The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts on December 3, 1847 · Page 2
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The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts · Page 2

Boston, Massachusetts
Issue Date:
Friday, December 3, 1847
Page 2
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194 SE L E CTI O,N S GREAT MOVE IN WESTERN" VIRGINIA. ID We would direct the attention of our readers to the following interesting and important article, which is taken from the Louisville (Kv.) Examiner TheWthod, proposed in Dr. RoflTner'a Address, of removing Slavery from Weal Va., is far ico gradual to be realitcd. As in the West India Islands, there will be a universal ' demand for full emancipation, long ere tlte eipirati in of the period named by Dr R. w. r The Jtr$t ilep in the cause of Emancipation Takw. We tated some weeks fince, that nii'Enmn cipation move wouM bo niaile in lens than three month in West Virginia, ami mentioned the S rounds on which that move wouhl be based. ' We Jive, now the pleasure to inform our renders, that the hrst step has Iiecn taken nml thnt nn organ ized effort will lie mndo to rid this portion of the Old Dominion of Slavery. The first important circumstance to be notircil, n, that this step has been taken by slaveholder.-- themselves. The chief actor ia the Rev. Henry Ruffuer, D. D He is well known, personally or by character, throughout Virginia nnd Kentucky, as an able Divine of the Presbyterian Church, and one ot the learned men of the South. With him -" are associated S. McD. Moore, John Letcher, Da vid 1$. Curry, James G. Hamilton, George, A. linker, J. IL Lacy, John Echol.i, J;iincs R." (Jordan, Jacob Fuller, Jr., D. E., Moore nnd John W. r ii Her. All these are men of character, nnd nearly nil of them we know to ims slaveholders. Tiie second important circumstance is, the pi in-. ciple on which this move rests. It is, that every Slate, and every great division of a tato ought to, nnd, of right, may, in a manner of such great ilo mcstic importance ns that of slavery, judge and net for itself. We.-t Virginia differs in almost every particular from East. The Blue Ridge is the nat ural division between them. Slavery cannot thrive in West i irgiiua, without crushing it it once anl forever. With slavery in Eastern Virginia, tie slaveholders engaged in this move do not propose to interlere. We would simply, say they, 'raise a barrier against this Styginn inundation stand at the Blue Ridge, and, with sovereign energy, de clare to tins black sea of misery, 4 hitherto shall thou come, and no lurthcr. Tiie main idea, then, rests on the nction of Wes tern Virginia nsa whole. It is to be, in some sort a State action. ' Let us move as a body first,' s ty these slaveholders, 'and secure the main point.' t hat is, assert for nil West V irgniHi,yrao. iNoih ing less will satisfy her nothing less, as a principle, will enable her to succeed. But as the eman cipation scheme proposed is a gradual one, county action suggested to hasten the extinction of Sla very. Let the law authorize the people of anv county by some decided majority, or by the con sent of n majority of slaveholders, to oeerce the removal or emancipation of nil the slaves of such county nithin fixed period. If this woro done, counties having but few slaves would soon be free, and their example nnd action be followed quickly, by others having a large number of blacks. Thus West Virginia would, in a few years, lie free. An address to tiie people of West Virginia, 'showing that slavery is injurious to the public welfare, and thnt it may be gradually abolished, without injury to the rights or interests of Slaveholders', and developing n plan, has been published. We have' a copy of it, and shall commence its publication next week. Our render., North and South, will see some things in it which they may not like ivhicli they may think incorrect wrong, if you . please but let them, overlooking these, regard the main thing the certainty of the abolishment of Slavery in West Virginia in a way to secure the fullest justice to white and black. The power is now on the sealioard. Western Virginia is more populous than Eastern Virginia as regard whiles. Yet owing toan abominable apportionment system, her power is kept east of the Blue Ridge. One of the ablest of Western Virginians writes us : 'I hope you will receive nnd publish Dr. Ruff-ner's address. In many respects, your views coincide, i do not doubt he would have been more decided, as all of us would be, were it not, that the political strength is on the other side of the mountains, and would be dead against us if we as-lied too much, or went beyond the bounds of reason. Besides we nnd to look to the union of West Virginia itself. On the white basis, the freedom of Western Virginia, and independent county action, we will be united, and when, legally, we have the power to act, slavery will be destroyed forever in our mountain land with speedy resolution.' The address of Dr. Ruffner is n very able one. On the general subject the terrible influences of slavery it is conclusive; as to its deadly blight upon Virginia, it is strong, oAen eloquent, always practical. And we know not how a true Southerner can think of the one, or the other, can see decay written upon every thing which appertains to the industry of society, and not burn with anxiety to root out the cause. If he looks at the Free States, he beholds a dense and increasing population cities, towns and .villages growing up every where manufactures, agriculture, commerce :.l! all active and thriving. If he gazes upon the South with few exceptions he sees the reverse of the picture ; a sparse population ; cities, towns, and villages stationary or stagnant ; worn out fields nnd an exhausting agriculture ; manufactures limited ; commerce languishing. 'We have, comparatively speaking, none of the stir and bustle of industry, and, as Dr. Ruffnerays, if the stillness occasioned by. this decay be broken r.t all, it is only by the windy brawls of politics ! Hear what the address says of Virginia: Some Virginia politicians proudty yes, proudly, fellow-citizens, call our old Commonwealth, The Mother of Slates ! These enlightened patriots might pay her a stil! higher compliment, by calling her The Grandmother of States. For our purl, we ore grieved and mortified, to think of the lean nml haggard condition of our venerable mother. Her black children have striked her so dry, that now, for a long time past, she has nut milk enough for her offspring, either black or white. But, seriously, fellow-citizens, we esteem it a sad, a humiliating fact, which should penetrate the heart of every Virginian, that from the year 17D0 to this time, Virginia has lost more people by emigration, thun a'l the free states together. Lb to 610, when the last census was taken, she had lost more Jiy nearly 300,000. She has sent or we should rather say, she has driven from her soil at least one third of all the emigrants, who have gone from the old States to the new. More than unother third have gone from the other old slave Stales. Many of these multitudes, who have left the lave states, have shunned the regiojis of slavery, and have settled in the free countries of the West. These were genemlly industrious and enterprising white men, who found by sad experience, "hat a country of slaves was not the country for them. It is a truth, a certain truth, that slavery drives free laborers farmers, mechanics, and all, and some of the best of thetn too out of the country, and fills their places with negroes. Is this true? We all know it to be so.- What then ooffht we to do? Two nlternatives present themselves. We must cither take the position of South Carolina, and, for the perpetuation of slavery, sacrifice every thing, or else we must resort to emancipation. Can we do the first ? Are the mid-slave states ready to destroy the Union to t'orlad the commerce of the free States entering their borders to establish .commercial relations with Cuba and Brazil, for the sole object of extending negro-slavery ? Do they demand, will they think ot demanding, the creation of the Institution, in territory now free, and if this be not one, rend the government of the United States asunder ? We shall not insult their patriotism, or tnock their sense of justice, by supposing them ca (table of such folly or madness, l hey mil emancipate. At the projier time, and in their, own way, they will liberate the slave, ami thus free the white from as galling a curse as ever poor humanity inflicted u-on itself. But let ua eall attentiou to one feature of the ac tion of our friend in Weal Virginia. OasA nix axiom. From the Ohio to the Blue Ridge they are linked together. They know what they have to do. a liey Know war noiimig ih hardest I a I tor an accom olish their object. They have organized organized thoroughly, efficiently , o that they can circulate tract ana papers in every part of western Virginia, and have slaveholders at every point to assert their right and urge and defend emancipation. Have we such organization in Kentucky? May we not have it? Let ua lake courage) 'from this example of the Old Dominion, nnd 4i up with her in her noble and spirited move. Let up, to insure this, organize r.ou. : i : ' r - From the Louisville Examiner. EXTRACT FROM AN ADDRESS , To the people of West Virginia ; showing that Sis very is injurious to the publie welfare, and that it may be gradually abolished, without detriment to the rights and interests of slaveholders; by Hksrt Iter r s ea, D. D.t of Lexington, Va. We avow tho principle, that , every State and eveiy great division of a State, ought, in a domestic matter of such importance, to judge and act for itself. We disclaim all intention lo interfere with Slavery in East Virginia. We leave it to our brethren there to choose for themselves, whether they will modify it or abolish it, in one way or in another. Their slave population is relatively eight times as large as ours. The same remedy may not be expedient in such different stages of a disease. All that we ask of our Eastern brethren, in regard lo this mailer, is, that if West Virginia shall call for n law to remove Slavery from her s de of the Blue Ridge, East Virginia shall not refuse her consent, liecniise the measures may not be palatable to herself! Heretofore no such scheme for West Virginia only has been proposed among us; and no State has abolished Slavery in one part of her territory and retained it in another. For this reason some persons may at first thought consider such a scheme us unfeasible. A State composed partly of free, and partially of slaveholding territory, may seem to present a political incongruity, and to be incapable of conducting its public affairs harmoniously. To relieve the minds of those who may feel apprehensions of this sort, we offer the following suggestions: 1. Free States nnd slaveholding States have during fifty-eight years, lived peaceably and prosperously under one Federal Government. Sectional jealousies nnd occasional jars have occurred, but without evil consequence. 2. Nothing in the nature of the case need create difficulty, exc "pt the framing of laws that may affect the rights and interests of slaveholders. But an amendment of the Constitution could easily , provide for the security of slaveholders in East Virginia against nil unjust legislation, arising from the power of the Ar.ii-Slavery principles of the West. 3. After such nn emancipation law, as we propose, should lie passed for West Virginia, no immediate change would take place in the institution of Slavery among us; except that masters would probably choose to emancipate, r remove from the State, n larger numlier of slaves than heretofore. As only the next generation of negroes would be entitled to emancipation, the law would not Itegin its practical operation for twenty-one years at leas , and then it would operate gradually for thirty or forty years longer, before Slavery would be extinguished in West Virginia.' So that lor many years, the actual slave interest among us would not be greatly ilijninished. 4. There is, and has long been, in different parts of Virginia, every degree of difference, from the least to the greatest, lietween the slaveholding and nou-slaveholding interesis of the people. In some parts, the slaves are two or three times as numerous as the whites, nnd the. slaveholding interest overrules nnd absorbs everything. In other parts, not one man in n hundred ow ns a slave, and the slave-holding interest is virtually nothing. In West Virginia at large, the slaves being only an eighth of the population, and the slaveholding population less than one-eighth of the whites, the free interest predominates nearly as much as the slave interest predominates in East Virginia ; so that we have in practical tiperation, if not in erfection, that political incongruity of slave interest and free interest which is feared as a consequence of the measure that we propose. " 5. By allowing West Virginia her just share of representation, and, if she call for it, a law for the removal of plavery, East Virginia will do more to huimonize the feelings of tlx; State, than she ever has done, orcau do by a continued refusal. West Virginia- being then secured in her essenti.d rights and interests, will not desire a separation, nor be disposed to disturb the harmony of the Commonwealth. So far from aiding thedesigns of the Abolitionists, either in Congress or in our Legislature, both her feelings and her interest will make her more than ever hostile to that pernicious sect. G. If East VirginKtnpprehend, that the delegates from the free countries would often speak more freely about Slavery matters, than she would like to hear in her central city of Richmond, let her agree to remove the seat of government to Staunton, near the centre of our territory and of our white population, and she will Ie free from all annoyance of this sort. West Virginia would then appear no more like n remote province of East Virginia, and be no longer subject to the disadvantage of having all measures affecting her interest, acted upon by n Legislature deliberating in the heart of. East Virginia, and exposed lo the powerful influ ence of a city and n people, whose bland manners and engaging hospitalities nre enough to turn both the hearts and the heads of its rough mountuiueers, whether we be legislators or not. Having thus removed some grounds of misapprehension and prejudice respecting our views, we shall now proceed, fello.v citizens, to lay lie fore you some facts and arguments, which prove the expediency of abolishing Slavery in West Virginia, by a gradual process, that shall not cause any inconvenience either to society in general, or to slaveholders in particular. We use no theoretical or abstract arguments. We ground our conclusions upon farts and experience. Though the history of oilier ages and countries would furnish us with useful illustrations, we have not room in this address to extend our observations much beyond our own age nnd country. Nor is it necessary that we should ; for within these limits we have abundant materials for argument far more than we shall be t-ble to use on the present occasion. Nowhere, since time began, have the two systems of slave labor nnd free l-dor, been subjected to so fuir nnd so decisive a trial of their effects on public prosperity, as in these United States. Here the two systems have worked side by side forages, under such equal circumstances, both political and physical, and with such ample time and opportunity for each to work out its proper effects that all must admit the experiment to be now complete, and the result decisive. No man of common .sense, who has observe.; this result, can doubt for a moment, that the system of free lalior promotes the growth and prosperity of. States, in a much higher degree than the system of slave labor. In tho first settlement of a country, when labor is scarce and dear, Slavery may give a temporary impulse to improvement; but even this is not the case, except in warm climates, and where free men are scarce ami either sickly or lazy; and when we have said this, we have said all that experience in in the United States warrants us to say, in favor of the policy of employing slave lalior. It is the common remark of all who have travelled through the United States, that the. free States ai.d the slave Slates exhibit a striking contrast in their nppetirauce. In the old free States are seen all the tokens of proseriiy a dense and increasing population ; thriving villages, towns and cities; a neat and productive agriculture, growing manufactures and active commerce. In the older parts of the slave States with a few loc;.l exceptions are seen, on the contrary, too evident signs of stagnation or of positive decay a sparse imputation a slovenly cultivation spread over vast fields, that are wearing out, among others already worn out anil desolate, villages anil towns, 'few and far between,' rarely growing, often decaying, sometimes mere remuaiits of what they were, sometimes deserted ruins, haunted only by owl generally no manufactures, nor even trades, except the indispensable f;v commerce and navigation abandoned, as far as possible, to the people of the free States and generally, instead of the stir and bustle of. industry, a dull and dreary stillness, broken, if broken at all, only by the wordy brawl of politics. But we depend not on general statements of this sort, however unquestionable their truth may be. We shall present you with statistical lacts, aniwn from public documents of the higliest authority. We shall compare slave States with free States, in general and in particular, and in so many Kints of view, that you cannot mistake in lormmg your judgment of their comparative prosperity.' - Density and increase of population are, especiallo in the United States. Iioth an clement and a criterion of prosperity. The men of a State are its first element of power not only military power, and political power but what is of more importance productive tmwer.' The labor of men produces wealth, and with it the means of all human comfort fmd iroprorenent. Tb more men there are on a THE L1I square mile, the more power thr re is on that square mile, to create everything that conduces to the welfare of roan. We know that the natural resources of every country are limited; and that whenever there are 'men enough in a country to improve all its resources of wealth to the best advantage1, increase of population becomes an evil. But no State in thli Union has yet . approached that mint, no slave State haqjnlvanced half way to i . England still prospers w ith more than two hundred and fifty inhabitants to the square mile; Virginia languishes with only twenty, though she is by natuje almost as richly endowed ns England. Massachusetts thriven w'uh one hnndred inhabitants to the square mile; Virginia, considering her natural advantages, ought to thrive ns well with a much larger number: and so she w ould, if she had the same quality of men on iier son. ILr There is so much truth, and it is so applicable to our own and every community in the Free States, in the following from the A. S. Bugle, that we transfer it to our columns, in the hope that its suggestions may not be without effect. st. ANTI-SLAVERY SEWING CIRCLES. This is the season when Sewing Circles should fjourii-h most; and it is to be hoed if the friends of the slave in any neighborhood have suspended their gatherings for a Hide while, they have resumed them ere this if they have not, we fear they are losing time. The Fair of last year was attended with such good success, that another will be held some time during the coming Mimtner for the benefit of the Western Anti-Slavery Society,and it would be well to couimeucu our labors in season. Sewing Circles nre among the best means for agitating and keeping alive the question oi anti-slavery. Not only do they continually fan. the interest of those who personally engage in them, but their frequent meetings, their labor, anil the pro- ' ducts of their industry all exert an excellent influ ence in keeping the wrongs and the sufferings of Hie slave uelore the people. A friend m a neighboring town recently said to us, Our Sewing Circle is doing finely, nnd contributes very much to keep up the agitation of the subject. Some one of the members generally reads an mili-slavery book or paper to the others during the meeting, and thus some who don't get a great ileal of anti-slavery at home have an opportunity t f hearing it at the circle.' We hope that in those neighborhoods where there nre alioiitioriists, but no sewing circles, that immediate steps will lie taken to organize them, that thus they may aid in carrying forward the great cause of freedom. Don't, we leg of you, wait for each other to move ; if those w ho can lead best, will not do it, go forward yourselves anil set them a better example. One living Anti-Slavery Sewing Circle is worth more to humanity, and wiil accomplish more for the salvation of the country t! an tdl the Clay Clubs,, mid Taylor Clubs, nnd Democratic Clubs that eer have been or ever will be. Organize them in this, the best season for doing Circle work, and make your Circle such that it will be widely felt. Fear not but the products of your industry will be disposed of, for a great Fuir will undoubtedly be got up nex: year, nnd means taken to insure a sale. Although r. considerable amount of goods was left over from last year, yet we have no fear but that they will be disposed of and the proceeds placed in the Treasury before many months. Much, very much was learned by the experience of last year, and we think we can say the second Fair will be more satisfactory and more available. SILAS WRIGHTS OPINION OF THE WIL- . mot ruoviso. Much has been said in the newspapers in different sections of tl.e Union, relative to the sentiments of zilns Wright on the Wilmot Proviso. A correspondence on the subject, which took place in April last between the lamented statesman nnd James II. Titus, Esq., of this city, has lately been published in the Albany Atlas, and must put the question at rest- The following extracts from Mr. Wright's letter are sufficient to show that he had formed a decided opinion on the subject, and did not hesitate to express it: Journ. Com. I was not aware, therefore, that my opinions on the subject of the Wilmot Proviso had become a matter of newspaper discussion. 1 certainly was not aware that they could be a matter of dispute or doubt. I have not been nuibitious to promulgate my opinions upon this or any other public subject; but 1 have not at any time, as you are a double witness, whhheld the expression of thetn upon this subject when called upon to express them. If the question had been propounded to me at any period of my public life, shall the arms of the Union be employed to conquer, or the money of the Union be used to purchase territory now constitutionally free, for Iht; purpose of planting slavery upon it, I should have answered, No ! And this answer to this question is the Wilmot Proviso, as 1 understand it. I a:n surprised that any one tdiould suppose me capable of entertaining any other opinion or giving any other answer to such a nroiiositiou. The two conversations to which you allude, the one Jmd with yourself at Major Flagg's and the other held at the boarding house of Messrs. Town-send, Small, Stewart and Key ser, are fresh in rny recollection, and in both of which I expressed frankly, the opinions I entertained, both in relation to the" Proviso and Col. Young's resolutions and these opinions were decidedly favorable to both. I know it is not, in this case, my friends who are promulgating my opinions, but that they are trying to correct erroneous opinions imputed to me. My only object, therefore, in this remark, is to request that the subject may be disposed of s? far as Mr. Bryant and yourself shall think it practicable, without a protracted discussion. It may be closed before you get this; but if not, I suggest that yir. Bryant should say in a very summary way, that he has i.o knowledge of who the 4 warmest and most sincere friends of Governor Wright are, referred to by the Globe, but that he speaks from evidence that proves them mistaken ns to the opinions of that gentleman upon this subject; that he is opposed in principle to the conquest or purchase of territory, now free, for tho purpose of incorporating slavery upon it: that he thinks it an appropriate time to declare that principle, when an appropriation is asked to purchase the territory ; and that such a declaration, made at such a time, is not in opposition to tho administration, unless it be avowed that the administration wishes to acquire the territory for the extension of slavery, in which case he would think the administration wrong, and the declaration right. . Tha Church as it is : or the Forlorn Hope of S'atery ; lly Parker Pillsbort. Second Edition. Revised and Improved. Boston : Published by Bela Marsh, No. 25 Cornhill, We have received from the publisher a copy of . i i. i .1 :. : . . i i lniM iNHih, nnu imic irnu it in m i, uutr turn iu (Vilification ami profit.' For, although we differ from Mr. Pillsbury in some of bis sentiments and movements in respect to the Clergy and the Church, and think that even in this Itook, he applies too generally and indiscrimitely to them, as bodies, what is but partially applicable, yet he lias embodied, in this little volume, a collection of facts in respect to clerical attempts to prostitute religion and the Bible to the cause of slavery, which it would lie profitable for nil to read. We thank the author for bis faithful labor. Price of the book 15 cents. Christian Freeman. VET Robert C. Winthrop of Boston, is very freely spoken of as a candidate for the speakership of the House of Representatives in the next Congress. Of his quahnc&liqjis Tor a most accomplished Speaker, no one who knows him entertains a doubt. But, it would have given us far gretter pleasure to see him in that situation or any other for which his eminent talants and tact qualify - him, had he stood by his country in the hour of her peril, and recorded his vote with those of the immortal fourteen, against the Mexican War Bill. The passage of that bill, under the pretence of relieving our little army from the peril in which a reckless admiaistration bad placed it, has sacrificed thousands of livts, and more thai a hundred millions , of treasure. It sacrificed, too, what is more important than armies or navies-Truth, Justice, and Kational Honor. It placed in the . hands of wicked and unscrupulous men, the means sod power to inflict upon the nation evils wh eu it cannot outgrow in an age, and for which a thousand such administration could not atone. Those, therefore, who voted against the bill, voted for their county while those who voted for it merely voted for the administration (,This is a plain, broad, and palpable . distinction, which some, however, would gladly kcp,oat of right .VaicAif Spy1 ERATO R. THE LIBERATOR. BOSTON, DECEMBER 3,1847. TO THE SUBSCRIBERS TO THE LIBERA - TOR. The subscribers to the Liberator are aware that the Committee to whom Mr. Garrison has entrusted tbe financial affairs of the paper, yielded last year, with hesitation and reluctance, to the urgency of some ot its warmest friends, and reduced iu price. in tbe laitli that its list would be thereby much in creased. It was stated, at the time the change was made, that it was a mere experiment, and that if ii did not entirely succeed, tbe former terms would be restored. Alt iongh a very considerable addition has been made lo the sub?cripticn list, during the past year, it has not teen sufficient to justify the continuance of the new arrangement. The subscribers are, therefore, informed lhat from and after the 1st of J anuary, 1848, the terms of the Liberator will be what they were previously to the commencement of this volume, viz. U3 Two dollars and fifty cents in advance, and three dollars after six months. rfj Tbe Committee most earnestly hope, and most faithfully believe, that this change of price will produce no change in the substantial character of the subscription list. The friends of the Liberator are persons who regard its support as a Primary Anti-Slavery duty, and who will readily consent to this small, additional burden, for the purpose of putting its pecuniary affairs on an entirely easy footing. They will remember that the odd half dollar, wh "de-it is but a small tax upon each subscriber, makes a difference of nearly or quite a THOUSAND DOLLARS, in the receipts ! This statement will indi cate to the Anti-Slavery poblic the importance of the proposed change, and we are sure will secure to it their cordial consent and co-operation. FRANCIS JACKSON, ELLIS GRAY LORING, EDMUND QUINCY, SAMUEL PHILBRICK, WENDELL PHILLIPS Financial Committee. Boston, Dec. 1. IS47. OLD LIES NEW VAMPED. It is a thousand pities that the Whig Party cannot find within its borders a candidate that can neither rt-ad nor write.. It may well despair of success until it do. lis great men may have as many of the qualifications of Jack Cade as are needful for the fctock in trade of a political adventurer; but if the elect man 'use to write his name,' instead of having a mark to himself, like an honest, plain-dealing man, it will spoil all. At least, if reading and writing do 1 come by nature lo all Whigs, when the Party, or any portion of it, have pitched upon a candidate after their own hearts, they should incontinently treat him as the undutiful fathers and guardians in plays and novels do the heroines of the eamc, and lock him up from pen and ink, until the election ia decided. Now Mr. Clay, whom the Tribune and sundry other soi disant Anti-Slavery Whig papers have in training for a nomination, made a speech at Lexington, as our readers know. JJy way of happy prologue to the swelling act," he bnubued the Reporters and forbade any notes to be taken of his speech, for fear Heaven save the mark ! he should be misrepresented ! One of the Reporters, however, made from memory a sketch of the Speech, which made it out so much bi tter than it seems it leally was, that it came near persuading some simple ones that this pro-slavery Saul might yet be found among the Anti-Slavery prophets. But down sits Mr. Clay, and, seizing the lotal implements which have so often wrought him woe, undoes all tbat the friendly reporter had done for him, and writes himself down in black and white as arrant a political knave as his worst enemies would desire to see done. This comes of your reading and writing ! - Whatever ill opiniops may have been expressed of Mr. Clay by his unfriends, we do not know lhat he has ever been accused of being afoot. And yet fatuity, or dotage, is the only sufficient excuse for this farrago of profligate contradictions. He does not even observe the wholesome advice of Captain Absolute to his servant, and tell no more lies than are absolutely necessary. He is profuse even to prodigality of this base coin of bungling politicians. He has his usual luck, too, in his endeavors to look North and South at the same time. He tries to imitate Mr. Facing-both-ways so vilely, that neither point of the Compass, if it have common sense, will give him credit for meaning to look that way. The attraction o one pole seems to compensate for that of the other, so that he hangs, like Mahomet's coffin, between the two, in an awkward attempt to persuade each that his moral gravitation, nn the whole, lies in its direction. What he says about Slavery will alienate the South, while it will (or should) disgust the North. The one will see, and the other ought to see, that such a man is not to be trusted with his own interests; much less, with theirs. As a political leader, he is the worst of criminals, for he is an incorrigible blunder-head. It is quite impossible to 6how up this speech as it should be done, in the limits of a newspaper article. We can but cursorily glance at its inconsistencies and inconsequences. By way of beginning well, he g'ves a back-handed blow. jnst. Had it but bten from uanda less near !) at the Whigs who voted for the War-Act, and tells them, that though he cannot doubt their patriotic motives, tbat they lied, in doing so ; a thing which, almost idolizing truth as he does ' (we all know what description of men and women are loudest in their assertion of their own truth and virtue) he " never, never 'could have done. Having thus conciliated the large segment of the Whigs represented by tliose gentlemen, he bethinks him of the leaven of the old Federal party which is mingled . with the Whig lump, and tries to make himself agreeable in that quarter. So he rakes up the half forgotten slang of his old party about the opposition of the Federalists .o the War of 1S12, only with the new and startling fact that they admitted the justice ef the Jfar,' and ends wkh a fling at the Hartford Con vention, implying that its object was the Dissolution of the Union. Now it is sufficiently notorious to have reached the ears of Mr. Clay, that that Con-veafion, the only spark of spirit which .New England b&s shown since the Revolution, and of which she has been ashamed ever since, though it was com- pivsed of men the dust from whose shoes he was never worthy to wipe on, was intended to prevent and not to promote Dissolution. We are sorry, for it - but so it was. Its object was to afford -a vent for the indignation of New England, groaning under a war waged with her interests, when she was all ready for Disunion. There tcere leading men in the Federal Party who were for having the people of Kew England maintain their rights, peaceably if they could, forcibly if they must. But they were carefully left out of the delegations.. And as one of them foretold at the time, the result of the Convention was a great Pam phut, which served for a tub to the whale, for the nonce. ... But that war waa one of National Defence,' for the vindication of the national rights and honor,' it seems iu object was Free Trade and Sailor's Rights against the intolerable and oppressive acts ol British power.' Was it ao, indeed ? ; Then, . Mr. Commissioner Clay, what business had you, oa the 24th of December, 1814, to sign a Treaty of Peace in which not one of these .grievances was so much as mentioned, touch less redressed ? Why did you leave the national rights ' and honor, Free Trad aad Sailors'. Rights," and all the teat of it, Tjuat as they were before the first gun wa tired ? Or did yon think that an 'American Tariff would answer yonr purposes in favor of Free Trade aad Sailors' Rights as well as British artillery ? But even yon eonld hardly have foreseen, when yon helped pot this saddle on tbe back of New England, that her sons would ever bold the stirrup for you to vault in to it, tbe twice yon fell on tbe other side.. When Mr. Clay comes to the somewhat puzzling question of what we shall do with Mexico when we have got her ?' he justly urges the difficulties which stand in the way of her Annexation. But tbe most impracticable obstacle to such a consummation is hinted at thus. Is every Mexican, without regard to color or caste, to exercise the elective franchise?' Tbere'a the rub! Ther is no prejudice of color in Mexico. Several of the Generals taken by General Scott were negroes. It always perplexed ns bow tbe Editor of the Era was to get over this difficulty, when he bad succeeded in getting all Mexico, by a succession of petty larcenies. Mr. Clay goes dead against the annexation of Mexico. And so he did against that of Texas. But now Texas is an integral part, of the Union, he scouts the idea of not holding on to her. . So whenever Dr. Bailey shall have annexed Mexico, ho will find a firm friend in Mr. Clay. But it is when he reaches the slavery question that Mr. Clay shines forth in full effulgence. His positions are not les insultingly impudent than those of his famous speech in 1839. We have print-ed the entire speech on our first page, so that our readers can judge for themselves, and we commend it to their careful attention. Observe the parade he makes of his Anti-Slavery words and works. And precious ones they are. Slavery is a great evil and wrong, be fears an irremediable one to the blacks. : But nobody is to blame for it, 'except tint abominable Great Britain, who compelled the unhappy colonists to buy slaves, in spite of their tears and en -treaties. The power of emancipation is in the Slave Stales, and the blucks cannot be 'emancipated and invested with all the rights of freemen without 'collisions, conflicts, rapine, carnage, etc." If so, why need the emancipating Slates 'invest them with all the rights of freemen !' The blacks are not invested with equal rights with white men, in any of the Slates except Massachusetts, Maine, New-Hampshire and Vermont; and disgraceful to the majority of the other States as their condition is, it isr a vast deal better than Chattel Slavery. But then, in the next paragraph, Mr. Clay proves that the Atrican race is capable of carrying out self-government, fighting. Annexation and all, as well as the best of us. We do honestly believe that if the Slave States would only let the blacks govern them awhile they would find it for their advantage. Then follows the stereotyped twaddle about the abolitionists having retarded Emancipation. - Either thiai is a lie, or the Slaveholders have shown themselves most outrageoirsly ungrateful to their best friends. And Mr. Clay, it seems, really thought, fifty years ago, that it would be safe to restore a handful of colored people to themselves, gradually and prospectively, be it observed, so that by this time the State would be nearly ri Lof that reproach ! Valiant Mr. Clay! Courageous State of Kentucky ! Then do not fail to note the exuberant piety of this newly baptized son of the Church. See now what is presently denounced as an evil inflicted upon us by Great Britain becomes, in the bands of this neophyte a blessing oonferred by the Almighty upon the African race, their moral and physical condition having been iuiproved by the process ! And iP (modest Mr. Clay) 4 if it should be the decree of the Great Ruler of the Universe, that . their descendants should be the instruments in His hands (mark ye !) 'in the establishment of Civilization and Christianity throughout Africa, our regrets on account of the original wrong, will be greatly mitigated!' That is some comfort, at any rate. . The political morality of the closing paragraphs. of the Speech ia a match for the private morality of the previous ones. It would do honor to the dram shop, the gaming-house or the stews. Mr. Clay had to provide for the inference from his admission' of the injustice of Slavery, of the necessity of an instantaneous reparation of it. But it seems it is not always safe, practicable or possible for States to repair the infliction of previous injustice ! After the injustice is fairly done, there is no alternative but to acquiesce in it as a less evil than the frightful consequences which might ensue from the vain endeavor to repair it !' A comfortable doctrine, truly ! We have only to do any rascality that seems pleasant or profitable unto us, and then frighten ourselves with the horrid consequences of undoing it and it is made all right ! . What was a wrong is now a necessity. And Mr. Clay instances the Annexation of Texas, the stealing of the Indian lands, and the repudiation of the Continental currency, as cases in point ! We would simply reply to this that the United States have no claim to Texas, and the holders of the Indian lands (which Mr. Clay says they hvefairfy purchased) no title to tbem, except that of the robber to his booty, and that the refusal to redeem the ' Continental Currency was simple swindling, which might have been saved by apply ing lo this purpose half the money that has been wasted on the Slaveholders', wars. It is edifying, af terthis, to look back and read Mr. Clay's homily on the value of ' an unsullied character. ' It is impossible to estimate it too highly, in society, when at tached to an individual, nor can it be exaggerated or too greatly magnified in a nation ! And then the holy horror with. which he turns up his eyes at the Partition of Poland ! As if these dismemberments of our ownhand our daily national life, did not .whiten that iniquity into a virtue! ' In short, this speech of Mr. Clay's is eminently wicked and super-eminently foolish.. It cannot hold a candle to Mr. Webster's, and John Van Bureu's beats it all to nothing. In point of ability and apparent honesty, we mean. It ":s a very .mediocre production, quoad speech ; and it has no redeeming virtue to oSTset its mediocrity. We should think that it must settle the question of his nomination.' It must be hard times with the Whig party, if they have no better log than this oat of which to make their Mercury. We are not a Whig nor the son of a Whif; We merely overlook the game. But we do like to see it well played. We hate to see a good band thrown away. It is charming to see bow tbe Dem ocrats make the best of their cards. -' It is skill rather then luck that has given them the game so often. The Whigs have excellent cards in their hand, now, and if they don't sacrifice then they have a good chance of winning. But they will probably ruin themselves by f messing. And they will deserve it, if they try to erect this sorry Knave into their Ace of Trumps. o.. .. GEORGE THOMPSON AlfD BRITISH IHDIA. ' It is well known to all the readers of. the Liber ator that this distinguished man has for several years past exerted bis great energy and abitHies for the redress of the wrongs of India. This he, bat done, not merely because of the demand of the suffering millions of that vast peninsula upon his " humanity and that of the British people but because be thought he discerned in that direction a way for , the Exodua of tbe captives ia our own house of: bond age, to whose deliverance he has devoted many- of his best years.and in whose cause he shrank not from the proffered crown of .Republican Martyrdom., . In the year 1839 the British India Society was formed for the purpose of agitating this question and bring ing the general mind of the nation up to the point of East Indian Reform. Of. this movement Mr. Thompson waa the Expounder..- His speeches aad lectures, which were, most of them 1 reprinted in this country, together with "the other machinery pot : ia "motion by thai-Body, wtje- prodnaipg a wide ac VOLUME XVII.MO.XLlX. dep impression upon the people of England and Scotland. In 1840, however, the Corn-law Question came up and swallowed all others of a remoter interest. : . ; . ; , - . . . Mt. Thompson, finding that Ibis torrent waa not lo be resisted, wisely ee wit to it M,rM and threw himself, into the. stream. This, however. Ant. MMAn m nl.f m. am id. a . i - . . "V " wu uv ymt h vi ine-. Anii-i urn law leaders, that they woold join with him in bis struggle for the redress of East Indian misgovern-ment, whn they had succeeded in removing this grievance at Loin. This vfforl kiin W -... ed with success, and Mr. Thompson betng elected to Parleameat, and having, in the meantime, improved his practical knowledge of bis subject, Wy a; visit to India, the time bad clearly arrived for the renewal of tbe East Indian agitation. Accordingly -on Tuesday evening, Oct. 2G.h, a meeting, vm held at tbe Eastern Institution, Commercial Road, for the purpose of giving Mr. Thompson an opportunity lay ingix-fore his constituency or tbe Tower Ham-lets 'the plan f conduct he had laid down for himself as their member. Thia meeting be addressed at length, in a most luminous aad vigorous speech. in wnicn ne maae it clear tbat tbe interest as well as the honor, of the British People was involved in this vindication of the rights of that vast dependency. Mr. Thompson .asked the permission of his constituents to devote himself to the leadership on this question, while he pledged himself not to neglect his duty on other subjects more directly affecting the welfare of the British People. Thia consent the assembly accorded in the .most cordial and enihusi- This Speech we shall spread at length before our readers, by the express direction of Mr Garrison, next week. This w ill be done, not merely on account of the interest which we believe they will take in the subject matter of the Speech : but chit fly s. because a large portion of it is devoted lo the evolution of Mr. Thompson's views as to the effect which the Reforms he proposes, acting through the English Cotton-Market, wili have upon American Slavery.' He traces the history of tbe Culture and Manufacture of Cotton, and shows how almighty has been their influence in building up and peroet-uating Slavery. He shows the resources of India for the production of this staple, and the practicability of increasing the crop to such an extent as to drive the American article out of the Market. Cotton he concieves to be the niain bulwark and defence of Slavery, and if it can be reduced - below a living, if not a remunerative profit, that American Slavery will die ofiuanition. Thus, with the philosophy of Cbatlfam, though in a different spirit, he-proposes 'to conquer America in India !' The views of such a friend to the Anti-Slavery Cause as Mr-Thompson has proved himself lo be, on such a question as this, deserve tbe fullest and most respectful attention. And in saying this, we are sure we speak the mind of every sincere Abolitionist. We anticipate a very great amount of good to our cause from the agitation of the British India question in the British Parliament, anl before the British people. . We believe that its agitation and its successful issue most have influences which cannot be even guessed at, upon the condition of our Slavery. But we do not share in the sanguine forebodings of Mr. Thompson as to the absolute certainty that tbe accomplishment of all he asks for India will be the achievement of all he hopes for America. Slavery does not exist in the United Slates because of the vtallh the slaves produce ; but because of the power which our Constitution of government gives lo the masters in virtue of their ownership in them. We believe every intelligent slaveholder knows that the wealth of the Slave Slates would be . i a a - vastly increasea iy emancipation. Uul by that ast the sceptre of political sovereignty would pass from them. Tho existence of Slavery gives to tbe compact aristocracy formed by it the absolute control of the whole machine of State, the appointment of Presidents, the making of laws, the dictation ol policy. It is tbe means whereby they bold the keys of the Treasury of the Nation. When did an Aristocracy ever resign tbe element which gave them their power, es long as they could hold on to it? The English Aristocracy, doubtless, know that if the .aws relating to land, by virtue of which they have in limes past governed the Nation, and which still give x them so potential a voice in it, were abrogated, it would be fur the general good of tlte people, and perhaps for their own wealth, but have they ever been willing, as a body, to relinquih any or the privileges which gave them their political supremacy, except upon strong compulsion? Much les an aristocrncy founded on ownership in human flesh, and vastly farther removed from popular and political influences, than the landed aristocracy of England. It is true that absolute starvation might bring the slaveholders to terms ; but it by no means follows that because tbe culture of cotton ia the only profitable way of employing slave labor, now, that no other way could be devised, should this fail. There are other tropical productions to which it may be turned. The resources of the earth are no more tt.K. M.tafl iK.n tlftlA vC ttl kft.mttM ... iml fj.l..H a portion of it may yet be used in manufacturing raw material to be imported from India! Who knows f' Stranger things have happened. The immensely in-- creasing demand of our own country, too, will help to support the system here. At any rate, we may be , . assured, that as long as the Slaveholder can get la-. bor enough out of his slave to keep him alive, be will cling to his System. Wealth is but a very secondary consideration with him. The stale of thing a is widely different now, from what it was st the. point of time just preceding the introduction of Cot-ti,. '.i .inn ....... :i. i. n IUU. AMCU 1 . . .WW. t.frwu WWM NlCUUli 1UH we have clotbed it with our own. . Then, it was a tottering institution, trembling to its, fall. Now, we i a : : . l. . i. i : i i imic fuufijrcu i up niin iiw uuie pojsicai ana moral force of the whole country. Then Slavery her reverence. Now, she can stand against the or!d, for we have placed the crown of oar Repab- i-'i t- ' ' 'j . I . lican sovereignty on acr nu ing uic sec-pin; v dominion in bcriand. Her attitude is a very different one now from what it was sixty yesrs since. .East India Cotton will make one ot tbe elements ot her overthrow, we doubt not; but it will by no- . means be tbe only one. Tbe very length of time - ' a 0- - a - - required lor tne successmi issue or mat experiment . will ffive so sagacious and wily a power as Slaverrl ample opportunity to provide for its own interests. . - U .V r .1 . ft . and onr other Anti-Slavery friends in the British ' Islands tnci? in the cause of East India Re for ok for' its own sake, and for tbe sake of its incidental aid to the movement against American tiaverr. that they will not identify tbe one with tbe other ; nor think that they are doing their whole duty to , ' the alive in promoting the rights of tbe Hindoo. The one will help the other, but they are not iden- i . tical. Good government and plenty may crown the .. banks of the Ganges, while slavery and misery de- : . . I ft. - - , - - M . . t r ' iorm inose oi tne Mississippi - im two cnu-ijinira ' are essentially distinct, though kindred and mutually helpful. Chattel slavery is the Giant Enemy of the - hnman race. : It is a monster oa whose head every ' nation should set a price, not its nanters are, alter '. all, but a handful, scattered wide' over the face of tha globe, s We can spare: no strength, ot' energy. . : from the. direct attack. Let onr anti-slavery friends ' give, loeinserves with what zeal lbey may to tbe de- 1 li vertnee of the Indian ; . but , let them not bate , one . jot of their labors for the redemption of the elav-o. . - : TlM ii l " V " . Ii ' ' - ''i t "J- T:i ;-t - i i i -. f t ;. I IS . - 'J ' T" -1 Ta he hung for Stealig a S. At tbe lata. . Court of General Sessions . for Darlington, 8- C. James Carlisle plead guilty to the charge of selhag -a negro slave belonging to Mr. P. W. Piedger, at4,T : vm senUntei ta aov as Friday, tha $3uVfeV Zi.,

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