The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts • Page 1

3- TiTnTITiA --i. is rcausHr.D EVERY FRIDAY MORNING, AT tui 4 ANTI-SLA VERY OFFICE, 21 COBNHILL ROBERT F. WALLCCT, General Acint. 53-Tkrms Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, in advance. C2T Fire copies will be sent to one address for toc dollars, if payment be mivle in a ranee.

PT. All remittances are to bo made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to (post paid,) to the General Agent. Advertisements making less than one square in- three times for 75 cents one square for $1 00. RTThe Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and Ohio Anti-Slavery Societies are authorised to receive subscriptions for the Liberator. E2T The following gentlemen constitute the Financial Committee, but arc not responsible for any of the debts of the paper, Frakcis Jackson, Ellis Grat LoRixo, Edmund Qcixct, Samcel ruiLOBiCK.

and lVcvntri. Piiimi E5T In the columns of The Libkbator, both sides very question are impartially allowed a bearing. ii II tv rkOftvc 7 i mi litcness, and worthy only of being contrasted with the authoress ol Uncle Jom Uaom a wise, moderate and genuine book, of quiet and temperate You-find no invective Why, the book is just one long outpouring of passionate indignation, an invective from first to last, and deserving of all honor for an outspokenness that was above your crawling proprieties. 4 The people of the free States have defended, encouraged and participated, and are more guilty for it before God than the South says the authoress of fuegreo. Garrison has spoken no more than truth.

Why should he speak less than truth For fear of offending some who are not so easily to be shocked at the 4 improprieties of slaveholding I will be as harsh as is his own noble answer, 4 and as uncompromising as This Professor of polite politics would have him not so harsh as truth, and not so uncompromising'as justice. 4 We would have Mr. Garrison to 6ay I will be as harsh as progress, as uncompromising as Success The shabby sentiment is worthy of some flunky of the Dutch Napoleon. IDs tools are all as harsh as progress and as unconiprising as success. Honesty, says the unprincipled, is not the best policy.

My son get success: honestly, if most convenient else let not honesty be mentioned to ears polite. To do good by good means, is to adapt one 8 sell lO circumstances. avoiu nursnness, speak pleasantly to. tyrants, talk mincingly of the respect due to Outrage and most abominable i i Crime, lest they or their abettors should 4 set their faces against you for What sneaking cur is this that, having been coaxed into sitting ur prettily to besr for iustice. thinks his accom plishment may entitle 'him to yelp at the heels of fcpare your bad breath your cowara-lv policies and unmanly proprieties will never disgrace the Hero of the Abolition Movement.

Garrison has spoken truth. But how As suited the occasion. He has not offended against tho highest law of propriety. Methinks, most amiable and polite physician! it is some offence against propriety to administer a soothing syrup when tho patient should have a mustara piaster Hero is Garrison's justification of his tone: a justification (italicized) left ouc by tho tender-oon- scienced carper who slunk between his words to find a text for his sermon on convenience I am aware that many object to the severity of my language; but is there not cause for severity? I will be as harsh as truth and as uncompromising as justice. I am in earnest I will not-equivocate I will not ex cuseI will not retreat a single inch and I will be heard.

The apathy of the people is enough to make every statue leap from its pedestal, and to hasten the, returrection of the dcwl. It is pretenrtea tnat i am retarding the cause of emancipation by the coarseness of my invective and the precipitaucy of my measures. Tho charge is not true. On this question, my influence, humble as it is, is felt at this moment to a considerable extent, and shall be felt in coming years, not perniciously, but beneficially, not as a curse, but as a blessing, and posterity will bear witness that I am So let every earnest man sav, and leave unheeded tho crinrinz of professors. The aiudhu of the peo ple is tho justification of harsh words, which the earnest, loving soul of Garrison would gladly have been snared, lho apathy of the people, mainly resulting from the polite policies of compromisers, is the justification of many another word as harsh as Garrison's.

Let the honest speak out his soul's deepest truth, careless of these sham proprieties, careful rather to bear before God a true witness, in word as uvll as in deed, against tho iniquities of the time. Let him ponder well both the conduct and the success of Garrison, and take counsel of no accommodating professor, but of his conscience and the necessities of truth. Wisely the poet (Lowell) says Let cs steak puis there is more force in names Than most men dream of and a Lie may keep Its throne a whole age longer, if it skulk Behind the shield of some fair seeming name. You have urged that Kossuth thought not so. Toadvin" again.

He has his reward, tie was 4 polite too here in fcngiana, test no snouiu set our slaveholders against him. here is his influence! More rigid honesty had Drought him nearer to the praise that Emerson bestowed in vain, complimenting him as 4 the foremost soldier of when his friends were constrained to wonder if he could recognizo Freedom out of a Magyar uniform. The foremost soldier1! Let it bo safd, thero was not an unregarded Pole among all of those who proceeded him fromShumla, that that was not a truer soluier ot universal ireeuom and a better republican than the applauded Maybe be wiser in' future. We also can quote 4 Mazzini's aphorism'' Let us anathemize none, out strive to uireei an them, you must sometimes call loudly, and plain ly too, even though you do not curse. ir.

i.n li-irslilir but not more harshly than seemed good, nor without truth. Mr. llolyoako also was earnest once out ne nas laueu nnhnnnnv nursiiits. In an are whose greatest evil is the absence of faith, he sets tiiirxulf tr. im.l.rniinA th vprv irround of faith i in an ago of low aims, he can labor only to make men's aims yet lower in a wuu jiwv on." exclusive individualism, which prevent all combination for tho sake of progress, he preaches atheism, which is the justification of selfishness and while all earnest men are deploring the apathy of the masses, the tameness of fliu urfinf rr ufi-iiirhf fiirwardness and inte grity of jife, ho obtrudes his pusillanimous apologies for paltering and convenient equivocation.

His pitilul notions ne carries out less pmsuiy. it was convenient to drop the name of Atheism, though he does notceaso to disseminate his atheistic folly it was convenient at a friend's request to plot for the liberticide Palmerston and the assassin Graham, and equally convenient to deny that he had done so he required a personal iuduoement lefore ho would help the Subscription for European Freedom and personal convenience is his highest law in estiniatinz the value of Garrison's glorious ly consistent life. It may be harsh to say ot him tinned cross between the Atheist and tho Jesuit, an obsequious seeker of 4 Success that we doubt bis sincerity, and bid men beware bis guidance. It is as THE CIIUKCII AND SLAVERY. Tim fnHou'inrr PI tract is from a Lecture delivered bv Ilev.

George Armstrong, on American blavcry, fv lt. The attendance was large, and the discourse occupied an hour and a alt in delivery om Amrimi SI aver is nothinz to us Is it nothing that tho Gospel we live by is dishonored ana imperiled ny me ioui uusubct which it is applied, made the sanction of all wrong, and tho teacher of all infamy Is it nothing that Infidelity holds its sides in very laughter as its grave and reverend exponents ministers of the Grace of God in a self-called Christian land are bold enough thus to speak in the face of a listening and astonished world? What says the Rev. Jas. Smylie of a Southern Presbytery one in honor and acceptance over a wide portion of the American Church If Slavery be a sin, and advertising-and apprehending slaves with a view to restore them to their masters, is a direct violation of the divine law and if the buying, selling, and holding a slave, for the sake of gain, is a heinous nin and scandal, then verily three fourths of all the Episcopalians, Methodists, Baptists and Presbyterians in eleven States of this Union are of the Devil. They hold, if they do not buy and sell, slaves, and, with few exceptions, they hesitate not to apprehend and restore runaway slaves when it is in their power "We need not prosecate the charge further.

We have the accused confessing the crime.1 And all that remains is to cleanse our own souls by guarding our Church, guarding our homes, guarding our platforms, guarding our pulpits, guarding our literature, guarding our children, guarding ourselves from association, recognition, or any personal or social countenance whatever, with, of, or in regard to institutions, persons, churches, so polluted, so unblushing, and so presumptuous. But then you ask us to do so ungracious a 4 What we rebuke others, who dare not cast a first stone For really we are srcii sinners And so this sham humility wearing the meinof a Gospel grace helps to save from a disagreeable duty. Why, I you are sinners but so am I and yet you suffer me to preach to you And, none may preach, or teach, or exhort, till all are pure as angels, the buyers and sellers of nfn could ask for nothing better; for then they might drive their trade without question or without hindrance! Even Apostles were sinners. But we read: if one Apostle may sin, another may blauia. And so Paul, of Peter, and Barnabas the one of whom 4 he withstood to the face, because he was to bo Warned and both of whom he took to task, 4 because they walked not uprightly according to the truth of the 4 But why trouble us to interfere in this matter; seeing we have so much to do at Then do it, in the name of God And let us see how earnestly you, who object, are helping the world to bo better and happier than it is having your heart open, and your hand spread, for every good word, and work.

Only this remember These ye ouht to do, and not to leave the other So long, then, as Slaverv exists so. long as a man is Ik light and sold so long as God is made, tho author so long as Christ is made the approver of this dark thing just so long as you love God, would sarve Christ, and save your own souls in the presence of Him who will require these poor ones at your hands you have work to do and may riot, and must not fail in its doing. have abstained from the secular and economical aspects of this question of American Slavery. If I had addressed myself to that branch of the subject, we could have proved how God and truth are ever at unity with themselves; and that what is hurtful and base in morals, can never be profitable, even iu tho interests of'the world. Virginia is a Slave State, ahd is perishing.

Ohio, its neighbor, is a Free State, and is flourishing, and increasingly flourisRing and so all through and everywhere. Neither have I stopped to prove that God, and Christ, and Holy Scripture, do not speak the things which Slaveky and its Chaplains apply themselves to find in it. I would not so affront, so wound you. But I have endeavored to do that which you needed, to arouse your Sympathies' by informing you of facts and to call you to make use of that great instrument to human progress the love of reputation the loVe-of praise by showing to one great branch of our human brotherhood, that it cannot take its place among the things we honor, reverence, and praiso so long as this blood-mark clings to its skirts so long as this blot attaches to its name. It must bo obvious, then, brethren, that our duty in relation to this matter is first, to inform ourselves, and then to inform others first, to feel ourselves, and then to get others to feel.

You cannot.be neutral you cannot be silent. Facts, terrible facts, are accessible on every side. Then gather them up and use them. Some of the facts I have already indicated. I have not time for more, or more you might easily have.

But this fact you must not go away without having adequate testimony as to its existence and its mischief. I mean, the active as well as passive influence of the Church, in upholding the Institution of Slavery in the American Union. It is especially for this reason, I have at this great length, and with much exhaustion perhaps to you, as certainly to myself, addressed you on this subject this evening. At page 403 of the Ket to Mrs. btowe great worlc, you may the propositions deliberately laid down by American churches, and their authoritcs, on institution of Slavery.

see tho the From the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Reporter. MRS. HARRIET BEECIIER STOWE. Since our last, we have been favored with copies of an address to Mrs. Stpwe, from the Committee of the Glasgow Female Anti-Slavery Society, and with Mrs.

Stowe's reply. They will be read with much interest, and we have great pleasure in inserting them. A notice of this Society appeared in the May number of the Reporter. ADDRESS From the. Committee of tlie Glasgow Female Anti-Slavery Society, to Mrs.

Harriet Dccchcr Si ire, authoress of 4 Uncle Tom's Dear Madam We beg leave to welcome you to Scotland, and to express to you our wishes that your visit to Britain may aflbrd you much pleasure and satisfaction. We offer you our grateful and cordial thanks for the production of Uncle Tom's Cabin a work which will ever endear you to every friend of liberty, which has exerted, and we believe will continue to exert, a powerful influence throughout the world, in hasteuing the abolition of slavery, especially of slavery in the Southern States of America where three millions of our fellow-creatures, men, women and children, are held in intolerable bondage, by those who are not only of the wine lineage with ourselves, and who in their most solemn public documents declare that all are entitled to liberty, but held by those who are professors of Christianity, which proclaims that one of its great objects is to give liberty to the captive, and to let tho oppressed go free. Our Society was formed in 1841, and was by its Constitution based on the principle of uniting all( in anti-slavery effort, irrespective of political or religious opinions. Our main object was to cooperate with, and aid the American Anti-Slavery Society, by contributions to the National Anti-Slavery Bazaar, held at Boston. We have, since that time, annually done so, and Lave the pleasure of knowing that our contributions, with those from kindred Societies in Britain and Ireland, haveprov ed serviceable to our American friends, and to the abolition cause.

Knowing the American Anti-Shivery Society to consist of many of the earliest, most earnest and talented abolitionists, and that it has faithfully adhered to tho broad and catholic basis of its Con stitution and believing it to bo tho most powerful (tublic instrumentality to arouse and change pubic opinion in America, wo consider it to be our privilege and our duty to continue our relations with them. Wa will continue to aid, as we have hitherto done, other branches of the cause as occasions arise, and at the same time endeavor to keep op in it A i T.i a i. i ii mis country a neaitny staro ot pu-jiic opinion, 011 the great question of universal emancipation. We present our best wishes for your welfare. and pray that you may be long spared to gire that powerful aid to the abolition cause, by which you have already been so greatly distinguished.

We are, dear Madam, Yours, respectfully and faithfully, For tho Committee of the Glasgow Female Anti-Slavery Society, MARY WELSH. ELIZA ANDERSON, Secntanet. Glasgow, 14th April, 1853. To this address, Mrs. Stowe returned the follow ing reply Glasgow, April 17, 1853.

To the Committee of the Glasgow Female Anti-Slavery Society. I have read with satisfaction the address hand ed me, and desire to express to you my thanks for the many kind expressions it contains, and tor the sympathy which it breathes for the great cause in winch my labors are engaged. Deeply do I regret that my present feeble state bf health has prevent ed me from a personal interview with you. But I have felt, that if I would prolong my days of usefulness, and accomplish the good I might, it must be by carefully husbanding the little strength left me, especially in this crisis of great excitement and emotion. Although I do not, in soino important respects, agree in opinion and practice with that branch of the Anti-Slavery party to which you adhere, still I deeply sympathizo with the laudable zeal and and highly appreciate the important services they have rendered to tho cause of emancipation.

It seems to me that the friends of this great enterprise, avoiding all causes of irritation or dispute, and agreeing to differ on points where they cannot see alike, and preserving each its own separate organization, should mutually strive to do all they can for the common work, assisting each other whenever opportunity oflors, hindering each other never and maintaining a two-fold organization, simply as a means of preventing collision of opposite views. Such are tho ideas I have expressed to my respected friend, Mr. Garrison forwhom, notwithstanding on many points I find myself unable to agree with him, I feel a very sincere friendship and respect. In this country, I am well aware you possess the power to do much good for this sacred cause. Deeply would it be deplored should any thing occur to discourage you, or turn you aside from that work nor ought any to withhold from you the just tribute of honor and admiration which disinterested devo tion and genuine philanthropy ever merit.

Wishing you every blessing, and an increasing measure of usefulness, and commending you to Him who came to open the prison door and let tho captive go free, I remain, sincerely your friend, II. B. STOWE. Mart Welsh, Eliza Anderson, For the Committee of the Glasgow Female Anti-Slavery Society. From the If.

Y. Herald. UNITED STATES COMMISSIONERS' COURT. Before George TV. Morton, Esq.

A WHITE BOY CLAIMED UNDER THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. July 2. In the matter of John Van Orden, claimed as an apprentice, and arrested as a fugitive from ter-' rice and labor, by John Randall, of JVew Jersey. This case came up originally before Mr. Commissioner Bridgham, on a warrant issued by him.

The testimony and arguments were heard by him, but before a decision, the papers were withdrawn, anduponanew petition and affidavits, a warrant was issued, returnable before me at 11 A. M. yesterday. On this hearing it was agreed by the counsel for the claimant and apprentice, that the testimony takenbefore Mr. Bridgham should be received as evidence, with liberty to the counsel for tho claimant to introduce new and further testimony as to the escape of the apprentice.

The counsel for the claimant contends that the words and meaning of section and 4 of the constitution, and the acts of 1793 and 1850, may possibly apply to fugitive slaves, but are infinitely more applicable to fugitive apprentices, servants, redemptioners, ic. The statute makes it imperative npon the Commissioner to hear and determine cases of this nature in a summary manner. Having been furnished by the counsel for the claimant of the alleged fugitive with the written evidence and papers, and having taken the additional testimony, and having listened attentively to the able arguments of the Messrs. Rosevelts, for the claimant, and those of Mr. W.

A. Butler, P. Hamilton and W. Q. Morton, Jor the alleged fugitive, and examined the various authorities cited, an opportunity has been afforded me of examining the subject with some care.

The evidence proves that the person claimed as a fugitive from service was an apprentice, under voluntary contract by indenture, to learn the making of shoes, and came to New York without permission, and refused to return. This evidence does not describe a person 4 held to service or labor within the meaning of the third section, fourth article of the constitution of the United States, and of the acts of Congress passed 1783 and 1850. Tho word 4 person' in the constitution, and in the sense used therein, is synonymous with 4 slave and the wholo scopo and obiect of that clause of the instrument, in my judgment, is exhausted and answered in its application to fugitive slaves, exclusive of any and all other description of runaway servants. In 18d7, this clause of the constitution was before the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of Prigg vs. tho Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and the'opinion delivered.

by Mr. Justice Story, and of all tho individual members of the Court, occupying almost one third of 16 Peters Reports, 611, has rendered it now impossible to bold other than that apprentices are wholy excluded from having been within the intention of the framers of the of the acts of Congress passed to carry out the true object of this clause providing for the recovery of fugitives from justice and fugitive slaves described asheld to service or labor. Mr. Justice Story, also, in his work upon the constitution, when commenting upon tho various clauses where slaves aro described as persons, in respect to their migration, importation, and scale of representation, expresses, in the most unequivocal terms, tho conclusions now recognised. No judicial decision appears to have been made directly upon the case of an apprentice by any judge of.

a United States Court. But the decision referred to gives so clear an intimation of what aro the views of. that tribunal, that it would not become a Commissionerto initiate a construction which would in truth be adding 4 to persons held, to service or labor the words, 4 including apprentices and atl other The idoa that apprentices, tc, were within the meaning of the constitution seems to have been taken up at a very recent period, as up to 1837 no vestigo of its existence has been, found. Ono or two cases are believed to have occurred within 'a few years, where Commissioners in other States have delivered up apprentices, but the only question there raised was the validity of the indenture, and the question now presented was never raised or passed upon. After as careful an investigation of the authorities cited, and tho able- arguments of the claimant's counsel, as the time would allow, the evidence and law of the case, in my judgment, do nqt warrant a certificate authorizing the claimant to remve the alleged fugitive or person back to the Suite from which he is said to have fled.

The apprentice, John Van Orden, is therefore dis charged. From Frederick Douglass's Paper. NATIONAL COLORED CONVENTION, HELD IJf Rochester, N. the CM, 1th and Sth of July, '53. Pursuant to the Call, the Convention assembled in Corinthian Hall on Wednesday, July Gth, 1853, and was called to order by Ilev.

Amos G. Boman, of Connecticut. On motion of Rev. Charles B. Ray, of New York, the Rev.

Jhn Peck, of Pittsburgh. was ap pointed President pro and Wm. Whipper, of Pennsylvania, and Wm. C. Nell, of Massachusetts, were appointed Secretaries pro tern.

James McCunc Smith. M. then read the Call for the Convention. On motion of David Jenkins, of Ohio, the dole- gates were called upon by States, to present their credentials. The Committo on nominations reported bv their Chairman, James McCune Smith, the following named persons as officers of this Convention President -Tames W.

C. Pennington, D. of New York Vice Presidents Wm. H. Day, of Ohio, Amos 4G.

Bern in, Connecticut; Wm. C. Nell, Massachusetts Frederick Douglass, New York James C. MoCrunimell. and John B.

Yashon, Pennsylvania; John Jones, Illinois. Secretaries Peter H. Clark, Ohio Cuss. B. Ray and Wm.

J. Wilsjn, New York Charles S. Reason, Pennsylvania. Frederick Douglass, Chairman of Committee on Declaration of Sentiments, made the following Report For tho purpose of improving tho character, developing the intelligence, maintaining the rights, and organising a Union of the Colored People of the rreo Mates, the National Convention docs hereby ordain and institute tho, 4 NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE COLORED PEOPLE. Art.

1. This Council shall consist of two members from each State, represented in this Convention, to be elected by this Convention, and two other members from each State to be elected as follows On the 15th day of November next, and biennially thereafter, there shall be held in each State, a Poll, at which each colored inhabitant may vote who pays ten cents as a poll-tax and each State shall elect, at such election, delegates to State Legislature, twenty in number from each State, at large. The election to be held in such places and under such conditions as tho public meetings in such localities may determine. The members of the National Council, in each State, shall receive, canvass and declare the result of such vote. The State Council, thus elected, shall meet on the first Monday of January, 1854, and elect additional members to the National Council, in proportion of one to five thousand colored population of such State and the members of the Council, thus elected, to take office on the Gth day of July next, and all to hold office' during two years from that date at the end of which time, another general election by State Council shall take place of members to constitute their successors in office, in the same numbers as above.

The State Council of each State shall have full power over the internal concerns of said State. Art. 2. The members of the first Council shall bo elected by this Convention, which shall designate ou of the number a President, Vice-President, Secretary, Treasurer, Corresponding Secretary, and Committee of five on Manual Labor School a Com- mitte of five on Protective Unions of five on Busi ness Relations of five on Publications. Art.

3. The Committee on Manual Labor School shall procure funds and organize said School in accordance with the plans adopted by this National Convention, with such modifications as experience or necessity may dictate to them. The Committee shall immediately incorporate itself as an Academy under the general Committee of the State of it i rr. ana snail constitute me ixaruoi xrustees of the Manual Labor School, with full power- to select a location in the State designated by the National Council, to erect buildings, and appoint or dismiss instructors in the literary or mechanical branches. There shall be a farm attached to.

the School. Art. 4. The Committee on Protective Unions shall institute a Protective Union for the purchase and sale of Articles of Domestic consumption, and shall unite and aid in the formation of branches auxiliary to their own. Art.

5. The Committee on Business Relations, shall establish an office, in which they shall keep a registry of colored mechanics, artizans and business men throughout the Union. They shall keep a registry of all persons willing to employ colored men in business, to teach colored boys mechanical trades, liberal and scientific professions, and farming and, also, a registry of colored men and youth seeking employment or instruction. They shall also report upon any avenues of business or trade which they deem inviting to colored capital, skill or labor. Their reports and advertisements to be in papers of the widest circulation.

They shall receive for salo or exhibition, products of the skill and labor of colored people. Art. 6. The Committee on Publication shall collect all facts, statistics and statements, all laws and historical records and biographies of the Colored People, and all -books by colored authors. They shall have for the safe keeping of these documents, a Library, with a Reading Room and Museum.

The Committee shall also publish replies to any assaults, worthy of note, made upon the character or condition of the Colored People. Art. 7. Each Committee shall have absolute control over its special department shall make its own bye-laws, and in case of any vacancy occur No anion toitt) Slapcboldctsf the c. 8.

oosjrrrrrnoH is a cons ast uttb death AV.M. LLOYD GARIUS0N, Editor. (Dttt 0ttn(tg IS (jj(f U)vNrfi CottnitJJtJwn OK fltC illftnF.in J. B. YERRIXTON SOX, Pristers.1 VOL.

XXIII. NO. 29. BOSTON, FRIDAY, JULY 22, 1853. "WHOLE NTOIEER 1172.

WBWBaBaBMatgpjaaMBpjjjjjjjjjjjjjpjaRapjjRRR SELECTIONS From the English Republic. IIOLYOAKE VS. GARRISON. A DEFENCE OF EARXESTNESS. I have spoken strongly, not to offend or give pain, but to produce in others deep convictions corresponding to my own.

Nothing could have induced me to fix my thoughts on this painful subject, but a conviction, which pressed on me with increasing weight, that the times demanded a plain ami free exposition of the truth. -The few Last months have increased my solicitude for the country. Public sentiment has seemed to me to be losing its healthfulnesa and vigor. I have seen symptoms of the decline of the old spirit of liberty. Servile opinions have seemed to gain ground among ui.

I have perceived a faint-heartednessin the cau-e of human rights (a disposition to deride ab-, stract rights). Th condemnation which has been passed on the Abolitionists has seemed to be settling into an acquiescence in slavery. This is not the time for sycophancy, for servility, for compromise of Channing, on Slavery. Out upon your guarded lips Sew them up with packthread, do If you would be a man, speak what you think to-day, in words as hard as cannon-balls, and to-morrow speak what to-morrow thinks, in hard words again. Kmerson.

There are times when politeness to the eins of the great is in itself a Zschokkd. Thero is a cant surpassing the cant of the peace-mongers. It is the atfictation of politeness in tho advocacy of truth. Its choicest specimens arc to be found slipped in between the vigorous pages of the erratic Iyndrr and the great master of the art is naturally one who, having needlessly provoked a prostitution, that he might bo 4 the last Martyr for ehuflled out of the Atheism, when his respectable patrons preferred less obnoxious title: the title of Secularism, so happily expressing devotion of one's timo to wrangling upon theological formulas. The delicacy of this smooth-ironed Professor has been, shocked by the rude earnestness of the Amer-ican abolitionists.

It is so different from any thing to which he is accustomed, lie is really horrified at the want of courtesy with which they carry on their holy warfare against the worst enormity of recorded time. Not that our Professor thinks ill of war. Ho has 'no objection to owns it, indeed, 'to bo tho only study worth a moment's attention but then, a fighter should be mealy-mouthed. He is just the man for stern combat: let' the challenge be scented with rose water, and the gauntlet no harder than a kid glove. A working man himself, he lias slid into hotter and begins to appreciate such niceties.

Wherefore, he waves back these too loud reproofs, these over-earnest asssults on Evil and having newly taken, his degree of M. A. Arbiter of Manners ho comes- sleekly forward to correct tho improprieties of reformers. iarrison offends hiin. The Liherator is guilty hard AVitness tho publication of the following, from tho pen bf Henry C.

Wright, in (illusion to the course taken by the religious bodies of America with regard to slavery 4 27ff great religious bodies hare more opmly than ercr ronfcileracl with thicrcs and becom partakers with This, says our Professor, is against We say propriety The epithets thieres and adulterers ure properly appli-. cable only to thoso whom the law brands rrith these offences; and to apply them, without qualification or modification, to bodies of men, esjieaalfy to religious bodies of men, is utterly to ignore tho law and The sentence is as vicious in principle as faulty in construction. Wo brand a man for and not tpjA offences, good censor Theft and adultery are ojfcnfrs thieves and adulterers are offenders. is it especially improper to apply epithets to religious bodies OfFenders professedly religious deserve the severer epithet. And why should a body escape, if it can bo shown that, as a body, it deserves tho epithet? And be reads as badly as he writes.

The epithets thieves and adulterers were applied, not to tho religious bodies, but to the slaveholders tho religious bodies were only accused of confederating and partaking with them. But then, to apply epithets before the law applies them this is the gravamen of the ofienco this is utterly to ignore the late and Tremendous breach of decorum! A man picks my pocket, and I shall utterly ignore the law and propriety if I cry out Stop'thief for the law lias not yet branded him with th A man discovers his wife in-the act of adultery, and he will utterly ignore the law and propriety if he apply an epithet before he has been to Doctors Commons. Wby what a pragmatical coxcomb is this, with bis joniK)U8 4 ire seiy propriety and bis important 4 Mark the result The moment the advocate of humanity entirely ignores' (careful man 'law and propriety in his assaults on Wrong, his opponents are free to act in the same' wav, in their self -Jrfe nee and forthwith argumeut i drowned in torrents of mutual epithrts, criminative and recriminative and, what is worse, the fcliveholder and the justificr of slaveholding is relieved from the defence of their (Tho Pro-fsor might teach grauunar on the same ground as pronr 'u ty understanding one as well as the other.) We must not call the pickpocket a thi, because it will not only 4 ignore the law and but also set hi in free to recriminate in self-defence, and to drown argument in torrents oC mutual epithets and what is worse, relieve him and bis jutifier from the fence of thfir He will not only be free to defend himself, but also relieved from bis defence. The very language is a lesson in propriety. Hut the real question, at issue lies beyond any law of propriety or with which our X'rofessor lias crajed acquaintance.

Heal fro- Fairrr is AccuRDAXt wiTit TRUTH. Is it true that 4 the great religious bodies of America have openly confederaUrd witli thiecrs, and become partakers with ailulUTer'. We apply jio epithets; wo merely inquire if certain epithets already applied are true or false. Now, the law docs absolutely declare that wlutso robs anotltcr is tuief Has not civry slaveholder roblied bis slave of freedom? What (Mili to euphonious synonym for thirf will our amiable friend invent, to save the feelings of him who steals his fellow's freedom Even slave-. htLUr is an epithet and is not one whit moro degrading or oOcuKive.

And does 'Ion 'think tLat those thieves, who notoriously uso their opportunities with their female slaves, can bo other than adulterers? What, too, arc tho political and ffcligious bodies, who promoted and defend the Fu-ftUive Slave liiH, but confederates and partakers? Henry. J. Wright, in this sentence, quoted by the censorious M. A. as a sample of abolitionist infective has but told the barest, fcimplest truth.

Jfct he and Garrison, one for writing and one for I'tiblUhiug this truth, are meekly denounced as outragtjoua, improper, impolitic, wanting po- ASD AS AGBXZXEXT WITH it cashot as pcrro the slaveholJinr lords of the South prescribed, as a condition af their assent to the' Constitution, three special provisions To SECCBE THE PEETCrrT Cf TUCK tOXIXIOX OTTE THEIR slaves. The first was the immunity, lor twenty years, of preserving the Africa slave trade the second was tbs mrcuTioa to BCKJUdraot retnm nt im an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of God, delivered from Sinai and, thirdly, the exaction, fatal to the principles of popular representation for slaves for articles of merchandise, ander the name of persons in fact, the oppressor representing the oppressed To call government thus con stituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and slavery. Its reciprocal operation npon the government of the nation is to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over tnat or the free people, in the American Congress axd thxbxbt TO MAKE THE fRESEKVATIOS, rHOPAOATIOS AXD rEEPET-CATIOX OT StAVXET THE VITAL AXD ASMIAT1XO BrTSIT 0 THE XATIOKAL COVXRXVEST. J6h QviCJ jldttWlL ring, shall fill up the same forthwith, subject to th confirmation of the Council.

Each Committee shall meet at least onco a month, or uoftcn as possiblo shall keep a minute of all its proceedings executive and financial, and shall submit a full statement of the same, with the accounts audited, at every regular meeting of the National Council. Art. 8. The National Council shall meet at least once in six months, to receive the reports of the Committees, and to consider any new, plan for the general good, which it shall have power, at its option, to appoint a new Committee, and shall be empowered to receive and appropriate donations for the carrying out of the objects of the same. At all such meetings, eleven members shall constitute a quorum.

In case any Committee neglect or refuse io send in ita report, according to article Sth, then tho Council shall have power to enter tho bureau, and examine the books and papers of such Committee an! in case the Committee shall persist in its refusal or neglect, then the Council shall declare their offices vacant, and appoint others in their stead. Art. 9. In all eases of the of the National Council, or tho Committees, tho travelling expenses (if any) of the members shall bo paid out of their respective funds. Art.

10. The Council shall immediately establish a bureau, in the place of its meeting and the same' rooms shall, as far as possible, be used by the several Committees for their various purposes. The Council shall have a clerk, at a moderate salary, who shall keep a record of their transactions, and prepare a condeused report of the Committees for publication and, alsj, a registry of the friends of tho causa. Art. 11.

Tho expenses of the Council shall bo defrayed by the fees of membership of sub-societies or Councils, to bo organized throughout the Stites. The membership fee shall be one cent per Art. 111. A member of the Council shall bo a member of only ono of the Committees thereof. Art.

13. All officers holding funds shall give security in double tho amount likely to be in their hands. This security to be given to the three first officers of tho Council. Art. 14.

Tho Council shall have power to make such Bye-L iws as are neoossary for their proper government. President appointed the following named Committees Committee on Agriculture, Win. II. Dtiy Committee -on Manual Labor School, Charles L. Reason, C.

II. Langston, Goorgo B. Vashon Committo-j on Social Selections, Wm. J. Wilson, Wm.

Whipper, and Charles B. Ray; Committee on Statistics, Lewis Woodson, M. M. A. M.

Sumner. The President announced tho names of Committee T. G. Campbell, A. II.

Adams, A. G. Beman, Wm. J. Watkins, J.

N. Still, J. D. Bonner, C. II.

Langs ton, II. O. Wagoner, David II. Jackson, Horace B. Smith, Mr.

A V. Freeman. Moved that tho President bo added the Oimmitteo on Colonization. Amended, that thero bo an addition of two from each State, and that -the Convention nominate. Agreed to.

The President announced tho Committee on Literature Mr. A. M. Sumner, O. B.

Vashon, J. I. Gaines. A letter from Mr. F.

T. Newsome of Cass Michigan, read aud ro-" ferrcd to Business Committee. The Committee on Commerce reported through their chairman, Mr. George T. Downing report accepted.

Mr. William II. Day read a report from the Committee on Agriculture report accepted. Mr. James M'Cune Smith moved that all reports brought before this Convention be published withdrawn.

Report was received from the Business Committee, consisting of a communication from M. F. Newsome, Cass, Michigan J. Keep, of Oberlin, Ohio; J. Wilson, M.

of Philadelphia Samuel Aaron, and from the same placo of resolutions by II. O. Wagoner, Illinois L. Tillman, and A. R.

Green. Mr. Joseplms Fowler read a report on Temperance, Ac. ur. rcaa tue report on voionization, together with appropriate resolutions report re- ceived.

Mr. C. 11. Ray moved its adoption, pend ing which motion, Messrs. Charles L.

Rcmond. J. I. Gaines, J. M.

Langston and Frederick Douglass took the stand, reviewing the positions of the Col onization Society. Report and resolutions accepted. Report from Business Committee received. Resolutions by II. O.

Wagoner of Illinois, referred to Business Committee. Committee on Statistics reported that the reports came in so slowly from the various delegations, and that the subject matter was of such great importance, that they felt they would not have timo to prepare such a report as its importance demanded. Report received, and Committee discharged. On motion, it was agreed to appoint a Committee, consisting of one from each State, of which James M'Cune Smith shall be chairman, to digest and publish, at an early data as possible, a statistical report of the condition ox tho colored people of the United States. Mr.

Langston offered a motion to suspend debate npon the subject in hand, in order to allow Prof. C. L. Reason an opportunity to vreaent a report from the Committeo on Manual Labor schools. Report read and accepted rr tfm mntinn In adont.

lfr. read a letter addressed by himself to Mrs. Stowe. Mr. Downing moved tnat the names presented by the various delegations be adopted by this Convention, as members of.

tho National Council. Agreed to. The following names were reported Vermont J. W. Lewis, St.

Albans H. C. Smith, Burlington. Massach usetts C. Nell, Boston J.

B. San derson, Fairhaven. Rhode Island George T. Downing, Providence Abraham C. Rice, Newport.

Connecticut Jehiel C. Beman, Amos G. Beman. Aeu York J. McCune 'Smith, New York City; Frederick Douglass, Rochester.

Pennsylvania John 1'ocic, AittsDnrgn otepnen Smith, Philadelphia. Ohio Wm. 11. Day, Cleveland John Tu uaincs, Cincinnati. Michigan W.

C. Monroe, John Freeman, Detroit. Illinois James D. Bonner, John Jones, Chicago. Indiana Horace B.

Smith, Indianapolis John T. Brittain, Charlestown. Prof. C. L.

Reason offered the following resolu tion Resolved, That nothing in the provisions of the Constitution of the Council, just adopted, shall be construed to mean that either in the Board cf In structors, or in the admission of students to tlta contemplated Manual Labor Schools, the principle of complexional exclusivencss is contemplated. Adopted. Resolutions approving the purpose and character of W. H. Day's paper, the Aliened American, to bo published at Cleveland, Ohio also, one approving of the spirit and course of Frederick Douglass's Paper, were adopted.

The Committee on Finance reported that the ro- -ceipta of the Convention had amounted to $1 1 50 expenses. $60 75; remaining, $111 75; which was paid to the Committee on Publication..