The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts • Page 2

if hMJ 4 7 3 i-4 i. i'4 Li In in iiii taawawftaawawai JTJT32 4 THE VALLANDIGHAM. We do not believe in the sincerity of a man like Vallandigham, who goes alwut the country stirring tip opposition to a measure like the conseflption law -Un act passed after full deliberation the part of Congress, and with the strong desire to render it impartial and equal in its action, which it seems to us to be, nearly. human imperfection permit When a man of ability and prominence like Vallandigham pursues the course he has lately adoptedmaking the most reckless misstatements in regard to the law, boldly defying it, rtirnnj: up oth-ew to oppose it bv force, endeavoring to set at naught the authority of the Executive in carrying the law into effect, industriously poisoning the minds Of the people in regard to it, exciting their passions and urrin them to insurrection ami bloody resistance, we find it impossible to believe in his loyalty. If not technically a traitor, he is so in fact and intention.

He delilicratelv aids in bringing about the defeat of the national arms, and the permanent disruption of the Union. His professions are hypocritical and false. We have thought that he might have Rtto lw.n dealt with bv the civil authorities, but we think the administration were the best judges of what coarse was wisest under the circumstances, and the punishment meted out to him is not half so severe as he deserves. There are a good many others whom we should like to have sent to share his present abode, and we. hope he will never return tn nnllutp.

the soil of a free State. Nor have we any faith in, or sympathy with, those who are constantly haranguing and declaiming wit the loss of our liberties, the usurpation and despotism of the administration. The men who do this 'are as insincere and as traitorous as Vallan-dihm. The little knot of scoundrels in New York who come out on every occasion of disnster to our arms, to attack the administration, ami mvuih. mm obscurity when all is going on well, are traitors at heart.

'They are aiding in the work which the rebels are so anxious to sec brought about, of distracting MU, its success. The administration has done some things which we consider unwise. But that there is any "danger of a despotism being set up, is the wild vagary of a disordered imagination, or the reckless invention of a traitorous heart. The good sense of the American people will prevent any great hartn from coining from all this. No traitorous counsels can find a permanent lodgment in their hearts.

They will persevere in the contest till the rebellion is crushed, and they will sustain the administration in its efforts to accomplish the task or if it prove inadequate, they will choose another and a stronger one, and they will consign to perpetual political oblivion, all those who, during; its continuance, have by their conduct shown themselves the enemies of American nationality and freedom. Aeto Bedford Republican Standard. GENERAL BURNSIDE. Burnside, who ordered the arrest ami trial of Vallandigham, is a life-long Ioeofoco. Three vcars ago lie was the regular Ioeofoco candidate for fconnress in one of the Rhode Island districts.

In makfng the arrest, he acted on his own responsibility, without instructions from Washington. lie felt that a military necessity was laid on him, and he did not hesitate. A majority of the members of the Court before which Vallandigham was tried were Ioeofoco. Application for a writ of habeas corpus in behalf of the prisoner was made to the Judge of the U. S.

District Court, and denied, on the ground that the arrest was strictly in accordance with the military law of the -country. This Judge is a loco-loco, and was appointed to the bench by Gen. Jack son. We do not see, under sucn circumstances, what cause of complaint the copperheads have against.tbe republicans in this matter. Undoubtedly, military law is summary in its operation, but it is as much the law of the land as is the civil law.

It is as essential to the defence of the nation in troublous times as the civil law ever is to the defence of the rights of individuals. Loco-focos, who have approved Gen. Jackson's course at New Orleans, in first defying the authority of the Courts, and then arresting the Judges, should reflect twice at least before they growl. More than this. The locofocos have not been celebrated for championing the rights of free speech for unpopular men, on unpopular subjects.

For thirty years, they systematically mobbed the abolitionists for proclaiming idea9 that they held to be obnoxious. Remember what scenes transpired at Montrose, at Wilkesbarre, and in almost every town of. any importance throughout the Northern States. Remember the burning of Pennsylvania llall in Philadelphia, the murder of Lovejoy at Alton, the sack of abolition printing-offices at Baltimore, Boston, New York, Utiea, Cincinnati, and elsewhere. Remember the burning of anti-slavery churches in New York, the sack of the dwellings of Cox, Patton, Tappan and others.

The party that has for more than one generation engineered these flagrant outrages on the freedom of speech, ought to be ashamed to complain now. See what laws these men proposed to restrict the utterance of men what rules they made for searching the public mails what orders they enforced for casting out of the mails, and the burning of all printed matter reflecting on the institution of slavery Men who have such sins to answer for against the rights of their fellow-citizens, against the plainest principles of justice, against the most obvious dictates of charity, ought not to whine when the hand of military law is laid on some of their own number. Honesdale Democrat. FREE SPEECH. Time brings strange whirligigs, and few of them are stranger or more ludicrous than the change of base" adopted by the copperhead fraternity upon the liberty of speech.

It is enough to move a grave man to mirth, to hear the men who mobbed the abolitionists, broke up their meetings, abused and maltreated their speakers, now shouting at the top of their lungs for 44 free speech 1 Not a ruffian that ever undertook to break up an anti-slavery meeting', not an aristocratical bully that ever urged them on, but that is now blatant with lue rig iisot citizens 10 say nai uiey p.ease, wnen and where they choose. Hie newspapers of this) I A. 1 1 serpent tribe are hissing the same sound. Take the Courier, for instance. How long has that been an advocate of freedom of speech How long since it has urged on the mob of Boston to break up the Anti-Slavery meetings, and abuse the speakers We believe in freedom of speech we believe that truth need never fear the ordeal of words or writing.

"We think the miserable copperhead Vallandigham, about whose arrest these new advocates of "free speech" are in ecstasies of rage, had far better have been 44 let severely alone," as long as he contented himself with words, and committed no overt act of treason. His treasonable brawlings could not hurt us. One good thing the arrest has done, however, and that is to make those men, who have been so for-. ward to choke off all discussion that was disagreeable to them, come out and declare themselves as converts to the liberty of speech. We trust the lesson will not soon be forgotten but consistency is not a cardinal virtue with these people, and it would not be at all wonderful to we them encouraging a mob to-morrow, to hoot down an obnoxious sjeaker, or break up a meeting to which they were opposed.

-Old Coluny Memorial. CARL SCHURZ. The opposition papers are assigning as a reasi for the disgraceful panic us the 12th army corjs in the late battle, the cowardice-of the commanding General. The Boston Courier unblushingly saws that "General Schurz was the first man to run, leading his men in their race from the field. General Schurz has written a letter to Major General 'Howard, commanliii' the 11th corps, asking for protection against these milinous accusations, to which General Howard replies as follows: I am deeply pained to find you subjected to such false and malicious attacks.

I saw you just as the action commenced. You hastened to your pot. I next saw you rallying troops near the rifle pits, uihmi the ground occupied by our corps. After this you were with me forming a new line of battle near General Berry line. do not believe Uutt you could hare done more than uoa did om that trying occasion.

The allegations with refer ence to your division is untrue, since your troops did wvupy uie iront on the point of attack. win the papers, which have Ih-cii quick to circu- lata tits 1 I Ul a uravc man, be as ready to copy General Howard's answer 'i-lSiddrfanl uiion. i it 0 No Union with Slaveholders! nOSTON, FliI DAY, JUKE 12, 1863. GERRIT SMITH AND THE COPPERHEADS. It is an unfortunate thing for a good man so to ex-press himself as to give the enemies of truth and righteousness seeming cause for exultation, as though he had thrown away his princilcs, and made himself as bad as the worst.

Hut this is a liability to which even the most guarded is subject. What a monstrous perversion it was of the language of Jesus, when they said of him. We have beard bis blasphemy what need have we of further witnesses?" An instance quite as flagitious is seen in the malicious construction I -I placed by the copperheads and pro-slavery jour nals ujon the language uttered by Gerrit Smith, in his recent speech at the imposing Loyal League Con vention of the Empire State, held at Utica. The Al-banj- Evening Journal, for example, makes the follow ing comment The great feature ot the nay was me speecn 01 I tierrit It was reiiiHmnoie iwr iu remarkable for its conservative lone, remarkable for its un- rrl. i-oin nrom isi and patriotism.

a nere was hardly a word in it which a true lover of the Union could not endorse. It declared that the great business before us was to crush the rebellion that this should Ik. done, even though slavery lived. hat a refresh ing contrast to the coarse diatribes of Wendell Phil lips, and the idiotic ravings of Theodore Tilton This is placing Mr. Smith in radical antagonism to Mr.

Phillips and Mr. Tilton on the subject of stavtry, and in harmonious affinity with one of the meanest and trickiest of the journals of the day Its object is to represent him as caring lutle or nothing about slave- ry, whether it be weakened or strengthened, abolish- ed or perpetuated, if only the rebellion can be crush- ed. It is a gross perversion of his meaning, and an insult instead of a compliment. The speech of Mr. I Smith may be found on our first page.

The Evening Journal says it was remarkable for its conservative I tone." Was it indeed Let us see. lie boldly as- sumed that that immense meeting had not been drawn together to save the Constitution, the Union, or the country, but simply to put down this accursed and causeless rebellion. How long is it since that paper, or the conservatism which it represents, has made the preservation of the Constitution, the Union, and the I country, a matter of comparative indifference? If this is to be conservative, what is it to be radical 1 We admit that Mr. Smith uses language that can I easily be misconstrued for an evil purpose; but toini- pute to liim any such purpose, and to misname it un- compromising and unselfish patriotism, is a very base and sneaking procedure. This is all he says in rela- tion to slavery My only duty has been, from the first, the putting down of this rebellion.

And hence, some old Aboli tionists, perhaps, would nsk me. Do you go for putting down this rebellion at all possible hazards, that slave ry may survive and be stronger than ever 1 would. I run that risk. But that risk, in his inmost conviction, is no risk at all. The rebellion ought to be put down because it is "accursed and causeless that is, causeless so far as any wrong done to the South by the Federal Govern ment, or the people of the North is concerned.

lie has no doubt whatever that a vigorous prosecution of the war to crush the rebellion must terminate the ex istence of slavery; hence, he is willing to "run that risk." No man more clearly understands, or more sincerely believes, than himself, that rebellion and slavery are convertible terms. But he chooses to make the suppression of the rebellion the simple test of loyalty, leavintr every thing else to take care of itself. Al- ready, in seeking to do this! the Government has been obliged to decree the emancipation of more than three millions of slaves and the remaining fragment of the slave svstem in the border States is raoidl disannear- The man is stone blind who thinks he is ever again to see the Union as it 'teas," or a slave oligar- chy bearing rule over the country. In this tremen- dous struggle, all chains are to be broken, and liberty and equal rights established throughout the land. As rationally talk of an iceberg, drifting from the North Pole towards the Gulf Stream, maintaining its origin al dimensions, as to talk of slavery coming out of this fiery ordeal of a civil war of its own kindling un scathed, or with a single fetter left unmelted! THEY STAND VINDICATED.

Of the multitudinous disparaging allegations that have been brought against the slave population by the enemies of impartial freedom, not one has been verified by the events of the war. Instead of not desiring their freedom, they have invariably shown the greatest eagerness to obtain it wherever our army has gone and great has been their lamentation when, for any cause, they could not be admitted within the lines. In stead of using their freedom injuriously to themselves or eAhers, they have behaved with marked propriety, and evinced no disposition to commit any outrage, however slight. Instead of wishing to indulge in idle ness or vagrancy, they have exhibited the utmost 'readiness to work even for a very inadequate remuneration, and they nre fast learning the lessons of thrift. Instead of being a burden upon society or the gov ernment, they more than pay their way when there is anything like a fair chance.

Instead of indicating no wish to be taught, they manifest the strongest desire for rudimcntal instruction, and a remarkable aptitude to learn. Instead of being wild or intractable, none are so docile and obedient. Instead of showing a cow ardly spirit when the heroic element is appealed to, di a3 80Uiers a courage for attack, and a disregard of danger and death, unsurpassed in the an nals of warfare. Take, for example, the recent des perate assault upon Port Hudson by the forces under Gen. Banks.

Bead the following testimony of the correspondent of the New York Express as to the Conduct of the Negko Troops. While an oc casional shot was being tired, before the battle com- menced in its more deadly fury, speculations were rife as to the manner in which the Second Louisiana black troops would act during the conflict. They had been placed in the rear, with white troops leading mem. uen. iu, uiwr iillitoi-v mnm-ifr.

orili-rcil tlieni to the frm.t I lit. negroes at once rushed to the assigned point, and in the midst of the battle they proceeded to storm the rebel portion opposite to them. I hey rushed in a body over the parapets and siege guns, and reached Hnnl, fort in dest.ite of the onnosition of a large number of rebels. The presence of the black soldiers, inside, not less than the probability that the pass they had made into me strong noui, seemeu to create a spirit of fury in the enemy. They left their m.n.t.ll noints.

and rushed to the ouarter where the neirroes had prepared to make a vigorous struggle. The whites and blacks in a moment had a hand to hand conflict unprecedented for its ferocity. The negroes in the-conflict were soon disarmed, and in defending themselves they rapidly used the weapons of savage humanity. In every position in which the struggle placed them, they fought with their teeth, tiiting their assailants in every available part of the body, kicking and scratching them. Soon, however, they had to succumb the bayonet, the trigger, the revolver, and merciless hands on their throats, doing the work for them with fearful fatality.

It may be here, noted, as a key perhaps to other battles, that the presence of the bluck troops made the rebel in the fort almost as ferocious as the blaeks. In the attack, the enemy did not content himself in wounding the Africans; vf e'ajht huudied, six hundred were at ume lilltd when one was wounded, the assault wms repeated till he died. Finding themselves thus overowered, about two hundred of the negro troops rushed to the siege guns, jumped headlong over the walls, and were saved. Whatever of 44 glory is to be gathered from a contest likf this belong in full measure to these dauntless colored soldiers, whose courage never was surpassed, and in view of whose sad fate even the most callous-hearted must fell a thrill of sympathy. It seems too apparent, from the savage butchery of these liU rty-loving men, that the relels mean to give no quarter to loyal negro soldiers.

In due time, they will rue the day when they set such an example! "WE ARE THE REVOLUTION." There are many Indications that the government is weaker to day than when Fort Sumter fell. One is. that certain of its acts which were then justified and applauded by acclamation, are now branded as tyran nous, combated and nullified by its foes, and but coldly supported or even mildly censured by its friends. Or rill some one tell us why a greater pother is made about Vallandigham than there was about scores of his fellow-conspirators who were deprived of liberty early in the war, and incarcerated in Fort Warren or Lafayette or why it is a more shocking outrage, A.D. 1803, to deny the Chicago Times the benefit of the mails than it was the N.

Y. AVr in the sprintr of 18G1 Either the same or no justification attaches to all these instances of the exercise of a power above and in contravention of civil law. If the same, what sudden the discover and the protest 1 monnft tlim fnrimift lnmrrnntmn it nnn whw as Let us recur to facts. The people sanctioned in 1801 the arbitrary arrest of traitors, the rejection of treasonable prints from the post, the suppression of secession orators at the North. Why The liberty of the person, the freedom of speech and of the press, these are the very basement of the Democratic svs- diJ the people cheerfully relinquish them to the discretion of their rulers Because a war had come in which the nation was assailed, in which its life was at stake and without life, of what use were its rights and privileges, however ancient or impor tant Besides, they saw that the safeguards of peace may become the perils of war.

War is swift, unhesitating, decisive peace moves by complex and tardy machinery. 1'eace may deliberate war must 6trike. Peace can trust to the long run war must settle on the spot. The time had come, then, when words might be more dangerous than bullets, and the locomotion of certain persons more ruinous than armed invasion. Save us cried the people to the Admin- istration we are the law Salus populi sttprema lex.

Who says rights were violated or the laws in- fringed upon in 18G1 1 The fact is, the nation, or, what is the same thing, the government, now as then, must proceed on the assumption that it is in the right. It is this idea which has given strength to slavery and endurance to the rebellion it is this that quickens their Northern abettors. must not entertain a suspicion that we are wrong, or that liberty is an error. Forced into a conflict which we little relished and for which we were ill-prepared, our only safety lies in assuming the di rection of events, Lately it was the South in revolt against the Union to-day it must be we who are the revolution. Laughable at once and monstrous are the outcries of the Copperheads against the treatment of Vallandig- ham and the Times.

The pathetic appeals in behalf of free speech and a free press thus outraged, come from those who are identified with every mob against free speech for the past thirty j-ears who participated in the murder of Lovejoy and the sack of his office who dragged the editor of the Liberator through the streets of this cjty who burned to the ground Pennsylvania Hall, the temple of free speech and who have, on hundreds of occasions, all over the North, visited the anti slavery lecturers of both sexes with epithets and missiles equally vile and filthy, with brutal menace and bodily abuse. From such as these proceed the moral demands for unbridled license to defame and clamor down the Administration. But in whose be half do they so strenuously urge this right? In be half of a rebellion which established itself by drown ing the voice of a majority of voters opposed to its in ception which has murdered thousands of loyal citi zens for refusing to be dumb in the interest of the Union, or to be loud mouthed in acknowledgment of the pseudo confederacy. In behalf of a system which ruis er me senooi-nouse, mases a tree press ,1 answe a tongue with a halter, and to ery free vote the peril of property, life and Was ever hypocrisy more transparent, devilish than this lt is usckss to the editor from the orator, aml to moro to of press than of speech. By as much as the printed is more winged than the spoken word, by so much is the necessity greater of watching the press than the forum.

Keep disloyal papers from the camps and armies, as has been done by repeated orders. Suppress them in their office of publication, and imprison their editors, if need be, or send them packing to keep company with Vallandigham. Burnside, it seems to us, was right, and the President weak in revoking his order. Why be fright ened at the bugbear of a precedent, and of the return of the Democracy to power? Will they need, have they ever needed precedents for any kind of villany Do we not know that they would hang us all to morrow, as cheerfully as would Jeff. Davis himself? We must not admit the possibility of such a return, nor strive to mitigate its ferocity by ill-timed kid-glovery.

The destruction of pro-slavery Democracy is now as much a necessity and an inevitable result of this war as that of slavery itself. Not by blood need such a consummation be reached, but by the display of firmness, undaunted resolution, and fixed policy in the treatment of Northern traitors. The jeople stand ready to say Amen, aid let not the proper supporters of the Administration be knock-kneed at such an hour. w. r.

g. THE DUMB WITNESS. One of the fundamental beliefs of Pantheism is the sacredness of alt animal life. The pious Hindoo not only refuses to take the life of anj' animal for food, but avoids even the lighting of a candle at night, lest insects should be drawn into the flames, and filters the water which he drinks, lest he should incautiously swallow some creature. A storv is related of an En glish missionary in India, who was astonishing the natives by showing them the wonders of the microscope, and, in the course of his experiments, magnified a glass of pure water, revealing therein living animul-cula; invisible to the naked eye whereupon an indig nant Brahmin seized the instrument, and dashed it in pieces.

An incident reminding us strongly ot this recently occurred, not in Hindustan, but in Boston, in which the actor was not a Brahmin, but a Copper- head. Ther0 com0 to from Tjilton Tjousc, I 0 the photograph of-a former slave now, thanks to the Union army, a freeman. It represents him in a sitting posture, his stalwart body bared to the his fine held and intelligent face in profile, his left arm bent, resting upon his hip, and his naked back exposed to full view. Upon that back, horrible, to contemplate! a testimony against slavery more eloquent than any worU3- gouged, gathered in great ridges, knotted, furrowed, the poor tortured flesh stands out a hideous record of the slave-driver's lash. Months have elapsed since the martyrdom was undergone, and the wounds have healed, but as long as the flesh lasts will this fearful impress remain.

It is a touching picture, an appeal so mute and powerful that none but hardened natures can look upon it unmoved. How ever much men may depict false images, the sun will not lie. From such evidence as this there is no escape, and to see is to believe. Many, therefore, desired a copy of the photograph, and from the original numerous copies have been taken. The surgeon of the First Louisiana regiment, (colored,) writing to his brother in this city, encloses this photograph, with these words I send you the picture of a slave as he appears after a whipping.

I have seen, during the period I have been insecting men for my own and other regiments, hundreds of such sights so they are not new to me but it may be new to you. If you know of any one who talks about the humane manner in which the slaves are treated, please show them this picture. It is a lecture in itself." But we started to parallel the story of the Brahmin and tho microscope with the story of the Copperhead, and, after this necessary explanation, we proceed. An anti-slavery friend of ours had taken his seat in the horse car, on the way to his home in a neighbor- ing town, and was looking at one of these photo- over the entire continent (Applause.) It is now graphs of the scourged back, which be had just pur- my flag, and I will die for it. (Loud applause.) chased.

A man by his side desired to buy it. Our The choir here sung the Star-Spangled Banner," friend, knowing where to get more, consented to the the entire audience joining in the chorus, request. A satisfactory price was named and given, Mr. Charles Tasco (colored) waa called forward, and the picture changed hands, when, suddenly, with He said that it seemed but yesterday when, at this malignant emphasis and manner, the purchaser tore capital, it was proclaimed to the nation that black men the card into fragments, and scattered them on the had no rights that the white man was bound to re-car floor. spect.

But God had raised up Abraham Lincoln (loud Ah if he could only have destroyed the guilty applause) and his party to break down this infamous fact when he tore its fragile witness, there would have institution, and erect freedom in its place. (Applause.) been some warrant for that look of triumph. But as The black man's blood redJened the soil of Bunker the animalcu'ae still lived in the though the Hill, and shall it not be shed now? microscope was shivered in pieces, so the damning Oor country now promises us "life, liberty the pur-fact of slavery's cruelty still remained when the harm- suit of happiness." We have been negligent. Do we less card was gone. expect to sit down and enjoy these privileges without Evidently, there was a troubled conscience in this case; ana we wonder what past scenes the little pic- ture conjured up in this man's mind Perhaps he was one of the patriots who assisted Marshal Tukey on that famous night, when, under the fitting cover of darkness, the Sim's brigade skulked to their dark work; or, may be, more shameless still, he walked in I broad noon-day with the kidnapiiers of itoor Burns, If such memories rushed upon him at the sight of this There were no black copperheads." The copper-scourged back, no wonder that he wanted it beyond heads were of a lighter color than copper.

(Laugh- the reach of vision. When we think of the daily torture which this man must undergo, we pity him sincerely, Copperhead though he be. Every evidence of advancing anti-sla- 1 very sentiment must cause him fresh pangs. The I ghost of Banquo only vanishes to re-appear in uncx-jiected shapes and places, a very Proteus. Yesterday, it was the 54th regiment, marching with triumph ant tread to John Brown's' hymn, through Boston streets to-day, it is the news from Port Hudson, tell- ing how the Negro regiment (those indolent creatures who are too lazy to work, and too timid to fight, you know came out of its charge on the enemy's works, leaving behind six hundred killed and wounded men out of the nine hundred that went in, to testify to its I devoted heroism; to-morrow, it is the simple picture of a suffering slave that rises up to disturb his peace.

Even the momentary satisfaction of supposing that he had effectually disposed of this 44 abolition device" was denied him; for our anti-slavery friend, with cruel serenity, remarked, I sold you this picture for twen- ty-five cents to-morrow I will let you have one for So his apple turned quickly to ashes, as the unpalatable truth flashed upon him that the fountain- heail was not destroyed but instead, his own money had gone to encourage the abolition photographer to circulate more copies. Thus the laws of nature work together for man's good, and not an act of the Copper- head or the slaveholder is possible, that does not aid in the great work of slavery's overthrow. It is the Divine economy. How God's sunlight is searching into the dark pla- ces of American slavery, revealing the infernal wick edness of the house of bondage 41 Man's inhumanity to man," the agonies of the nation are expiating to- day; and until these dumb wounds, 'maimed bodies and starved minds are avenged, can we expect peace When the power of the inquisition ceased, and the instruments and methods of torture were exposed, only then did the world fully comprehend the horrors of the institution. So with our national Inquisition, The war is bringing to light realities which dwarf in comparison the supposed exaggerations of the alioli- tionists.

Welcome, then, the aid of art in exhuming the hidden barbarism of slavery! Daguerre shall henceforth be enrolled on the anti-slavery scroll of honor! It may be that his reputation will wane in the South, and Northern Democratic conventions pass resoiutions against his abolition but the faithful photographs of slavery's victims, its thumbscrews, branding irons, whips and shackles, come to us, shaming, humiliating, and converting the people, the blessings of all good men will rest upon the memory of the great inventor. w. l. jr. ENTHUSIASTIC WAE MEETING IN "WASH INGTON.

A meeting of the colored citizens of the District of Columbia was held on Monday night, May 4th, in Asbury Church, corner of 11th and K. streets, to open the ball in favor of a regiment of colored troops. By the time the appointed hour arrived, the house was densely crowded by one of the most intelligent colored audiences ever assembled in Washington. In order to preserve decorum, and to prevent any unfavorable demonstration by the negro-hating, rowdy copper- heads who might be disposed to obstruct or defeat the objects of the meeting, the Provost-Marshal sent a de tachment of the 30th Massachusetts, who were posted at the doors of the church and in the aisles. In con- sequence, there were no such demonstrations, and, beyond an unusual enthusiasm on the part of the audi- ence, perfect order prevailed.

Col. J. D. Turner called the meeting to order, and offered a fervent prayer on behalf of the enterprise An appropriate portion of the Scriptures was read by Lieut. Col.

W. G. Raymond; after which, Mr. Guer- den Snowden, one of the church-trustees, was called to preside, and Jas. L.

N. Bowen appointed Secretary. The ciiairm in said the meeting was open for all to participate. While it was a meeting of colored people, and they were expected to participate, yet he hoped their white friends present would present their views He congratulated his race on their present condition. He had seen the time when his people had few, if any, friends here.

How changed now We now have many friends, and the great events of the last two years have proved it. Col. Turner explained the objects of the meeting. He had been laboring with the colored people for the past three months, to prepare them for this great step towards their elevation. He knew the colored people.

He had sympathized with them. He had visited their churches, Sunday -schools, literary societies, and their celebrations. His object was to do that which was for the highest interest of their race. Commissioner Dole, of the Indian Department, at the request of several citizens, made a visit to the President, to lay this subject before him. A free conference was held.

The President was anxious to do all he could for this people, but he had become somewhat discouraged. Prominent men would go to him, and ask authority to raise colored troops, and then go away and make a feeble effort, and return to ask for something else. 44 Now," said he, 44 what I want of you is to bring on your men, and I will find service for them. I want them now." (Loud applause.) Now let us take Mr. Lincoln at his word, and bring forward the men.

Yes 44 That's it He (Mr. had prayed over this matter, and he felt it to be his duty to engage in this work. He had conversed with the young colored men, and found them anxious to enter the lists for country and for manhood. Even though it should be through bloody battle-fields, he prayed God that this race might reach that destiny He designed them to attain. Rev.

Mr. Winkfield (colored was introduced. He was happy to feel that the time had arrived when could enter on this work. He could not withhold his hearty support to the enterprise. We have two noble leaders, (turning to Messrs.

Turner and Raymond,) who have stood up for us, who have labored and felt for us, and who can appreciate our difficulties. No better men could be got. Many men lesire to lead our people in battle, and it might be our ot to fall into the hands of others who do not know is so well. These are the men of our choice. We an safely rally under them.

lam willing to give my ife to my country, now that liberty and justice are mh her. Life is sweet, but country is better. My iome is secure in heaven, and I shall go, trusting to Jod and if I fall, I shall fall doing my duty. Our eople are free, and let us go and defend them. We ow have an opportunity to be men.

Shall we longer tidurc the scorn of that race which has oppressed us? fireat enthusiasm and cries of 44 No No May te time speedily come when we shall see that flag, which we have been oppressed, but which is cw truly the emblem of freedom, float in triumph I some sacrifices on our part No, no let us Without the shetMing ot bioou there is no remission. Mr. Samuel Wilson (colored) said that, when he looked to the door, and saw that the Union bayonet protected the black man, his. heart was full. (Loud applause.) He had conversed with the man he hoped soon to call his colonel, and he believed him to be the right man.

He should go with him. (Applause.) ter.) Shall we sit in ease, or go and fight? (Loud cries of" Fight, I will place my name on the roll to fight. (Applause.) Which looks the more manly the colored man with an apron before him, or with a gun on his shoulder When you get the gun, you will be a man. (Loud applause.) When we have 300,000 muskets.will they take our rights 1 They will not enslave us again. (Applause) Mr.

Bowen (colored) made some remarks. When we show that we are men, we can then ilemand our liberty, as did the revolutionary fathers peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must. If we do not fight, we are traitors to our God, traitors to our country, trai tors to our race, and traitors to ourselves. (Applause.) Richmond is the place for us, and we mean to go there. (Applause.) Our friend, Jefl.

Davis, says we shall go there (laughter), and we will go; but they won't be glad to see us. 1 T. II. C. Ilinton (colored) was called on to speak.

This is a great day in which we live. The occasion requires plain talk. The pall of death, and worse than death, hanging over us, will be removed, and we will come out in full manhood. We are a part of this gov- ernment, and let us do our part in its struggle. He was willing to say he would go too.

(Applause.) Let us show our appreciation of the labors of our friends in our behalf. We will stand by the President. While, on the one hand, a people stand ready to oppress us, on the other hand are our friends to hold us up. Then let us shoulder the musket, and do our duty. This duty is as binding as the law of God.

These men who are to lead us are the right men in the right place. We know them, and can safely trust th'em to lead us. There is no other way for our full deliverance but through the bloody sword and the leaden ball. (Applause.) Arise, and pro- claim with one grand voice, 44 Liberty or death (Great applause.) Wm. Wormley (colored) was called on for a speech I He came forward, and said he was not a man of words but of action.

(Suiting action to his words, he seized a pen, and was the first to put his name to the muster roll amid great enthusiasm :) I want to go to South Carolina, get on the other side of the rebels, and drive them this way, so that you may catch them." (Laugh ter and applause.) Mr. Green, a large, noble-looking colored man, came forward, and gave some excellent and practical coun- sel, in a clear and distinct manner. have not space to give even a synopsis of his excellent sugges- tions. Joseph Washington, a contraband, was introduced by the Colonel. He knew what it was to be a slave He had no education, but he thought of these things.

It was a serious time, and a serious. subject. The outspoken language of this unfortunate victim of the curse was true eloquence, and had a touching ef fect on the audience. Geo. Hatton, a very sprightly young colored man, brim full of wit and good sense, addressed the audi ence in a pleasant vein of humor and logic.

He was followed by Rev. 'Mr. Evans, of Maryland, (white,) who spoke of his sufferings because he had defended the African race. Rev. Mr.

Wilson (colored) gave some well-timed, practical advice. During the latter part of the meeting, many of the most intelligent young men in the audience came for ward, and enrolled their names. A resolution of thanks to the Provost Marshal for the presence and protection of the Provost guard was passed unanimously, and to the guard for their effi cient conduct. Also, a vote of thanks to the trustees for the use of the church for the meeting. It was announced that one hundred and forty names were now enrolled for the new regiment.

Adj ANTI-COLONIZATION MEETING- A large number of emigrants have lately returned to their homes from Hay ti. The colored citizens of New York, embracing the opportunity to again enter their protest against colonization and emigration, held a meeting in Zion church, corner of Church and Leon ard streets, May 5th, 18G3. The Re.v. Dr. Pennington occupied the chair, and Mr.

J. V. Givens acted as Secretary. After prayer by Mr. Martin, the President stated the object of the meeting.

On invitation, the Rev. William Jones gave an ac count of his experience, while in Hayti, as did also Mr. J. W. Duffin.

These gentlemen were followed by Mrs. Jones, whose narrative of the troubles and sufferings of her own family, as well as those of the emigrants generally, was clear and distinct, carrying conviction and sorrow to the hearts of all her hearers. The following preamble and resolutions, offered by the Kev. II. A.

Thompson, and seconded by Mr. J. Givens, were adopted hereas, we have in our midst a large number of emigrants, thrown back upon our shores by the in tense suffering endured by them during their stay in Hayti, escaping therefrom with shattered constitutions and barely fheir lives, leaving husbands, wives, pa rents and children in premature graves, victims of cupidity and deception therefore, Resolved, That we welcome these people to their native land again. Resolved, That we are as ever opposed to all and every scheme, plan or plot, having for its object the colonization or expatriation of our people from their homes. Resolved, That we regard every colored or white man, engaged in the nefarious work of decoying our people from their native land, as their unprincipled and mercenary enemy, deserving only their scorn.

Resolved, That we view with contempt, as our fathers nobly did, the old Hag, the "American Colonization Society," its pet daughter, the 44 African Civilization Society," also its deformed child, the Haytien Emigration movement, and their efforts remove the colored man from the-United States. Resolved, That the time long looked for is upon us the decisive moment is come when every colored man is needed to watch the glowing fires of liberty in our land, and, under God, to strike a death dealing blow at slavery and slaveholders, who aretrving to destroy the government. Resolved, That we do now form ourselves into an Anti-Emigration League, for the purpose of assisting sick and unfortunate emigrants, who may escape to this city from Hayti and also to counsel and deter by every honorable means persons deceived, and induced to colonize distant lands. After some remarks by Mr. J.

V. Givens, and the passage of a vote of thanks to the Trustees of Zion church, they adjourned, subject to the call of the committee. -r J' C- PENNINGTON, Chairman. J. Givens, Secretary pro tern.

THE COMING NEGE0 NATIONALITY. Editor Libekat This nineteenth century ef the roan Jesus Christo 'of Universal Love been specially impregnated by Divme intent. And amongst the coming proiiftcations whose frremtible ad vent we shall yet behold, i and will be an ixdcfH-odtnt Negro Nationality. Nothing les than this, cm this main continent, will afford the justified ultimate of the slave question. Mr.

President Lincoln's forced Proclamation 0f Emancipation forced from the Cabinet by the tier) points of necessitous circumstances as it gets en forced, will unlock the door through which th black slowly walks, step by step, to the dignity and priiWr ami power oi separate inuepcnutni tatt tttip. Prstti-cally, it is well that the four millions cannot immedi ately burst their bonds. Were it otherwise, eves though this instinct for absolute justice should now be satisfied, we should, as a nation, be. like the man who raffled for and got the elephant. And, as it is, the Government, the people, are bearing elephantine bur dens that bend the back thereof, and threaten, by and by, to break it.

So I will gladly accept the slow working of the great new medicine, that is not only purgative but nutritive. In the meanwhile, for this very renn the Southern black will be fitted for his now hidden but long predestined goal. No man jumps into man hood. A qualified nation must have some foreground of that education which is positively productive, at well as of that woe which is adequately disciplinary. 1 his war has killed many things besides men and I suppose the Society for the transportation of the blacks to Liberia, to Hayti, or to any other country, is amongst the slain.

Let us not mourn for this dead, at least. Out of, the carcass of the bodied hopes of middle men shall come honey Jo nourish the expectations of absolutists for justice. Mctlwnks the Arietides of the nineteenth century shall yet behold, ere he passes to the realm of glori- fled spirits, the construction, on American soil, of that African empire whose tread he heard in the realm of thought, thirty years ago. How could it be otherwise How in the name of the King of the North, King Gold, to say nothing of the Sovereign of the South, King Cotton, could the American people expect to get rid of the four million by exportation 1 Besides which, the negro now is on bis native soil. What wisdom shall iuMifr his removal Would this Northern people strike at his so affluent afTcctional characteristic Let them have care, too; it is a desperate undertaking to pull up and transplant a tree whose roots ramify so far, so deep, and so wide.

What people love their own, their native land, more than the black 1 I say that, in this very striking affection, you have a strong guarantee of an orderly and progressive nationalism. The subtle magnetic ties which bind the negro's mind to the soil that bore and nourishes him, may become one potent medium for the evolution of a great State. No lie must remain. If other reasons are not adequate to indicate it, let a third from out the book of this Continent's destiny settle the point We are not simply in a Revolution, but in a Digitisation. The firtt is God's fiery ploughshare; the other is His builder; and the solid foundation of the new edifice to rise after the storm-sweep of this triple political, religions ind social revolution shall have done its missioned work, is fashioned from the substance of retributive at well as distributive Justice.

So the very soil cultured in sweat of blood by the slave, must be his to till as a man. And thus another Nation rises on these Western shores. The settlement of the slave question is not simply in the freedment of the slave. We who have profitr ed by the black business, even the people, must pay back now in coin of culture of them. We must all yield what we can the South its land, all along the Gulf, and stretching thence North a hundred or two cr three of English miles the North a pre pa rati re military protection, an education, in free labor and manhood, under it.

We must give the black white continuity and neighborhoodism not such, indeed, as, bloated and haughty, makes the fifteenth or sixteenth century a great, lordly presence in the personate of Southern aristocracy, or, as debased and darkened, shows, if it does not shine, in the manner and life of poor white trash there but such may justify itself in the light of a New Age, in the characteristic and act of a purified and spiritualized, as well as civilized. North. The magnetic sphere anil effluence of our independent, vigorous, inventive, go-ahead-ative, commercial, and generally industrial life, must stream down upon and into them in the Northern winds. Nay, we must first plant in their midst the seeds of all this. I shall trust much to the vital touch and breath of a living inspiration to call outthj possibility of the black, just as I have faith io the sun in Spring; but I do not forget the need of the husbandman.

The North must furnish its tillers, contiguous influence, positive instruction, military protection now, and in the hours of long need to come, and interchanges mind and life. But these will not work alone. Nay, predestined men and women, who this day, even as it was with Toussaint L'Ouver-ture and Christophe in the past, bear the'stamp and sign and seal of a splendid redemptive office to their black kind, shall come forth from the giooins of social obscurity and the house of slavery, blacker than they, into the fadeless light of historic act. Then shall rise other inspired Truths besides Sojourner; while heroic actors shall match the Haytian Liberator in thought, and deed, and transcendent life. A rising people must be led into promised lands, and established there by and through ones not only amidst but of themselves.

The slave loves Lincoln since the proclamation, and will be gladly obedient to his Colonels and Brigs-diers but his-own coming men will magnetize him. Liberty is an inspirator. Black embodiments of this life shall lead in triumph on by white inspirations flaming from them. Let the war, then, go on for two or three years more, and, as I see it, it surely will. By that time, the proclamation and victorious Northern arms, oft turned back, will have struck to the centres and secret and sacred fastnesses of Southern country and power.

Then, if interest does not settle into its deep gruve the black institution, it will burst all barriers, and go out on the Gulf iter in insurrectionary blood and fire. But what in the meanwhile The hand of God is stretched clear across the full empire, and the Sword of Justice cannot go back into its concealed scabbard, till it has cut to the quick to that full extent. Do we fully apprehend -the next necessity of an adaptive government 1 Wait a little longer. What is theoretic now with Abraham Lincoln, by act of Congress, will be the 6tern and forced practicality of his successor, if not before. In truth, the President has already been pushed from the Constitution by an advancing wall of steel bayonets the iron of necessity and be stands now not on it, but on Legislation.

And that instrument which was damned at birth because of its defalcation to the magnificent spirit of the Declaration, is this day, in the exigency of the country, nigh a blank. What we did not choose to take, we are compelled to accept and, by and by, we shall be compelled to accept something more. It remains to lie seen which of the two men, Banks or BuUer, gett the almost dictatorial empower. As for myself, I have faith in the new Nathaniel. Notwithstanding his late misunderstood application of the Proclamation, he is the only man that, in the military sphere, understands where he is as a States" and what lies ahead.

He is grappling with theZa-bor-Question, the pivot of this troubbus affair, and the centre of its settlement. Should the late Governor of this noble Commonwealth be blamed for that which the inspiration and insight of Toussaint himself, once a slave, under almost similar circumstances, though not bo complicated, suggested and advised What was not enacted, except to a limited extent, by his successors in Hayti, may possibly be found, practically, absolutely necessitous here; there fore, let the right arm of military power, wielded 1.