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The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts • Page 1

Publication:
The Liberatori
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Boston, Massachusetts
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1
Extracted Article Text (OCR)

iTTmriATon. EVERY. FRIDAY MORNING, i AT THIS Aim-sLAviniY orncE, ci coiumm ROBERT F. WALLCUT, General Aosnt. J3T Tm Two dollars and fifty ctnU per annum, ia advance.

l2TFive copies will be sent to one address for tew boiuMi if payment be made in advance. pTAlt remittances are to be made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be directed, (rosT paid,) to the General Agent. C7" Advertisements making Irss than one square in-le-ted three times for 7o cents one square for $1 00. Agents of tho America rannsylTania and Ohio Anti-Slatcry Societies are authorised to receive subscriptions for the Liberator. E2T The following gentlemen Committee, but arc not responsible for any of the debts of the paper, vis.

Francis Jacksox, Ellis Gaar Loaixo, Edxcxp Qcixct. Samckl TniLBRicx. and Wendell- Phillips. 2Tln the columns of The Liberator, both sides of every question are impartially allowed a hearing. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor.

YOL. XXHI. NO. 18. REFUG OF OPPUESSIOX.

From the Syracuse Weekly Star. FROF. ALLEN IS MARRIED. Marbied. la New York city, March 30th, by Rev.

Thomas IIen.on, Professor William G. Allk.v, of Mc-GrAWville, N. and Miss Mary E. Kino, of Fulton, ff. daughter of Rev.

Lyndon King, of Fulton. TTe expected ns much. "Ye were liberally abused for our discountenance of this marriage, and charged with wilfully falsifying facta, because we insisted that this affair was in contemplation, and would yet gci off. Prof. Allen denied it, and others thought that taey had the most positive as-e a ranee from his statements that the amalgamation wedding was a fiction.

But now, after he and his white brethren have litarally impugned our motives, charged falsehood" upon us, and made solemn asseveration! designed to make the public believe that no such thing was in contemplation, in two brief months, tho thing is consummated, with all the formality of a religious observance, and this unholy amalgamation is perpetrated before high Heaven and asserted among men. Prof. Allen and his fair bride are now in Europe. It is well they should emigrate, to show admiring foreigners the beauties of American abolitionism. Let them attend the receptions of the Duchess of Sutherland, the soirees ol English agitators, and the orgies of Exeter Hall.

Let Geo. Thompson introduce them as th first fruits of his fihilanthropir. labors in America. Let them travel among the starvling English operatives, who would gladlyaccept slavery if assured of a peck of corn each week let them wander among European serfs, whose life, labor and virtue are the sport of despots, compared to whom the cruellest slave-driver is an ang and there proclaim their holy It" the victims of English and Continental tjranny do not turn their backs, disgusted with the foul connection, their degradation must bo infinitely greater than wo had supposed. Married.

In New York city, March COth, by the Rev. Thos. Ilenson, ProfiMfor Wm. G. Allen, of Mc--Grawville, N.

to Miss Mart E. King, of Fulton, Jf. daughter of the Rev. Lyndon King, of Fulton. A case of amalgamation Tho parties are the same who were concerned in the attempt at the feat they have finally accomplished, some time ago, at Fulton.

It created great excitement there at the time. Allen, the colored gentleman, denied that there was any ground for the report that they wished to be married, and she went off into I'enn- -Bjlvania to teach school. Allen is said to be unworthy of ami ashamed of his color, and has al ways said that when bo married he would have a white girl. lie was at one time at the Institute at Whiteatown, and afterwards studied law in Jiew York. His airs made him unpopular with hh own people and with abolitionists, who noticed his conduct at McGrawville.

His marriage, it seems, is now a fixed fact, in black and tchile. Vtica Gazette. 5" We find tho following article copied into the Southern Republic, a paper published at Camden, Alabama. Is the South or the North the more guilty party in regird to slavery Is Slavery a Sin? Tho New York Dap Book saya that the Rev. Dr.

Spring, of that city, recently declared that if, by praying for the abolition of slavery, he could accomplish it, he would not dare to make that prayer. In -discussing the subject, the Day Book makes the following remarks IHble, which teaches us what is and what is. not lawful ia the eyes of God, is no longer a sealed book, but open to nil, and each individual can judge for himself whether slavery is" or is not a n. We go to a lawyer to learn what is law, ind tho decisions of eminent judges, upon questions of law, are received, not only with deference ind respect, but are regarded as binding upon parties who, disagreeing, appeal to them for their decision. The lawyers and judges examine their books, they look into the matter, and tell us plainly what the law is, and we abide by their declaration.

Is it not quite ns reasonable, then, to appeal to eminent divines upon questions in dispute as to what is gospel? One man says slavery is a in, another says it is not a sin neither party is as well acquainted or as familiar with the Bible as he ought to be, and they therefore appeal to men who have made it their study all their lives, and have become eminent for their wisdom in tilings pertaining thereto. These men have told them over and over again that the ISible does not condemn ulavery as a sin, and that it plainly does not make it obligatory on the master to manumit lis flare. This is almost the universal opinion of the eminent clergy in the Northern States. Why, then, should the newspaper and the laity continue to admit that slavery is an evil? The Supreme Court of the United istatos, the Constitution, the Bible, and the clergy, have all passed judgment upon it, nd all admit the moral and the legal right of man to property in the serice of man. Harriet Beeches Stowk's Charity.

There as recently a family of thirty slaves in Virginia, which the owner offered to sdl into freedom at a Tery small price, and some benevolent parties in Philadelphia undertook raise the amount by ubseription. The fact were prrsented by letter to Mrs. Sigourney, who immediately enclosed twenty-five dollars for tho objt-t. Mrs" Harriet Beeoh-er Stowe wax also written to, und of course ahe re-Ponded by sending a very large sum of money for the glorious She ha just realized an immeune fortune by her alKIitionisui she was on the eve of starting" for England, to le feted by tho Duchess of Sutherland and caressed by the hand the nobility, and of course she gave a tvry largo urn to purchase these thirty slaves. No, gxid reader, he gave not one crnl.

She sent back a full of tweet sympathy, abounding with the charity of advice and approval, but as empty of wney as her own face is of shame at the contemptible part she is now playing in England of kfgiujs a feuto'i evidence against Tier country. No, lie had no money for the poor As her eminent friend and co-laborer, Mr. Aiuiuidal Sleek ould say, It is not in our way. Ucr mission' to make money out of negro philanthropy, and for it. National Democrat.

Thi A Key to Uncle Tom'a Cabin, by II. is a compilation of raw head and bloody one' etjries that bare been set afloat during the fifty years, with advertisements from Southern 4c. Hie history of the New England Wave-trade is omitted. Mcesrs. Jewett Co.

will Pet a handsome sum, and Mrs. Stowe add aev-thousand to her Boston Post. The Key to Unci Tom's Cabin we could not po-'y read, though we made several unsuccessful ttempu so to do' E. V. S.

Kcicburyfort Herald. in it in I a SELECTIONS. THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS. The following extract is made from the leading article in the London Inquirer, the organ of the British Unitarians, for 19. We rejoice in every new proof that tbe feeling in Europe against American slavery is assuming a permanent form, and finding its appropriate expression We can assure our American cousins, that if we have ventured on a smile at the peculiarities of their state oratory, and the ardor of their I'resi- dentolatry, we have not tho slightest idea of casting ridicule on the installation hy a Free Nation of their Supreme Magistrate.

In days such as these, when the fopperies of a second-rate absolutism weary our eyes, and fill our minds with disgust and indignation, it is a refreshing spectacle to see a really national act performed with fitting public solemnities; and any little absurdities, which mar the simplicity and greatness of the ceremonial, though they may warrant a laugh, cannot seriously affjet our judgment, any more than our own wise enusion irom the tnrone would make us fret at the British Constitution. Suppos ing the matter of the Presidential address to be sound, and worthy of the representative of a great nation, we would not make any serious complaint, though it were as long as an ancient Epic, and as philosophically abstruse as a dissertation of Plato. We wish we could say that the ludicrous was the onlv feeling of which we could have desired the absence, while perusing the address of President Pierce. confess other feelings soon overcame our amusement at the involved grandiloquence of his sentences, and Jefore we finished his harangue, we could not refrain from thanking Heaven, that instead of an oratorical display, serving as the vehicle for sentiments the most opposed to the causo of justice and humanity, we have in old r.ngland a good, innocent, loolisli, speech lrom the throne. tho introductory portion of the ad dress, which we recommend to the notice of those of our readers who are fond of the 4 Philosophy of we como to a sentence which we read i a I i ii lit a at jirsi witu some iaint nope mat wo nau uere ui asc the indications ol a more worthy policy.

Our says the President, has spoken, and will continue speak, not only by its words, but by its acts, tho language of sympathy, encouragement and hope to those who earnestly listen to tones which pronounce for tho largest rational lib erty. But, after all, the most animating encour- ment and potent appeal for freedom will be its history, its trials, and its triumphs. Preemi ow nently, the power of our advocacy reposes in our examide btif no eramvle. be it rtmemltercd, can be powerful for lasting good, whatever apparent adcan-tages mdy be gained, iciicfy is not based upon eternal principles of riglU and Great was our regret to find that this string of fine sentiments was hut the prelude to the recommendation of two main principles of policy the territorial aggrandisement of the United States, and the maintenance of the existing system of slavery, and more especially of its modern bulwarks, tho Compromise and the Fugitive Slave Under the first head, the citizens of the United States are told that 4 it is not to be disguised, that our attitude as a nation, and our position on the globe, render the acquisition of certain possessions, not within our jurisdiction, eminently important for our protection, if not, in the future, essential for the preservation of the rfghts of commerce and the peace of tho world. Our readers will mark and admire the three pleas of the wolf its controversy with his neighbor.

It is true that the President adds, Should they be obtained, will be through no grasping spirit, but with a view to obvious national interest and security, and a wanner entirely consistent with the strictest observance of national It is not, however, by a few common-places, such as these, which, after all, must receive their real meaning from the national will, that, the evil effects can be moderated of a direct appeal to the vice of national covetousness. Nor ure our impressions of the tendency of the President's remarks at all modified by his subsequent explicit declaration. Tlie rights, security and repose of this confederacy re ject the idea of interference or colonization on this side the oeean by any foreign power, leyond present jurisdiction, as utterly So that the expansion of territory which the protection of other countries, and the preservation of their rights, commerce, and of the peace of the world, may seem to render necessary, is denied absolutely in their case, and only granted to the favored citizens of the great Republic. On the subject 'of slavery, the President is equally explicit, and his ideas still less worthy of a man pretending to political foresight. 4 To every he says, 4 of society or government, whether the offspring of feverish am bition or of morbid enthusiasm, calculated to dissolve the bonds of law and affection which unite us.

shall intense a ready and stern resistance. I believe that Involuntary Servitude delicate syno- speech or actiou, is to prosper, and who prefer as it exists "in different States of "this 4 wj the finger upon the hp its presence, Confederacy, is recognised by the Constitution. I are to oounwl the abolitionists as to the lan-believe 'that it stands like any other admitted guage they should use and the sprit they should right, and that the States wherein it exists are en- i tate their warfare on this giant evil What tilled to efficient remedies to enforce the constitu- Mr- Squire says about Christianity would tell as tional provisions I hold that the laws of 1850, strongly against every benevolent or reformatory i AlM.nn.a society, and every court of justice, as against the i carried into I believe that the constituted DtllVlll vwtio UUtlVllitl nuu authorities of this Republic are bound to regard the rights of tho South in this respect as they would view any other legal and constitutional and that the laws to enforce them should be respected ami obeved, not with a reluctance en couraged by abstract opinions as to their propriety in "a different state of society, but cheerfully, and according to the decisions of the tribunaPto which their exposition belongs, fcuch have been and are my convictions, and upon, them shall act. fervently hope tlml th question is at rest and that no sectional or ambitious or fanatical ex- itcment may ugatn threaten tuo uuraouiiy oi ur or obscure the ugm oi our proti-rny Need wo add a word of commentary I We are told that cries of 4 good good and other expressions of admiration, wero elicited from the crowd by these expositions of foreign and domestic policy. The time, we will venture to Bay, will come, when it will have been better for the repu- tation of President Pierce, had his ejeech been such as to have drawu down upon himself tho execrations, instead of the applauses, of so blind a multitude From the Brattleboro Democrat.

is one feature in the President's Inaugural Address which we cannot iass unno ticed', neither can wo treat it ns one of the items of document strictly official in its interests and contents, We expected that Mr. Tierce would turn his face (0t Countrg ts Jljc iUorft, BOSTON, Fit II) Southward, and reiterate bis duty to sustain tbe Compromises. lie was fully pledged to sustain the Fugitive Law, and we would have been surprised had he hinted at the propriety of repeal, or any modification impairing its But when we took up his address and read in its opening paragraph, a wholly unexpected and touching allusion to his recent heart-rending bereavement, our sympathies were taken by storm, and the picture of the mangled boy, so precious to the parent, clung to us through the grave topics that followed, only, alas to hover, like an accusing angel, over the stern and unregretful declaration of the father, that the law to enforce the rendition of fugitives from slavery and its cruel separations, should be 4 respected and obeyed cheerfully. It was not well to parade bis private grief in a document in which be pledges himself to inflict, to the best of his ability, a similar, but an infinitely worse grief upon millions of his countrymen. It was not well to challenge a nation's sympathy, or betray that the parental grief of the distinguished man could be worthy expression side by side with the unconsidered and premeditated bereavement of hundreds of thousands of parents equally fond.

It was not well for Mr. Pierce to conjure the sympathies of the people to his own personal human sorrow, so rudely to impale them on his heartless! business-cold approval of the bereavement of fathers and mothers Dying, with perhaps a single babe, of many, from the Juggernaut of Southern Selfishness, that crushes out life more terribly than if it were instant death. Ah, rather would Mr. Pierce, and the tender mother of that beloved boy, that he died as he did, than that he should linger far from parental S3-iu-pathy, a toiler in the cotton fields of the South, a slave! And yet ho could, with the memory of his own lesser sorrow tugging at his heart and on his he could speak so calmly of laws enforcing a bitterer grief upon thousands of his fellow-creatures. Not one expression of regret for the supposed necessity of the measure uot one recommendation of mercy not even the hope of a better day, when the South would yield its interest in the institution of human slavery No, that suffering father expresses, in the same hour, his conviction that 4 1 jere is no national security but in the nation's humble acknowledged dependence upon Jod and his overruling and claims, as it were, over the dead body of his own son, that God shall revoke his immutable and just laws, in favor of mau's inhuman decree to torture and destroy the sweet alTecticns of the filial and parental relations.

Let him who challenges sympathy with his own personal griefs not do it in the sara? breath that speaks determination to give none that refuses to recognize the equal claims of others to humane consideration. ENGLISH AFOLOGIES FOR AMERICAN SLAVERY. The following comments upon Sir. Sqnire's letter (which was published in The Liberator of hist week arc from the April number of the Anti-Slavery Advocate We have here given tbe most telling portion of the Rev. Mr.

Squire's letter to the It is a fair sample of the homilies preached to the abolitionists by a large majority of the mkiisters of all the sects, both orthodox and heterodox, in the United States. The leajdjng principle of the abolitionists being that is a sin, and ought therefore to be immediately abandoned, they wage open war against it, with all the moral weapons in their power. They expose its enormity, its hypocrisy, its cruelty, its inconsistency with "the political and religious professions of the American people. They employ remonstrance, entreaty, and rebuke, according to their individual gifts and abilities. They refuse to vote for a slaveholding President, to take part in a slaveholding government, to commune with slaveholding professors of religion, with churches which refuse to protest against slavery.

They give shelter and assistance to fugitive slaves who escapo to the free States scorning to obey the Fugitive Slave Law, and denying that any human enactment can repeal that higher law of God by which we are bound to protect the op- rressed, and to denounce and withstand tyranny, short, they act as if they were in earnest and, except that they abstain from physical violence, they employ all the means which slaveholders or their abettors would sanction, if they or those dear to them were subjected to the galling and unrighteous tyranny of chattel slavery. All civilized communities denounce recognised crime, and punish it without scruple as robbery, theft, burglary, assault, and murder. Slavery comprises all these crimes, superadded to licentiousness, enforced ignorance, cruelty, and a host of other evils. But slavery is a recognised system it is profitable, and has become reputable by the possession of wealth, power, and patronase. Hence, many who find it convenient to think that no direct aggression upon slavery, whether of direct aggression American.

abolitionists. Professor merican.anoiitionists. t'rotessors ana protane, clergy and in the United States, Iock up the thief, take the burglar by the throat, hang the murderer, scout the adulterer, imprison the swindler, when they meet hita in the ordinary walks of society. But when the comes amongst them, although be may have flogged twenty times more women than Haynau, robbed hundreds of the-reward of their toil, debauched his own relations and sold his own children on the auction block they receive him with honor and courtesy into their soeiaL circles, political councils, and religious meetings. Such is the general custom of the inhabitants of the free States of America, and the Rev.

Mr. Squire has fallen into it very easily. What are we to think of the advico of such "a man to the men and women who have grappled with this great evil so energetically, and have held on their course with a fidelity, consistency, and ability which have never been surpassed by. the laborers in any reformatory movement in any age 1 What is a minister of religion good for, if he be not a direct aggressor against 6in If it be right to attack any single sin, in the hope of overcoming or discountenancing it, whathall we think of the jttstor who strongly suspects that no direct aggression upon the 4 sura, of ull villaniea is to prosper! Mr. Squire tells us that Mrs.

Stowe's pen has done more against slavery than tbe sword of the abolitionists. What is Sirs. Stowe's book, but an unmistakeablj direct attack upon slavery! It a Kwerful delineation of the great national of American Horrors, so shocking that the whole civilized world stands aghast and indignant. fynntttynm off iilnnRinb. AY, MAY 6, 1853.

doubt whether the slaveholders are much better pleased with Mrs, Stowe than with the abolitionists but had the abolitionist never waged war against slavery, Mrs. Stowe's book would never have been written. Their, measures stung the slaveholders and their abettors, in all the dastardly cruelty of terror, to the insane tyranny of the Fugitive Slave Bill, and that bill was the direct cause of the publication of 4 Uncle Tom's Cabin. The question of slavery now the one great question of the United States. Tho rod of the abolitionists has swallowed up the rods of all the inferior magicians.

Tariff or no tariff- Free Trade or Protection or Sul-treasury, is heard of no more and interests of that potent oligarchy which stands opposed to the fame, the prosperity, and the stability of the great republic, are now almost the only subject of political discussion. The greatest politicians of America have wasted their lives in devising measures of compromise between the principles of slavery and those principles of civil and religious liberty to which the States owe their existence. Her most eminent divines have done their best to quiet the consciences of the people with just such arguments as Mr. Squire treats us to, but in vain. The question cannot now be 6et at rest in America, till slavery is driven from the land it so distrarcts and disgraces.

We rejoice also in tho certainty that it cannot be set at rest on this 6ide of the Atlantic. It has been brought home to the hearts of thousands who before took little heed of it, but who, having fairly confronted this monger, can never again forget its existence. or cjuse to bo its foes. We trust the approaching JVIay of the several religious oiwlies will not adopt the mission of silence recommended by Mr. Squire," but will speak out boldly, with honest Christian plainness, against all fraternization with slaveholders and their abettors.

SENATORS CHASE AND WELLER. the tollowing rather spicv passage at arms tfok place in the Senate just previous to the ad journment 'Mr. Sjward's resolution was taken up- That tbe Secretory authorised to procure the publication in the National Intelligencer of so much of the debates of the Senate during the last session of Congress as has not been already published in that paper, and' pay for such publication, and also for the publication of speeches already printed, at the rate of four dollars per column. Mr. Chase, of Ohio, moved that the resolution be tabled, which was negatived by 16 to 16.

Mr. Chase then gave his -reasons for opposing the resolution, one of which was the enormous expense of the system. He was free to say, he was willing to discontinue the paid system of reporting altogther, leaving tho whole business to private enterprise. The speeches now proposed to be published in the National Intelligencer have already been published in the Globe, ind he could therefore only look upon the resolution as giving a gratuity to the editors. Mr.

Butler, of South Carolina, supported the resolution, and spoke in high terms of the character of the Intelligencer. Mr. Weller, of California, believed that the mass of the Whig party want Democratic light, and therefore he was for the proposition. After further debate, Mr. Chase moved to pro- vide also for publishing the debates in the Nation- al Era.

This received two votes Messrs. Chaso and Sumner. Mr. Chase appealed to the Senate's magnanimity as they bad shown a disposition to respect the opinions of the minority to order the of the debates in the National Era, that paper having a larger circulation than all the other papers in Washingtjn besides, the Era represents the Independent Democratic party. Mr.

eller replied To publish the debates in that paper would Ikj like throwing pearls before swine, and its efforts, if successful, would lead to the dissolution of the Union. He did not understand the Senator to be the representative of the great Democracy of Ohio. He regarded the gentleman as belonging to a clique for the purpose of destroying the peace aud tranquillity of the Union. Mr. Chase remarked that he went to Ohio from the little State of New Hampshire, and felt proud of Ohio.

The Senator from California was born in Ohio, and manifested his regard for it by moving away. As to the Era, it is read by a large portion of the intelligence of the country persons who do not follow leaders, but make up their opinions independently. His friend had reason for leaving Ohio he ran for Governor, was unfortunately beaten, and removed to the Pacific. Mr. Chase iustified his political principles, and said he did not support the Baltimore platform, because it was against iue juognient ui jus ouim.

He likewise defended his own independent Mr. Weller rejoined, saying Mr. Chase was elected to the Senate by. the Democracy of Ohio entering into a dishonorable bargain with tho abolition members of the Ohio Legislature. As for himself, he wa defeated as Governor by only two hundred and ninety-seven votes out of three hundred thousand, owing to a combination of Whigs and.

abolitionists against him. In two years from this time, the place that now knows the Senator wrll know him no more for ever, Laughter. The Senator will then have an opportunity to extend Christianity over the negroes in this country, and the inhabitants of the distant isles. He would be willing to receive the Senator into the Democratic party, for While the lamp holds out to burn, The vilest sinner may return. Mr.

Chase said, for all his share in any public action in Ohio, he stood ready to meet the fullest and most searching scrutiny. Gentlemen are indulging a vain dream, if they think Free Democratic principles are not going forward and continually increasing. The principles are not dead nor dying. He denied that the Old Line Democrats and the Free Democrats had made any ac-rifice of principle in electing him to the Senate. He believed that he represented a vast majority of the people bf Ohio at this moment.

Mr. Chase called for a division of the question on the resolution. No quorum being present, the resolution was defeated, and the Senate adjourned. i i VANDALISM IN THE SENATE. The public of the United States will feel justly indignant against their representatives in the Senate on learning that, in the last- hurried hours of legislation, an amendment was passed to the census bill, excluding from publication all tbe valuable statistics of manufacturing industry, all the detailed statistics of the deaf and dumb, of the insane, idiotic, paupers, criminals, 4c, and leaving nothing of the last census, in the compilation of which so much care, talent, industry And public money was expended, save the bare, uninteresting, and unsuggestive statistics of population, agriculture, and a few other condensed summaries, of little importance.

The House of Representatives had, with remarkable unanimity, passed a resolution for the printing of the entire statistics of the United States census, as provided by law to be taken. This bill was the work or two Committees on Printing and it afterwards went to tho Senate, where it was kept, unacted on, in the hands of the Senate committee. At length, when the committee did report, it was to suhjoct the census compilations to that act of despoliation which we have described, and the effect of which is to deprive them of all value and interest in the eyes of this Republic, and of the world. Within three weeks, thesa statistics would have been ready for the press, and now, by this unaccountable action of the Senate, they are destined to be east aside in the damp basements of the public buildings, to become nestling places for vermin, and the work which has already cost a million of dollars, and which has been prepared with the greatest accuracy, is to Ihj stripped of its value, and rendered utterly worthless. We cannot comprehend what motive could have beeu so powerful as to induce the committee of the Senate to perjietrate such an act of Vandalism but we hope they will be able to give a complete and satisfactory explanation of their conduct in this regard.

The press and the public of the United States will demand information on the sub ject. Are they prepared to give it? N. Y. Herald. 5 Correspondence of the N.

Y. Tribune. SPRING IN BOSTON VISITORS TO EUROPE. Boston-, Saturday, April 9, 1S53. Sweet touches of Spring have at length visited this metrojHilis of the ico trade.

The town having been washed by one of tho finest thunder-' showers ever manufactured aloft, our State which came off Thursday, was anything But a sour occasion. The streets and places of amusement were thronged with short, happy faces, and what few were to be seen in the Churches were not of the longest. The Common, whjch had suddenly put on its green velvet sack for the occasion, was covered with frolicking children, and buoyant sprigs" of manhood, armed with the ball-club. Tho Frog-Pond Fountain did its prettiest, and, thanks to the genial influence of the iy, if our people did not sufficiently mourn over National and State, sins, they did not increase them by morosencss and stagnation. the thawing out and the increasing interest in European politics, many of our leading people are vrenarins to cross the brine on tours of pleasure or observation.

Among those mentioned as short-' ly to embark are Chief Justice Shaw, Judge Washburn, and Prof. Foltou. The latter will visit Grcooe see with his own eyes the vuljrar realities which remain of the classic past, and revel in the garlic breath of his ideal JJulcinea del Toboso. What a- disenchantment must such a pilgrimage be to tho worshipper of Greek literature! But depend upon it, Fclton will mako fun out of it, if we were only on the spot to enjoy the sport. As for our venerable Chief be will seo how European iustiee bows to the chains.

He will take not the first lesson to show him that dignity and ermine are not synonymous with righteousness. and that there ia probably no imaginable form of wickedness which a human judiciary may not be bent to sustain. What judicial iniquity in the rot- ten political fabrics of Europe be can find to wonder at, after seeing his own court-house chained up against human nature's instinctive opposition to the Fugitive Slave Iiw, is not easy to imagine. I. can fancy the inquisitiveness of European students, if they should make the acquaintance of our learned Chief Justice, about the legal bearing of these chains.

May it please vour honor, how is it in America, in Massachusetts, for example which is paramount the right of a non-resident in the bones ami muscles of a negro, or tbe right of a citizen to the forms of trial, guarantied in the Constitution, to life, liberty and property, legally protected 1 Must State Courts and State legal processes be' chained up that the human blood-hound may not miss his prey I would give a new hat to be within hearing when tbe learned judge answers some of the questions of this sort which are sure to be put to him. There isjnot probably a legal bar in all Europe where it is not perfectly well known, as one of the most astonishing facts in the judicial history of America, that he was the man who unwillingly, and much against his official pride, did, in the Sims case, as a sort of representative of the State courts, crouch down and pass under the chain. Of course, it is well known in such quarters that in the remarkable case referred to, the most sacred State laws, essential to the protection of life and liberty, were rudely trampled down by the United States Fugitive Slave Law, and were by the Massachusetts judiciary left to their fate. PHILEMON AND QNESDIUS. Mrs.

Stowe discusses at length several passages of the Bible which have been supposed to countenance the system of Slavery. See how she disposes of the argument derived from Paul's Epistle to Philemon But it is said that St. Paul sent Onesimus back to his master. Indeed but how When, to our eternal shame and disgrace the horrors of the Fugitive Slave Law were being enacted in Boston, and the very. Cradlo of Liberty resounded with the groans of tbe- slave, and men harder-hearted than Saul of Tarsus made havoc of the church, entering into every house, hailing men and women, commit- ting them to prhon when whole churches of hum-! ble Christians were broken up and scattered like Mocks of trembling sheep when husbands and fathers were torn from their families, and mothers, with poor, helpless children, fled at midnight, with bleeding feet, through snow and toward Canada in the midst of these scenes, which bare 1 made America a by-word, a hissing and an astonish- ment among all nations, there were found men, Christian men, ministers of the Gospel of Jesus, even alas that this should ever he written who, i standing in the pulpit, in tbe name and by tbe authority of Christ, justified and sanctioned these enormities, and used this most loving and simple-, hearted letter of the martyr Paul to justify these unheard-of atrocities He who said.

4 Who is weak and I am not weak Who is offended and I burn not he who called the converted slave his own body, the son begotten in his bonds, and who sent him to the brother of his soul with the-direction, 4 Receive him as myself, not now aa a slave, but above a slave, a brother this beautiful letter, this outgush of tenderness and love, passing the love of woman, was held op, to be pawed over by the polluted, hobgoblin fingers of slave-dealers and slave-whip-' pers, as their lettre. de cachet, signed and sealed in' the name of Christ and his apostles, giving full Union xoitl) Glavclolbctl rta V. 8. COXSTTTCTIOS IS 'A COTES AST WITH DEATH AS All AGKECMEXT WITli HJEXU" SjT Yea it cabkot bc dkaicd the slaveholding lords the South prescribed, as a condittoa of their assent to the Constitution, three ppecinl provisions TO accTRX tu rTRpTTcrrr or tneix mxixioj ornt rani slates. The first was the immunity, twenty years, of preserTicg the African slave trade the second was TOK STIPCIATIOX TO SrKBUDE KctTtTS tlAXtS an engagement positively prohibited by the lawa-of God.

delivered frcin Sinai and, thirdly, tfce exaction, fatal to the principles "of popular representation, cf "a representation for "slates Ibr articles of merchandize, under the name of perions In fact, the oppressor repre-' sen ting the oppressed To call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the nnderstanding cf mankind. It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and slavery. Its reciprocal pperntion upon the government of the nation is to eftablbdi an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of tht free people, in the American Congress axo thxssbt TO MAKE THE RESERVATION, rBOrACATlOS ASD mrST CATIO.X OF SLA VEST THE TITAfc AKD A533tATIjrJ SriKMT THE XATtOKAL OOVKR Jf KNT. Jol QwtnCj MaWU. J.

B. YERRINTON i SON, Pbisters. WHOLE NTJINIBER 1163. authority to carry back slaves to be tortured and whipped, and sold into perpetual bondage, as were Henry Long and Thomas Sims Just as well might a mother's letter, when, with prayers and tears, she commits her first and only child to tho cherishing love and sympathy of souie trusted friend, be used as an inquisitor's warrant for'inflict-ing imprisonment and torture upon that child. Had not every fragment of the apostle's body Ionr since mouldered to dust, his very bones would have moved in their grave in protest against such si an- der on the Christian name and faith.

And is it come to this, Jesus Christ have such things been done in thv name, and art thou silent yet! erily, thou art a God that hidest thyself, God of Israel, the Savior i From the Essex County Freeman. 1 PATRICK HENRY. The men who most impudently' claim to be the patriots and saviors of the Union to-day, by suppressing agitation on the subject of slavery, will please road the following extracts from a letter of -Patrick Henry, dated Haxoves, January 18th, 177S. Would any one believe that I am master of slaves of my own purchase I am drawn along by the gen- eral inconvenience of living here without them. I will not, I cnnot justify it.

However culpable my conduct, -I will so far pay my devoir to virtue as to own the ex- cellence and rectitude of her precepts, and lament my want or oon.ormity to them. I believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lamentable evil. It is a debt we owe to the purity of our religion, to show that it is at variance with that law which warrants. We strongly recommend these extracts to every supporter of the two Baltimore platforms, and let him publicly proclaim, if he dare, whrein he ik consistent therein to the expressed principles and opinions of the Founders of the Constitution. To every pnslavery Northern Priest, we particular recommend tne latter portion or the letter, and then would urgs him to ropent, and ask pardon of that God whoqn laws of love and mercy ha has outraged oy aeienaing slavery.

The more the writings and opinions of the Con-: stitutional Fathers are examined, the clearer docs it become, that they nfrer iustified the system of Slavery. They lamented and deplored it, and bel ieved that it would gradually be abolished. They were not, like the tyrants and dough-faces of our day, afraid to whisper on the subject, lest freedom and justice and humanity should triumph in the land. We may and must regret that slavery was not done away with long since, but let us not con-: found the Fathers of thi Union with the tyrants and cowards who framed the Baltimore who would save their own fancied Union by injustice. sunDressian of the truth, and violation of the laws of God.

THE DEMOCRACY OF ILLINOIS. Some are disposed to wonder at tho horrible de pravity of the Hunkers in that State which baa' just enacted the codicil to the Fugitive Slave Bill. However much the diabolical transaction may of fend our sense of right, and our ideas of what is. becoming to men, we submit, whether the Legislature of Illinois has not been, the most honest and consistent of any Democratic Legislature which has convened since the National Domoc ratio Convention met at Baltimore, in June last This Legislature has only carried out the spirit and design of the Fugitive Slave Liw, enacted by -the Congress of 13-50, and endor3i by both of the Conventions which met at Baltimore last These sentiments form all the life and vitality that exists at this day uf our Lord, in the National Democratic Party, as such. And why mty they.

not give expression to their Why.aaj they not embody the first, middle, and last principles of their party in a law, and with them at tempt to govern tbe states as well as tae f. 1 his outrage upon humanity, which has been perpetrated by the Democratic Legislature uf llii- nois, in the enactment of this act of infamy, repeat, is in accordance with the expressed Platform of Principles laid down by the National Democrat- -ic party, and is perfectly consistent and in harmony with all of its acts and creeds; and the man is a fool, besides being under wit ted, who speaks against it and still belongs to the Democratic par ty. 1 Its distinguishing-characteristic is faalty to the Slave Power. "Devotion to the Fugitive Slave Law is the motto of its great seal the sign by which it conquers is a black man tn chains. mscojutit Advocate.

From the Hartford Republican. COLORPHOBIA. We have just heard of a case of colorpbobia ia this State, hich we will relate as briefly as possible. It is that of an old negro, who for ji quarter of a century been a consistent member of the Congregational nurctt of tbe town in which he resides. No one ever complained of bis deportment.

He is always neat and elean, and is always to be found at his place at But the negro is very -old, and unusual sorrows and cares have shattered his frame. About a year ago, his wife died. Before her death, the couple 'were in the habit of climbing the stairs to sit in the ral- lery humor the prejudice of the very pious and respectable audience. After his wife's death, the negro, being old and feeble, ventured to sit below, in the body or the church, with his Christian brethren. He was allowed to sit there or several months, but at hist the colorpbobia set in, and many of the good Christians present became dissatisfied with the presence of a The Society's Committee instructed tho Sexton to inform said nigger that he could no longer sit below in the church, and he was compelled to, stay at home.

A short time at the annual meeting for the sale of idips, some white friend of bis rented one for his (netrros use. but when his obiect waa as certained, a violent attempt was made to pass a resolution denying any man the right to introduce a negro into his own slip This failed, and the. negro took his seat at church again- But there were some of the white Christians who were filled with the colorphobia, and would not be contented, and they warned a Society's The meet- ing inia to do megai irom tne tact tnat tne easiness was not specified) was not fully attended, but a resolution was passed appointing a committee to inform the negro that he could no longer sit below in that church, setoc while ike Commnao una being administered One half of the bmb who voted for this barbarous resolution were -brother church members of tlie The omaaittee waited upon the old man, and he bortt into tears when their cruel errand was made known. Uu heart was almost broken to think that in tha midst of his old age, his infirmities and his aCxc-tions, hi brothers in Christ ahoull attempt to i i i. if Ft i.

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About The Liberator Archive

Pages Available:
7,307
Years Available:
1831-1865