The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts • Page 2

18 Ridje to tha Ocean, the ratio of increase has been but a very small fraction of one per cent, per annum for many years past. Again, sir, it has been ascertained with great certainty that the whole slave population in the United States increases at tha rate of two and a half pir cent, a year, and doubles itself in about twenty-eight years. Supposing mo wuuio of Eastern Virginia to double itself in that period, it will in the year 1S5S amount to 914,026, or more than the entire population of that part of the State at present, and within of as many as it can ever contain consequently, there will then be but one white to every five colored inhabitants in that portion of the commonwealth. Hut I may be asked why I assume that the colored population is to continue to increase as heretofore, and that the white will decrease as the colored advances. To such a question I should reply, because the checks upon the increase of population growing out of the want of the means of subsistence, operate exclusively upon the white people.

One of the immediate effects of the want of means of subsistence, in all iK'irL I apitled countries, is that it so limits' the number of marriages that the number of children born scarcely ever exceeds the number of deatlis in any given period. How far this cause operates Eastern Virginia, we may judge from the past that notwithstanding the entire white population of that part of the State, was greater by 96,600 in 1820, than that of Western Virginia, yet the number of whites under five years old was two thousand greater in 1830, in Western, than in Eastern Virginia. I will mention another fact, which proves conclusively that this cause does not at all retard thS growth of our colored popu lation, and will shew its effects as to both kinds of population in a very striking point of view it is, that according to the census of 1830, the whole number of ths colored population in Eastern Virgiuia, under ten years of age, was upwards of one hundred and fifty-five thousand, whilst the number of whites, of a corresponding age, was but a little over one hundred and ten thousand, making a difference in favor of the former of nearly forty-live thousand. Another of the immediate checks upon the increase of population, in densely inhabited countries, arising from the want of means of subsistence, is the number of poor persons, who parish, in times of great scarcity, from hunger. If there ever be any of the inhabitants of this State, who perish from want, they must belong to the poorer class -of white people, who have no person able to relieve them, interested in, preserving their lives.

The slave is always secure from this danger, the master being always prompted by motives of interest to sell, if not able to support him. Another, and the principal check upoa the increase of the population of this state, is the immense emigration from it. This check has hitherto operated pretty equally upon all classes of our inhabitants, and the gain of the blacks has not been greater than can readily bo accounted for upon other principles which I have mentioned already. But, sir, the time has come, when the emigration must be confined al-. most exclusively to the white population.

All the states of this Union, will ever continue open to such of our white people as may choose to enter them. On the other hand, many of these States have been long closed against our colored population and even the Southern States, to which in times past so many thousands of slaves have been carried, have at length become alarmed at the immense number of slaves among them, and are taking decisive measures for excluding any more of them being carried there in future. The Legislature of Louisiana has recently passed an act to exclude slaves from that state under very severe penalties. The gentleman from Mecklenburg, (Mr. Goode,) attributed the passage of that act to the action of this Assembly at its present session, upon the subject of slaves but unfortunately for that the act of the Legislature of Louisiana was passed a short time before this Legislature convened.

I also learn from the newspapers that the Legislatures of Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, and the rest of the slaveholding States, are about to adopt the same policy with Louisiana. The market for slaves may be considered then, as closed forever, and the inevitable consequence will be, that the blacks will continue to increase without any check whatsoever the slaveholders will be compelled, in order to find them employment, to drive their poor white tenants from their lands the small slaveholders will he compelled to sell out and remove, until in the course of some twenty or thirty years, the disproportion- between the blacks and the whites will become so that the slaves will attempt to re-over their liberty, and then the consequences which I have predicted, and which are so much to be deprecated, will inevitably ensue. From the Richmond Va.) Enquirer. Our oldest renders will do us the justice to say, that we had forborne to touch the subject of colored population, for 27 years. We felt that none is more delicate, and none more beset with difficulties.

But at length the outbreaking in South ampton spread horror throughout the Common- wealth. We saw the floodgates of discussion for the first time raised, in consequence of this unpar alleled event. saw meetings of the citizens held. Memorials were addressed to the lature. The Press, too, broke the silence of fifty years.

And we have seen the whole subject referred to a committe of the House of Delegates for their best consideration. And what is more remarkable in the History of our Legislature, we now see the whole subject ripped up and discuss ed with open doors, and ui the presence ol a crowded gallery and lobby Even the press itself hesitating to publish the Debates of the body. All these things wero indeed new in our history. And nothing else could have prompted them, but the bloody massacre in the month of August Yes, something most he done and it is the part of no honest man to deny it of no free press to affect to conceal it. When this dark population growing upon as when every new census is but gathering its appalling numbers upon when within a period equal to that in which this Federal Constitution has been in existence, those numbers will increase to more than 2,000,000 within Virginia when sister States are closing their doors upon our blacks for sale, and our whites are moving Westwardly in greater numbers than we like to hear of When this, the fairest land on all this continent, tor soil, and climate, and situation combined, might become a sort of garden spot, if it were worked by the hands of white inert alone, can tee, ought toe, to sit quietly down, fold our arms, and say to each other, Well, well tLU thing will not come to the worst in our day.

We will leave it to our children and our grand -children and great grand-children, to take care of. themselves and to brave the storm Is this to act like wise men Heaven knows we are no fanatics we detest the Hsdnfcfj which actuated he Amis des But something ought to be clone Means sure, but gradual, systematic', but discreet, ought to be a- dopted, lor reducing the mass ot evil which is pressing upen the south, and will still more press upon her the longer is put off. Wc ought not to shut our eyes nor avert our faces. And though we speak almost without a hope, that the Committee, or that the Legislature will do any thing at the present session, to meet this question, yet we say now in the utmost sincerity of our hearts, that our wisest men cannot give too much of their attention to this subject nor can they give it too soon. Ibid.

Debate on Abolition. We yesterday commenced this debate, and shall continue it with as much rapidity as We shall make no excuse to the reader, for curtailing the usual pro portion of light matter, or for filling out columns with this debate. Having the means of publishing it, we should hold it unpardonable to withhold from the people of Virginia, for one minute, a discussion so able, so vitally affecting their in terests, so eventful to their children, so deeply concerning the destinies of the human race, in the Western Hemisphere. "What is the question of who shall be President of Banks, of Roads and Canals, of I anas to this In our estima tion, all other questions of peace or war, of mea sures or men, which now engage, or have ena ged, the consideration of tho people of Virginia since the Revolution, are by the side of this com paratively insignificant War, in its desolation, embraces in its rum, a few only of those who are parties to it slavery in its moral consequen ces, extends its curse to every individual of the state where it exists. War at the worst, is tern porary, and speedily by the disasters it inflicts, produces a mutual desire for peace slavery mul tiplies its evils and increases the probability ot its perpetuation, at every step, and in every instant of time it is tolerated.

No there has been no question considered since 1776, so momentous as the question of its abolition there can be no question embracing such multitudes in its decision for weal or for wo, and reaching in its effects so far dow'n the stream of time. Virginia only is interested not wnetner aer sons shall be relieved of the reproach, the awful and incalcula ble oppression, and the piece-meal political death of slavery, and whether the descendants of blacks shall in future ages and in their native clime, enjoy liberty not these points, of tre mendous magnitude as they are, present the whole question, lhat in its wide range, com prehends all the Southern Slates, and all the inhabitants, ami not the living only, but all suc ceeding generations. What mind can grasp the mighty subject What intellect can appreciate its magnitude hat Philanthropy can calcu late the benefits to mankind, of Virginia's suc cessful execution of a plan of abolition? Ln questionably every Southern State with what ex pedition it might, would follow the illustrious ex ample. The moral feeling of that example would impart a resistless impulse. When we, who have so long experienced the restraints imposed by public opinion ou this sub ject who have dared to exercise the freedom of the Press, guaranteed to us by the godlike fathers of the Republic, but did not, could not dare to breathe a syllable on a subject ever nearest our hearts, and of transcendant moment to the coun try when we, who know so well at how hopeless and impracticable a distance even the consideration of the subject was deemed six months a-go when we see the General Assembly of Virginia actually engaged, with open doors, in the discussion of the evils of slavery, and the propriety and practicability of abolition we can hardly believe the evidence of our own senses.

Yet so it is. Short-sighted are we all, and none can tell what an hour may bring forth. We foresee the agitation which is to pervade the country. We anticipate the alarms which will be sounded, to the slaveholder. We know in advance, the declamation which will be ad dressed to his fears, his cupidity and his passions.

We are already informed of the unfounded designs charged and circulated. But, we trust the alarmists will fail in producing un excitement beyond what is favorable to an enlightened consideration of the situation of Virgiuia. We trust they will succeed in alarming no man for ths rights and safnty of his property for we venture to say that there is not one man who proposes to disregard its sanctity. Abov all, we hope that the alarmists will not succeed in raising a spicit of resistance to the results of legislation, or produce a persuasion that the scope of legisla tion does not mibrace an enquiry which touches the interest of every citizen of the Commonwealth. Deep interest must and ought to be' felt.

Richmond Whig. The large slavehoIJeLwill at last be left alone to combat lor slavery, iJIsl united Virginia. The small slaveholder, the eomanry, the mechanic, the merchant, the youth of the country, will ultimately combine to remove it. These classes will not consent to live in perpetual jeopardy they will not consent that their wives nnd childre shall live exposed to a fate too terrible for description. Are not thousands of the poorer and middling classes year after year removing off? And would this be the case if they could live i.t home if slaves did not eat the bread which otheru ise they would earn, and which would enable them to tarry with the bones of their fathers? Are not the small freeholders, the yeomanry, in whose patriotism and strong arm every country finds its safety, daily diminishing from this cause, and is not lower Virginia, like Jamaica, becoming a country of large plantations, peopled with slaves lb Ci.

if Virginia. Only a few months have elapsed since the bare mention of emancipation in a northern paper was thought unpardonable by some persons. But no subject excites greater interest in the columns of the Virginia papers themselves at present, than the same subject. Henceforth, we hope to hear no more childish cant about incendiary publications. The public press in Virginia and Kentucky at the present time, are as fit subjects for the legislative and executive auathemas of Georgia, as the Boston Liberator itself.

Genius of Temperance. Slavery in The debates in the House of Delegates of Virginia upon this subject, have been terminated by the adoption of a pre amble and resolution reported by the select com mittee, to whom the memorials had been relerred, with amendments. The resolution as finally a- depted, declares that it is inexpedient to make any legislative enactments nt present, for the abolition of Slavery but the preamble assigns the reason for this declaration, by stating, that the removal fthe free people of color, and of thos who may become free, wiil absorb all the present means of the State and that a further action for the removal of the Slaves should await a more definite developement of public opinion. Some of the warmest friends of abolition voted in tavor of the acceptance of the report. THE LIBERATOR.

From the Jfew-England Christian Herald. THE MAGNANIMITY OF A SLAVE, IX CO.NTRAiT WITH THE CHARACTER OF HIS MASTER. Correspondence with the Editors. North Carolina, Dec. 26, 1831.

In the late insurrection in Virginia, as the murderers were approaching the dwelling of ont of the planters, a generous servant stepped up to his master and whispered in his ear, hollow my directions, and I'll save your life. The master consented. When they enter the said the negro, fly to the woods keep a strait forward course turn neither to the right nor to the left. The insurgents approached. The master fled in the direction pointed to.

His faithful servant pursued him as if to take his life, shouting at every step to the negroes, Here he goes here he goes Eager for the blood of the master, several of the most swift footed pursued hard after him. But the faithful servant led the way. When they entered the woods in the 4 straight forward the negro true to his promise, made a short turn, still shouting td the marauders, 4 Here he goes here he goes The manrcuvre was completely successful. Confident that the feelings of the servant corresponded with their own, they all followed him, and at the moment when the murderers were flattering themselves that they should drink tho blood of their intended victim, he was far away, escaping for his life. After supposing his master at an angular distance which would make him perfectly secure from any wayward searching, the faithful negro made a sudden halt, as if he had just lost sight of him, with, 4 Where's he gone to Thus disappointed of their expected prey, they all soon returned to make the spoils of the house atone for the escape of its owner.

The house was plundered, locks were broken, wardrobes emptied, and the richest viands the pantry afforded for once feasted the valet instead of his lord. Luxury, however, did not blind them to a sense of their danger. Destruction, more than enjoyment, seemed to be their object. They soon left the house for further depredations, and the faithful servant, with a fidelity worthy of marbled memory, the next day, took his gun and went in search of his master. He found him unarmed and tremblingly alive to the dangers he had escaped.

Animated, no doubt, with the hope that the master, who had been saved by his slave, would make that slave free, 4 said lie, holding out his gun, 4 master, take this and kill mo for I will never strike another blow for any man, as -a slave. Will the reader will an American believe it I this monster of man deliberately shot the preserver of his life Will not such men, when in eternity they feel the curse of God upon them, for having shed innocent blood, cry out with unutterable anguish, This, this is the price of slavery. Melville. 4 We may shut our eyes and avert our faces if we please, (writes an eloquent South Carolinian, on his return from the North a few weeks ago) 4 but there it is, the dark and growing evil, at our doors and meet the question we must, at vo distant day. God only knows what it is the part of wise men to do on that ruomentous and appalling subject.

Cf this I am very sure, that the difference nothing short of frightful between all that exists on one side of the Potomac, and all on the other, is owinz to that cause alone. The disease is deep-seated it is at the heart's core it is consuming, and has all along been oonsumiug our vitals, and I could laugh, if I could )auh on such a subject, at the ignorance and folly of the politician, who ascribes that to an act of the Government, which is the inevitable effect ol the eternal laws of Nature. What is to he done Oh my God-I don't know, but something must be done. Richmond Enquirer. The following remarks were made by Mr.

Broadnax, in a late debate in the Legislature of Virginia 4 He knew, that in this vicinity there existed feelings which placed him in a most delicate situation feelings of doubt, and a want of decision as to what ought to be done. The confidence vf the people was gone and when that was lost, something must be IV hen men were found to lock their doors at night, and open them in the morning to receive their servants to light their fires, with pistols in their hands, surely some measures to restore confidence and security were necessary. Under such circumstances, life became a burthen and it were better to seek a home in some distant realm, and leave the graves of their fathers, than endure so precarious a condition. It was evident that something must be done and although" measures for the removal of this evil, might not, perhaps, be arrived at immediately yet some plan for its gradual eradication would probably be hit upon a system might be concocted by degrees, to embrace the whole subject and it was therefore necessary to consider it in all its The people tell us, that some measure must be taken what that measure is, they do not say they have not formed an opinion. Let me ask, said Mr.

there one man in Virginia, who does not lament that there ever was a slave in the State And is there a man who considers the retrograde movements of this once flourishing Commonwealth who does not attribute them to the pregnant cause of slavery? And, are we not then, willing to look into the subject, and see whether at some future time it may not be removed, and Virginia be enabled again to stand erect, freed from the shackles by which she is now encumbered Does any man doubt that slavery is an evil Does any man deny that the cost of production by slave labor is far greater than by white labor The facts are before him and around him. Even the vegetables which supply our tables, the tabs which we use, and a thousand other articles are bought from the laborers of the non-elaveholding states. He was a slaveholder himself, and probably should be one as long as slaves were held at all in Virginia but that circumstance did not pre vent him from examining every plan that might might be expressed on the subject before the House, EFFECTS OF SLAVERY NOT RIFF. THE TA- Extract from Senator Hayne's recent Speech, in reply to Mr. Clay We come now to the Socth.

If any portion of tho rich fruits of the Tariff system have been scattered there, ttwy have not fallen under my observation. Sir, we know them not we see them not we feel them not. It may be supposed, however, that we are too full of prejudice, or loo ungrateful, to acknowledge the blessings it lias bestowed upon us. Sir, we have heard of men having honor thrust upon them, and perhaps there may be such a thing as having benefits thrust upon an unwilling people yet I should think, that even in such a case, they would soon become reconciled to their lot. and submit to their fate with a good grace.

But, I assure the gentlemen, that the condition of the south is not merely one or unexampled depression, hut of great and all pervading distress. lu my own State, tiie unhappy change which has within a lew years past taken place in the public prosperity, is of the most appalling character. If we look ut the present condition of our cities, (audi will take Charleston by way of example,) we find every where the mournful evidence of premature decay. Sir, the crumbling memorials of our former wealth and happiness too eloquently leach us, that, without some change in your policy, the days of our prosperity 4 are Sir, it is within my own experience, that, in tho devoted city in which my lot has been cast, a thriving foreign commerce was, within a few years past, carried on it ret to Europe. We had native merchants with large capitals, engaged in the foreign trade.

We had thirty or forty ships, many of them built, and all owned in Charleston, and giving employment to a numerous and valuable body of mechanics and tradesmen. Look ui the state of things now Our merchants bankrupt or driven away their capital sunk or transferred to niher pursuits our ship-yards broken up, our ships all 6tId les, Sir, 1 am to id the very last of them was, few mouths ago, brought to the hummer our mechanics in despair the very grass growing in our streets, and houses tailing into ruins real estate reduced to ono thiid part of its value, and rents almost to nothing. '1 he commerce which we are still permitted to enjoy, diverted from its proper channels, carried on with borrowed cap ital, and through agents sent among us, und main tained by tho tariff policy, bearing oil their profits to more favored lauds, eating out our subslauce, and leaving to our own people the misenble crumbs which lall Ironi the table ut their prosperity. If we fly from the city to lhe country, what do we there behold telds abandoned the hospitable man sions of our fathers deserted agriculture drooping our slaves, like their masters, working harder, and faring worse the planter striving, wi.h unavailing effoils, to avert the ruin which is before him. It has often been my lot.

Sir, to see the once thriving planter reduced to despair cursing his hard fate, gath ering up the small remnants ol his broken fortune and, with his wile and little ones, tearing himself from the scenes of his childhood, and the bones of his ancestors, to seek, in the wilderness, that reward for bis industry, of which your fatal policy has de- pnvea mm. Sir, when we look at our fertile fields, and con aider the genial climate with which God has bless ed tho when wo contemplate the rare t'eli city of our position, as the producers of an article, which, under a system of free trade, would command the markets of the world is it not enough to fill our hearts almost to bursting, to find the richest blessings that an indulgent Providence ever shower ed down upon the heads of any people, torn from us by tho cruel policy of our own government, to find the bounties of Heaven thus blasted by the hand of mr man cir, i win not deny that there are other causes besides the turiu, which hBve contributed to produce the evils which I have depicted. Trade can, to some extent, be carried on with greater facility at New-York, and cotton may be raised more profitably in Alabama but, these advantages would not have broken up the commerce or de pressed the agriculture offcoulh Carolina, while an unrestricted intercourse with foreign nations ena bled us to realize the most moderate oiotils Men do not quit their accustomed employments, or lhe nomcs ot tneir lathers, lor any small additions to their profits. It is only when restriction has reached a point which leaves the "door still open to one, while it closes it against th other, that this result is produced and, therefore it is, that a rapid transfer of capital and population is now added to the other evils with which the old Slates are Woman ttf WTiite Lady, happy, proud and free. Lend awhile thine ear to me Let the Negro Mother's wail Turn thy pale cheek still more pale.

Can the Negro Mother joy Over this her captive boy, Which in bondage and in tears, For a life of wo 6he rears Though she bears a Mother's name, A Mother's rights she may not claim Fo; the white man's will can part, Her darling from her bursting heart. From the Genius of Universal Emancipation. LETTERS ON SLAVERY No. III. TO ISABEL.

No, my dear Isabel, it is not sufficient, that yon silently disapprove of iniquity you should openly avow your disapprobation, that your example may be of benefit to olhtrs. You speak very pathetically, to be sure, of the haunting recollec-' lions of pound-eakea und if A-erenms doomed so often to be passed by unlasted and lliat this may frequently be ihe case, I will acknowledge. Bui what kind of devotion to the causo of justice and mercy can that be, which would shrink from offering a few sacrifices of inclination and luxury upon thoir altar If it were for no other purpose bat to give evidence of your sincerity, you ought willingly to submit to so trifling a deprivation for trifling I cannot but consider it in relation to the momentous object it is intended to support. But it is not a mere question of expediency, it is of positive right or wrong and rarely, my friend, we have be presented, and every opinion that enough of thoughtless, unpremeditated sins to answer for, without deliberately heaping cp condemnation for ourselves. Even if there were on other world, dear Isabel, either for ouraelves or the unhappy slave, the liope of ameliorating his temporal condition, would be well worth every exertion, every sacrifice you could make.

But when both they and we have to look forward to an eternity think of it, Isabel an eternity of after life when we reflect that there will come a fearful, retributive hour, when we must answer for the 4 deeds done in the body and think how we shall meet together then, the oppressor and the victim the one to answer for a life devoted to s-lfistx gratification, and othor mourning over the darkness of his soul a darkness which we have either foririfHl nr wlfn we think nnon lK subject in this light, my friend, of what overwhelming importance does it not appear Our country has long lain in a stale of slumbering lethargy as if she had forgotten all the misery and the iniquity she was fostering within her bosom. But she is now nwnke, conscious of the foil enormity of the. evil, and the guilt and wo be to her if she cleanse hot her polluted hands We have not the excuse of early and long cherished prejudices or of ignorance to the fatal effects of the Upas breath of slavery the proof is before ms the guilt and the consequences have been thoroughly made known to us, and at our peril it mart be, it we refuse to listen to the warning voice of admonition Agnes. COMMUNICATIONS. A VOICE FROM OHIO Cincinnati, (Ohio,) January 17, 1832.

At a large and respectable meeting of persons of color, residing in this place, convened at the Bethel Church, for the important object of taking into consideration the anii-christian principles of the American Colonization Society, the Rer. Wiley Reynolds was called to the chair, and George Cary appointed Secretary. After sinking and prayer, Mr P. T. B.

Nickens, in some concise remarks, slated the object of the meeting. A committee of three was then appointed to frame an address and adopt some resolutions, expressive of their views and determinations, and the following were unanimously adopted Resolved, That we hold these truths to be self-evident, lhat all men are born free and equal that ihey are endowed by iheir Crenfor with certain inalienable rights that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Resolved, That we feel it our duty, to be true and loyal tothe constitution of the United States, our only legitimate country and moreover, are bound in duty and reason to protect it against foreign Resolved, That we view the efforts made by the Colonization Society, entirely gratuitous and unasked for by us, and when we as a free people feel an inclination to emigrate to Liberia, will apprize them of the same. Resolved, That we object ieaving tho land of oor birth, as there is sufficient land in these United Stat es, on which a colony might be settled that would be far more consonant with the wishes and constitution of the colored people generally, nor would it bo attended with half the expense incurred by sending them to a howling wilderness, unknown to us in every respect, unless by geography, which few of us understand. Resolved, That we reject the inhuman and unchristian principles offered by the Colonization Society for the illumination of the colored citizens of the United States, their appropriate home, in a land of sickness, affliction and death, when they are not willing with a few exceptions to give a christian education while among them.

Resolved, That we ask the Colonizationists, how in the. name of common sense and reason do they expect to make us believe they wiil do so much for us after we have crossed the Atlantic, when they oppose every measure adopted by our white brethren nnd friends to improve our condition here Resolved, That we look upon those ministers of the gospel (who have misled their respective congregations, with the preposterous idea of the necessity of transporting tho fee people of color to Africa,) as highly deserving the just reprehensioa directed to the false priests and prophets, by the true prophets of the Most High. Resolved, That we never will remove to Africa, but should any of our brethren wish to emigrate, we recommend Canada or Mtxico, as countries far more congenial to our constitutions, and where our rights as freemen ore secured, i Resolved, That we view everjy free man of color that emigrates to Africa, or advocates the cause of the American Colonization Society, an enemy to humanity, religion, and and a traitor to his brethren. Resolved, That we gratefully acknowledge the respect we entertain for those of our white friends who have defended our Resolved, That our sincere thanks be tendered to Messrs. Garrison Knapp, jthe fn'endly advo cates of oppressed Africa.

Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman and; Secretary, and forwarded to the Editor of the Liberator for publication. I WILEY REYNOLDS, Chairman, George Cart, At ro former period has it been mere necessary for us to give our opinion of the merits of Iho CoU onizalion Society, than the present. Perhaps the history of nations would fail to give an instance where any people have a greater reason to complain of injustice than the free people of color at the present period. The most unreasonable, nnfound- ed and wicked charges are industriously spread. highly prejudicial to our peace and happiness.

And we are induced to believe that an extensive portion of these foul charges emanate fiom tiie Colonization Society, in order to facilitate their operations. Of this fact we are certain, that a society formed oo such basis and fraught with such pernicious con sequences would have been abandoned long since. if no arguments were oed but humanity and jus tice. Its advocates have found it necessary, and have omitted no opportunity to defame, misrepresent and libel tho character of the free colored population. Among the novelUe of modern enthusiasts, none are so deserving of censure and ridi-.