of among; the trus tees with disapprobation but, at the same time, it was believed, that the advice and persuasions of the faculty, would have such influence with the students, as finally to lead to an abandonment of the project, least, to prevent any material injurious results. In this way the subject has been suffered to rest without animadversions, but also, without any sanction of the course pursued. From facts laid before the committee, which it is deemed unnecessary to state, they are of opinion, that this project will not be voluntarily abandoned and that the government of the Institution cannot with due regard to its interests and usefulness, longer delay to adopt decisive measures on the subject.

They are of the opinion, that thia society is peculiarly liable to some of the objections stated above, and ought to be abolished. They are also of the opinion, that the coloni-eation society in the Lane Seminary, although organized, as they understand, merely with a view to counteract the peculiar sentiments of their opponents, is liable to similar objections, and ought to be abolished. As an outline of the regulations requisite to remedy the existing evils, and prevent the recurrence of similar ones in future, the committee reccommend the adoption of the following resolution Resolved, That rules should be adopted, prohibiting the the Seminary, of any association or society of the students without the approbation of the faculty prohibiting the calling or holding of meetings, among the students without the approbation of the faculty prohibiting students from delivering public addresses, or lectures at the Seminary or elsewhere, without the leave of of the iaculty prohibiting public statements or communications to the students, when assembled at their meals, or on ordinary occasions, without the approbation of the faculty requiring the anti-slavery society, and the colonization society of the Seminary to be abolished, and prohibiting any students from acting as members thereof and prohibiting any student from being absent from the Seminary, at any time, in term time, without the leave of the faculty, or of such person as they shall designate for that purpose and providing for discouraging and discountenancing, by all suitable means, such discussions and conduct among the students, as are calculated to divert their attention from their studies, excite party animosities, stir up evil passions among themselves or in community, or involve themselves with the political concerns of the country also, providing, as in other cases, for the dismissal of any student neglecting to comply with these regulations. As a majority of the faculty are now absent, aud it is extremely desirable to have their counsel ttnd concurrence in forming any permanent rules for the government of the institution, and as the adoption of the foregoing resolution, will sufficiently indicate to the students the course which the trustees are determined to pursue, the committee recommend, that the formal enactments of these rules be postponed until the faculty shall be reassembled, unless the board at large shall previously act on the subject, and, in the mean time, in order that the students may not return at the next session in ignorance of the contemplated regulations, and that the public impressions on the sub ject may be rectified, they recommend that the proceedings be published. N.

Wright, i Daxiel Corwis, Committee. J. C. Tests, At a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Lane Seminary, held on the 20th of August, 1834, the foregoing report was presented, and after discussion, the same, with the resolution theroin stated, was adopted, and it was ordered that the proceedings be published in the newspapers ofthis city. A tnie extract from the records.

Robert BoAiRec. Sea'y. From the New-York Evangelist. Lake Semixart. It was not to be expected that the extensive effects produced by the discussions on slavery at that institution would be suffered to pass without creating opposition from some quarter.

The age, character and zeal of the young men, the location of the seminary, the high ground assumed, the effects already seen and the greater effects to be apprehended when all these men shall be spread over the Mississippi valley, led us to expect an attempt at reaction. Other expedients having failed, we have it now in the shape of coercion, to put down by force of law, the freedom of speech in a theological seminary of the Presbyterian church. The Cincinnati papers bring jis a report of the executive committee ol the trustees 'relative to the proceedings among the students on the subject of The committee 'do not regard it as their official duty to interfere ot all in the existing but 'no seminary of learning, especially no theological one, should stand before the public as a partizan, on any subject on which able men and pious. Christians i. e.

The young men who are to be the future standard bearers, of. the cross are not to discuss the kind of questions referred to they are to follow, not lead public opinion, and take it for granted that on points where able men and pious Christians differ, all opinions are equally right and equally wrong, equally beneficial aud equally hurtful. The committee are of opinion, that no association or societies among; the students, ought to be allowed in the Seminary, except such as have for their immediate object lin provement in the prescribed course of stu dies. Hence, we suppose, the Societies of Inquiry concerning missions, revivals, fcc. and all other societies are to be put down.

The committee further report also, 'That the Anti-Slavery Society of the Seminary was organized without the consent of the trustees or the faculty and the discussions connected with it, were without the assent and against the advice of the They further give it as their opinion, that this project will not be voluntarily abandoned; and that the government of the Institution cannot, with due regard to its interests and usefulness, longer delay to adopt decisive measures on the subject. They are of the opinion, that this society is peculiarly liable to some of the objections stated above, and ought to be 1 They express an opinion, that the Colonization Society in the Lane Seminary was organized, 'merely with a view to counteract the peculiar sentiments of their but that it is liable to the same objections and must be Why cannot Anti-Slavery and Colonization coalesce The committee do not say that the latter was organized without the consent of the faculty' 'but merely. with a view to counteract the influence of the other. In what age do we live And in what country And who are the persons thus restrained? And with whose endowments was Lane Seminary founded And who is its president? Vhen Dr. Dwight became president of Yale College, the students were many of them unbelievers, and the pokey had been to suppress all discussion and free inquiry.

The first subdivision of the senior class brought the question of the credibility of miracles tor the president a approbation, as the theme of their next forensic but they were taken by surprise when he told, them, Yes, and I hope, young gentlemen, you will brinff forward your strongest arguments with freedom; I am not afraid of the Has argument lost its power in the valley, thatl the lorce of law must be resorted to It will be observed, however, that this is only the report of a committee, although published to the world, doubtless in order to produce an effect. And we cannot heJp thinking it was designed to effect the fulfil-rrent of certain- sage prophecy ings, as how the Anti-Slavery discussion was going to prevent students from coming to the Seminary. For there can be no doubt, if this law should be passed by the trustees, scores of young men will turn to other institutions. For who, that has a heart or a soul, would place himself in an institution ruled by such authorities Nor do we see how such men as Dr. Beecher, professor Stowe, and professor Morgan could consistently remain, nor how those subscribers to the funds of the seminary, who expected to make it an institution of elevated character, could make any further payments to trustees so incompetent to appreciate their responsibilities and the wants of the age.

But let us hope the trustees will pause before they take the final step. And we hope those young men (of whom we know many) who trere intending to join Lane Seminary this fall, will not abandon the purpose, until they know the certainty of the case. Danville, (Ky.) Sept. 7, 1834. To die Editor of the Emancipator.

In your remarks, prefixed to my letter addressed to Mr. Mills of Kentucky on the subject of colonization, and republished in your paper of August 2G, you haye been led into some errors, which, I will enable me, through the same channel, to correct. 1. At no time, during my residence in Alabama, did I hold the office of Solicitor Attorney General nor any other, which, according to the style of address used in the west and southwest, would entitle me to the prefix of 'Honorable' to my name. The mistake in relation to the office of Attorney General, originated, doubtless, in the fact of my having held for a few years, that of Solicitor, in one of the Judicial Circuits of that state.

2. Neither did I have the offer of a seat on the bench of the Supreme Court of that state. This station had I been rash enough to have aspired to it, under any circumstances would, at any period in the last ten years of my residence there, have been clos ed against me because of my unpopular political opinions and personal preferences mm oi my open support oi some of the benevolent operations of our day, against which strong prejudice existed in the minds of a large majority of the people and of their representatives in the legislature. 3. I was not appointed by the legislature with power to nominate, at "my sole discretion, the Faculty of the State University.

Being one of the Trustees, who are elected by the legislature, I was appointed by their Board, to visit any part of the United States, at my discretion that I might obtain the names or di-vnmiished rrentlpmn. hn would Consent tu orrnnv. if aftprwarrl pipett ed, the Presidency of that Institution, and the Professorshio cf Ancient Laniruap-es and Literature. 4. Since my return to this state, there has been no official or formal offer to me of the Professorship of Political Vj- Rhetoric and Belles Lettres Centre Col-- lege.

It wu, I believe, the understandia Lof the Board of Trustees, of which I am mvself a member, that, during the absence of Professor Green (who filled the above chair in Europe, whither he was soon i aepart, and wnere, it was expeciea, be would remain some eighteen months jor two years. I should be elected, ad interim, to his station, with the inducement, that my situation in the college would, almost without doubt, be made permanent. About the time Prof. Green's duties in the college were to cease previously to his setting out, Abolition began to be much talked of, and its progress deprecated. I thought it not improbable, that my decided opinions on this subject, might, if 'fully known to the rest of the Trusti-a! have some influence on their minds in reference to the station I was about to assume in the college.

I therefore being necessarily absent myself, at this juncture' left it to the discretion of President Young, to whom my opinions on slavery and abolition were fully known, whether or not, he would bring them up to the consideration of the other Trustees, before I should become formally connected with the institution. This he thought it his duty to do; and so far as I have been informed, it was ihe- unanimous opinion of these lie consulted, that rcy connection with the college as a Professor, under such circumstances, would be injurioor to it, especially in the estimation of the slave-holding community upon which it bad chiefly to rely for pupils. As I voluntarily submitted the case to these gentlemen, I have made no complaint of their decision. It has made no alteration in my friendly feelings towards them nor, as I theirs towards rae. If the circumstances by which I have been surrounded, being true, have a tendency to advance me in the estimation of your readers, and to give an extrinsic importance to any of my opinions or arguments the correction of these, by presenting myself in my proper attitude, will, so far from being tho't unnecessary, be considered, I trust, as due to myself and to the cause of truth.

I remain very respectfully, JAMES G. BIRNEY. Mr. William Goopell, New York. The Liverpool Mercury of August 8, contains the following remarks in relation to the disturbances which occurred in New-York city a short time since.

We refer with feelings of pain and disgust to an account of the disgraceful riots which broke out in the city of New York, on the 9th ult. and were continued on the following daj-s, with considerable damage to property, but fortunately without loss of life, so far as we have been able to ascertain. They appear to have originated in the popu lar determination to uphold slavery and to put down the meetings and proceedings of the anti-slavery party and, if this feeling be strong in the northern capital, where slavery is comparatively unknown, we may readily conceive te what excesses it is likely to lead in Virginia, Maryland, and other southern states, where the system prevails universally, and where almost every individual, not a slave himself, is in some way or other, directly or indirectly, interested in its continuance. The Americans, who resent so highly any insult to their capacity, even though the offender be nothing beyond a poor player, do not appear to be conscious of the grot-s absurdity of calling their country free, whilst so large a portion of the community are held in a state of absolute and degrading bondage. On Life contrary, many of them, judging from their actions, seem to be of opinion that their, boasted liberty would be at an end if every man could net larrop his own nigger' with impunity.

ml Row. We are sorry to say that although there was no mob for the purpose of injuring Mr. Robertson's balloon, there were some occurrences in the crowd ot a most disgraceful character. The affray began with two colored mpn who came among ihe multitude rather gaily attired, and so excited the attention of the boys, who began to insult them. A little resistance on their part soon brought on a general attack upon them by all hands, and they were most shamefully and cruelly beaten.

Other colored persons were attacked and driven off, and some, of them considerably injured. One or two of the assailants, if we re correctly informed got what they intended to give. At Y.Jour. of Com. Breaking up of the Gambling The same scene, which was lately acted in Norfolk, was repeated in this city on last Monday night.

It is said, that a young gentleman had been assaulted by several gamblers in consequence of which, a strong feeling of.resentment was excited among several of his friends and the spirit spreading, 2 or 300 young gentlemen, accompanied by the captain of the night guard, and eight of his men, entered into ten gambling houses, and took out the Roulette tables and other fixtures which were the next morning burned in the main street near the Eagle Hotel, by order of the proper authorities. No injury waa done to life or limb. The Compiler, which has taken a very active part in putting down the gambling houses and these gamblers, gives a very particular account of the scenes that were visited and publishes a very curious was taken from a book, kept by one of the gamblers. It purports to be a statement, under the heads of 'Gain' and of the transactions of one' table from the 3rd December, 1832, to March 8, 1833-from which, it appears, that in thei above period $6,735 was won, and 770 lost leaving the comfortable nett gain, 5,905 But it is like Shakspeare's occupation? of gathering samphire on the Cliffs of Dover, a dreadful trade I' Richmond The Battles at Richmond. Richmond seems to have been the theatre of much commotion within the last few weeks.

There-was first the rencontre between Lieut. Gov. Daniel and the Editor of the Whig then the rout of the Gamblers and last a set-to between Editor Ritchie and Mr. Archer, a member of Congress from the 'Ancient It appears that these last par-' ties met in the street in the afternoon of Friday last, when pistols and daggers were seen, but not used a scuffle ensued which ended in Mr. R's.

receiving a severe caning. Afterwards a son of Mr. It. attacked Mr. A.

in the street, which was soon stopped by the by-standers without anv material injury to either party. The cause of the first affray grew out of certain offensive writings of Mr. R. in which he charged Mr. A.

of being; a disappointed office of breaking with Mr. Van Buren because he would not support him for the mission to London, and of 'opposition to the Administration, because the President preferred Mr. Stevenson to 'him, Mr. Baltimore Patriot. i.