The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts on September 19, 1835 · Page 2
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The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts · Page 2

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150 THE LIBERATOR SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1835. TO HON. HARRISON GRAY OTIS. Letter II. " Sm I am very sure that your knowledge of abolitionists and their writing is quite imperfect, and derived from popular calumny rather lhau from calm and deliberate examination : indeed, you frankly declare that you know nothing of them.' In one breath you affect great liberality towards as. and affirm that you make no personal allusions, and impeach no man's motive.' In the next for, error is fated to run crooked 'you brand us as n dangerous, moitt dangerous association,' ' an unlawful association,' ' hostile to the spirit and letter of the constitution of the Union,' 'designing to trench upon its provisions by overt acta,' revolutionary,' inflammatory ,' combining to spread disaffection in other states, and poison the sweet fountains of domestic safety and comfort,' &c. Ate. All this, Sir, is extremely charitable and consistent, from the lips of one who complains of our sweeping censures and severe allegations ! It is not personal it is no impeach ment of motives O, no ! It is boney and the honey-comb : it only means, in good plain English, that we are very honest, well-meaning traitors, who contemplate no mischief, but whose sole object is to destroy the Union, and sptead disaffection throughout the land! .Allow me to test the value ofyoor charitable abstinence, by arraying Mr. Otis tersus Mr. Otis. la speaking of these the ' ' Almost all the epithets of anti-slaveryj associations. I rely entirely upon the account thev give of themselves aud their objects. I mate no personal allusions, and impeach no man' mo-tire.' vituperation which our Ian guage affords have been applied to the slaveholders or their principles : as if the feelings of such persons could be propitiated by an affected distinction between a contlemnalian of ine individual and his principles ! ' Greek against Greek, and both are slain ! It seems that your charity for our motives is but another name for affectation or hypocrisy. As for our accusations against slaveholders, they are precisely such as the Bible authorizes j and we cannot but feel confirmed in our belief of their applicability, when we perceive so powerful a mind as your own unable to rebut one of them ! Positive assertion without proof, wholesale crimination without cause, and impassioned declamation without reason, constitute the whole of your harangue : it does not contain oue argument- Ah ! who can argue against the rights of man and the blessings of liberty t Are they not self-evident T Hera is another specimen of your moral acuteness and ingenious discrimination : ' Happily for our country, there is no disposition in the people bf this community, nor I believe of any of our cities or towns, to sustain a public discussion of a question pregnant with these fatal consequences. But the time has arrived which makes it the part of wisdom and safety to loot at this question in the distance, and forestall its approach to satisfy ourselves and others that it ought never to ne entcrtaiued, except in the exercise and expression of individual judgment and opinion and that every effort intended to propagate a general seoitment favorable to the immediate abolition of slavery, is of forbidding aspect and miaous tendency.' This is contradictory and indefinite enough. If there he ne disposition to sustain a public discussion of thi3 question, how came you and the multitude to assemble in Fan-eutl Hall to discuss it! And why are similar meetings called in various sections of New England T The solution of the problem is, that there is no disposition to sustain a fret and fair discussion, but only a discussion of one side f the question that which is favorable to slavery. And why this unwillingness T Because it is clearly perceived, (bat free and unobstructed discussion will speedily change public sentiment in this country, as it did in Great Britain, and effect the abolition of slavery forever ! What is the language of one of the most unprincipled and blood-thirsty newspapers in the land the Boston Commercial Gazette your eulogist! . w j. - . i . i . r i i i n - - rree. aiscusswn on me suijeci ui mverjr . jj, t J truchio says, 4 there's the villany.' The mischief ail lies in a nutshell. A free discussion on this suhfect leads at nee to ABOLITION and EMANCIPATION.' Pncirn mnfcssion ' Inn true and ton imoortant to be forgotten by the friends of human freedom ! Yes, Sir, to uphold slavery in our midst, you must destroy the liberty of the press, and put gags into the mouths of all your fellow citizens or be content to sea the chains of despotism shivered by the hammer, and melted by the fire of truth. ' ' Is not my word like a fire T sailb the Lord ; and like a hammer that breaketh the rock in pieces L' ' Speak unto all the cities, all the words that I command thee to speak unto them; diminish hot a word : if so be they will hearken, and turn every man from bis evil way, that I may repent me of the evil which I purpose to do unto them because of the evil of their doings.' The oppressors at the south are aware, that, as surely as the light of morning disperses the darkness of night, so surely will free discussion put an end to slavery. What, then, do they demand of the people of New Eugland T Not merely to hold publie meetings, and denounce aboli-touists ; but they call upon them, unblushingly and expressly, to pass LAWS PROHIBITING TBSaE&DUM OF SPEECH AND of THE press ou the suhjecTMk. southern slavery! I and if they refuse thus to make themselves speechless, if they refuse to shackle and destroy that which is the palladium of their own liberty, then these insatiate and haughty tyrants threaten to rebel against the Union! When Mr. Ritchie of the Richmond Enquirer, that windy, self-conceited and cowardly braggadocio, first read the proceedings of the Fancuil Hall meeting, he was elevated to eestaey, for he persuaded himself that the spirit of troth and liberty was actually dead and buried. His blissful reverie was almost instantly brokei , as if by a frightful apparition, and he now says of that mee -ing i ' We shall, however, expect sometiiing more substantia ; we shall look for a cessation of the issue of incendiary p -pet altogether, or for high penalties upon the eircufato s of them within our limits. If it be consistent with the rig it f discussion, to impose restrictions upon the press in I, r North, surely it cannot he asking too much to insist upva the infliction of punishment upon tliose who mail them fot offices within the slaveholdiug states, or who transmit theii in any other way.' .1 The tone of the Richmond Whig is still more imperial : The South asks no sympatiiy or professions, and needs no aid in respect to its slaves. It is competent to protect itsclf.even from neighborhood surprise and massacre.wbile its vigilance is awakened. There is no remedy but one abate the incendiary journals, as the exciters of bloodshed and disuuion. It is evident that a thousand meetings will produce no permanent good. Fanaticism is made el' stero- r stun than to ho checked or intimidated by a preamble s"noireo!uuonv however strongly contrived or rfwiuenuy tlprcised. They have dated too much alrea dy to be removed by scarecrows. It is no less than a qncstion of Union or Disunion, and stronger meaus must he applied. We reiterate to the Nortlt put a stop to this system of disgraceful and unmerited national destruction. Vha I stops short of thai, fails to give retires for past in-Jniies, or security against future.. Tell us not of sympathy, regret, etc ; if you cannot reach the rite slanderers, say nothvig.' TLi is the kind of compensation that southern masters give to their servants and slaves, whether at the North or the South. At their bidding, you and your associates have towed the neck and bent the knee you have bound yourselves ignobly to their chariot wheels you have eovered yourselves with the filth of slavery, that tbey might not be offended at the purity of your aspect : but because you ' eannot effect impossibilities because you aie uuable to make others as servile, polluted and obsequious as j-our-elves because, in short, the vigor of the bow has not equalled the veuom of the shaft, and Libcity still lives tbey spurn you with ineffable contenJpt, reprl even your own stavishness, and threaten a terrible punishment ! A very suitable reward. You say it is happy for our country, that there is no dis position among the people lo sustain a publie discussion off She e.ave question. Why, thee, in the very next sentence, W yea coauadicl youiself by saying that the time has arrived which makes it the part of wisdom lo look at this qoestion to satisfy ourselves and others,' 6tc. T How can we look at it without examining it T and haw can wt satisfy ourselves and others, without first privately and publicly discussing it T You allow us to exercise and express our individual judgment and opinion : but, in so do-'" ioa increase the exasperation of the south, and controvert a doctrine which it holds lo be fundamentally important. Upon what authority, 8ir, do you forbid oar publicly discussing the subject of slavery, or any other, whether it relates to the affairs of the southern states, or to those of the Autocrat of Russia T You are well aware that the people of New England are not particularly fond of secret discussions : hence arose that strong hostility to the Hartford Convention, of whieh you were a member.' Be as-tared, Sir, if we discuss the subject at all, the South prefers to hear what we say, and see what we are doing. You say, the people ongbt to satisfy themselves that every effort intended to propagate a general sentiment fa vorable to the immediate abolition of slavery, is of forbidding aspect aud ruinous tendency.' We think so, too ; and therefore we call upon them to read, reflect and talk upon the subject to ' satisfy' themselves, not by taking the ipse dixit even of Harrison Gray Otis not by hurling brickbats at the heads, or tarring and feathering the persons, of those whose sentiments do not accord with theirs not by lynching their opponents not by preventing free discussion, or closing their eyes, or shutting their ears not by conspiring to seize and destroy private property, or to abduct or assassinate the advocates of universal, emancipation but by examining evidence, seeking light 1 listening patiently and candidly to both sides and all sides of the question by loving their neighbors as themselves, aud remembering those in bonds as bound with tfyem by hearkening to the voice of God, rather than to the voice of the oppressor or any of his apologists. All this su pposes, aud necessarily involves, actions-excitement discussion association. Such a course, the south clearly perceives, would lead to abolition ; for, as far as it has been pursued, it has resulted in a radical change of views and principles, subversive of slavery, and destructive to prejudice. Hence our southern masters tell us that we shall not argue the right of slavery, nor question the validity of their title to their slaves. The language of a publie meeting in Norfolk is, 'When asked by what right we retain this class of our population in bondage, we shall, like the chivalry of Scotland, on a similar occasion, (!) POINT TO OUR SWORDS. We shall scorn to render- any other reply.' It is obvious that they can make no other answer. If they could adduco a single good argument in support of their unrighteous conduct,, they would cever point to their swords. Now, inasmuch as the slave-system eannot bear investigation, any more than could the foreign slave-trade, it is certaiu that free discussion will destroy the one as it did the other. We have already grappled with the consciences of many anxious and inquiring slave masters, and our seed is falling upon good ground even in the south. The power of truth is beginning to be felt in that section of the country, and the advocates of slavery tremble in view of this encouraging fact. Read the following impor tant confession of Duff Green, the editor of the Washing ton Telegraph : We bold that our sole reliance is on ourselves; that we have most to fear from the gradual operation on-public opinion among ourselves, and that those are the most insidious and dangerous invaders of our rights and interests, who, coming lo us in the guise of friendship, endeavor to persuade us that slavery is a sin, a curse, an evil. It is not true that the south sleeps on a volcano that we are afraid to go til bed at night that we are fearful of murder and pillage. Our greatest cause of apprehension is from the operation of the morbid sensibility (!) whieh appeals to the consciences (!) of our own people, and would make them the voluntary instruments of their own ruin'(') i. e. would make them voluntarily give up their impious claims upon their victims, undo every burden, and let the oppiesscd go free ! ' You have just discovered ' that an association has been formed in a neighboring State, foi the avowed purpose of effecting the immediate abolition of slavery.' In a neighboring State! Why, Sir, you seem to be ignorant of the fact, that Massachusetts is swarming with anti-slavery societies ! She has State county town and village associations, all harmoniously co-operating together, and all exerting a powerful moral influence upon the public mind, iu deep and lasting opposition to southern slavery. These are multiplying in all parts of the Commonwealth. You give the following singular reasons for branding tbem as a dangerous association : 1. 4 Their number is at present comparatively small and insignificant.' This proves nothing against therrf. If they'are insignificant, then they are not dangerous. You venture to assail tbem because you believe them to be few! - 2. Their printed constitution and proceedings, seen by me only within a few days, frankly develope their desire to establish auxiliary societies in every state and municipality and to enlist in the service of the cause man, woman and child.' Well, Sir, there is no disguise nothing of treason in this design. The same grave charge may be nrged against the Bible, Tract, Missionary, Peace and Temperance Societies : tbey all aim to convert the nation. Yet, with extraordinary fatuity you say 4 This simpW .statement shows it to be a dangerous association ' ! That 3 to say, a society is dangerous because it is small, and because it meaus to enlist, if possible, every man, woman And child in its enterprise ! Demonstration itself! 4 A Daniel come to judgment yea, a Daniel ! ' After this summary examination and conviction, you venture to allude to principles. Thus you reverse the order of things ; what should be first, you put last, and vice versa ; for a foundation you wisely take nothing, and for a pinnacle you hoist up the corner-stone ! Surely, Sir, the Auti-Slavery Society must be judged by its principles not by the number of its members; yet, before you come to these, you think that you have shown it to be dangerous ! Then you proceed : A very rapid exposition of the tendency of their principles will prove them to bo not only imminently dangerous, but hostile lo the spirit and letter of the const itutiou of the Union.' Now, Sir, so rapid is your exposition, that yon only darken counsel by words without knowledge. Abolitionists have three fundamental principles: 1. A man is a man, and nut a chattel. ii Hence, he eannot be tbo property of another. 3. Hence, that which makes him a chattel is unnatur al, monstrous and unholy, and ought to be immediately destroyed. You have nol. in any part of your speech, attempted to refute either of these postulates, by any appeal to reason, analogy, or justice. Their 'soundness is self-evident : the wayfaring man though a fool, understands tbem. Until you show them to be false, you can never prove them to be either slightly or imminently dangerous to the constitution of the Union, or to the interests and safety -of the planters, or to any good thing. . WM. LLOYD GARRISON. CHRISTIAN HEROISM. The fotwing epistle is from a sister of the departed Grimke, Whether it was tent for our private consolation and aconragement exclusively, pr whether it is meekly oommitld lo the disposal of our judgment either for individual general perusal, we are not certain. ' We know that it excellent asthoress ordinarily shuns publie 1-servation, ad that nothing but a willingness to bear odium for Christ's ake, or tl e hope of advancing hiscause, would allow her to obtrude her tbcughts upon the attention of others. Woaro thrilbd subdued strengthened soul-animated, o Breading i. Ii comes lo us as the voice of an angel. Its sprit, dignty, endurance, faith, devotioo, are such as have aever bees ejcelled hy the noblest exhibition of Cbhst a a martydom even since the days of the a-postles. We cannot, w dare not suppress it, nor the name of her who indited it. We publish it, that our cruel assailants may perc'eivdiow heavenly is that temper, and how pure that princije, which they are branding as fanaticism and madness. We publish it, that all who are toil ing with us for the rJemption of the bodies and souls of perishing millions, Jay be with us quickened and confirmed in our good 'ort. We publish it, especially, that female abolitionist may derive snpport and comfort from its perusal, in the lidst of danger and distress. Mauy of our private friend have seen it, and importunately urge its publication iu the columns of the Liberator; aud in complying with leir request, and the irresistible promptings of our owneclings, we hope if we startle the diffidence of her wa wrote it, that we shall not be guilty of personal wrong. Surely, if the exigencies of the times require this puhSt testimony, she will most joyfully bear it. Surely, the hart that could rive utterance to a senti ment so melting, so sublime, so Christ-like as this 'a hope gleams aerg my mind, that our blood will be spilt, instead of the sliveholders euriives will be taken, and theirs spared ' urely she who is thus, through the power of the Holy One prepared for an ignominious death for a fiery martyrden will not shriuk from the publication of a private letter, vhen in the opinion of her friends it will essentially aid to cause of merey and righteousness. What are all theangry resolutions and malignant speeches of a thousanc meetings in conflict with an epistle like this? As chaff Yes, we resprad to her cheering declaration this is a cause worth dyiirr for dying, not in the midst of carnage, upon the latile-field, but upon the scaffold, in the dungeon, or at e stake, unresistingly, bearing testimony to the truth as iiis in Jesus, and in imitation of bis illustrious example If by the shedding of our blood, the lives of our enmiies may be saved, let it be shed. -Father, Iby will ho don) ! This letter wll be read widely attentively, now: it will be read wilt admiration and thanksgiving by posterity. It has bea written in the midst of universal anarchy and peril who scorn and insult aie the certain portion of those' who arvocate the right of the bondman to instant emancipation fom bis fetters when worldly prudence and policy are eying silence when many of the clergy and the church ire acting the part of traitors to God and their dying fellow men when lo espouse the cause of the black man is toplace one's self among the offseouring of all the eattb. This makes the gold of Opbir as dress in comparison will its value. ANTI-SLAVERY ALMANAC. It will be perceived on reference to another column of to-days paper, that Webster and Southard have reduced the price of the Almanac, for the purpose of giving it a more extensive circulation. We hope that all our friends, and those who seek the welfare of the oppressed, will use their influeuee in circulating it throughout the brvadth aud length of the land. There have been about 18,000 sold already. This i well ; but we wish to have one hundred thorns and circulated, as it is one of the most valuable productions in the anti-slavery cause. It will be useful during the year 5a giving information, while at the same time it affords all the Astronomical Calculations that are aecd-ed. We wish that Anti-Slavery Societies and Conventions, to see that each association and town are well supplied. Each Society will do wet! lo order as many copies of the Publishers, as tbey may wish, before others shall be purchased to occupy their pl.es. Will our friends look to this. Philadelphia, 8th month, 30th. Respected Fiiend : - It seems as if I was compelled at this time to address thee, notwithstanding all my reasonings against intruding on thy valuable time, and the uselessness of so insignifi cant a person ai myself offering thee the sentiments of sympathy at ths alarming crisis. I can hardly ixpress to thee the deep and solemn inter est with which 1 have viewed the violent proceedings of the last few wedts. Although I ex peeled opposition, yet 1 was not prepared for it so soon it look me by surprise, and I greatly fared Abolitionists would be driveu back in the first onset, aud thrown into confusion. So 'fearful was I, dial though I clung with unflinching firmness to our principles, yet I was afraid of even opening one of thy pa pers, lest 1 rbpVl see some indications of compromise, some surrender, some palliation. Under these feelings, I was urged to read iby Appeal to the citizens of Boston. Judge, then, what were my feelings, on finding that my fears were utterly groundless, and that thou stoodest firm in the midst of the storm, determined to suffer and to die, rather than yield one inch. Aly heart was filled with thanksgiving and praise to the Preserver of men ; I-thanked God, aud look courage, earnestly desiring that thousands may adopt thy language, aud be prepared to meet the Martyr's doom, rather than give up the principles you (i. e. Abolitionists) bave adopted. The ground upon which you stand is holy ground : never never surrender 1 it. If yousurrendcr it, the hope of the slave is extinguished, and the chains of his servitude will be strengthened a hundred fold. But let no man take your crown, and success is as certaiu as the rising of to-morrow's sun. But remember you must be willing lo suffer the loss of all thiugs willing to be the scorn and reproach of professor and profane. You must obey our great masters' injunction : 4 Fear not them that kill the body, aud after that, have nothing more that tbey can do.' You must, like Apostles, 4 couut not your lives dear unto yourselves, so that you may finish your course with joy.' Religious persecution always begins with mobs : it is always unprecedented in the age or country in which it commences, and therefore there are no laws, by which Reformers can be punished ; consequently, a lawless band of unprincipled men determine to take the matter into their hands, and act out in mobs, what they know are the principles of a large majority of those who are loo high in Church and State to condescend to mingle with them, tbo' they secrely approvefand rejoice over their violent measures. The first martyr who ever died,' was stoned by a lawless mob ; aud if we look at the rise of various sects- Methodists, Friends, ic ue shall find that mobs began the persecution against them, and that it was not until after the people bad thus spoken out tbeir wishes, that laws were framed to fine, imprison, or destroy them. Let us, then, be prepared for the enactment of laws even in-our Free Slates, against Aboliiiouisis. And how ardently has the prayer been breathed, that God would prepare us for all he is preparing for us ; that be would strengthen us in the honr of conflict, and cover our heads (if consistent with his holy will) in the day of battle! But O! how earnestly have I desired, not that we may escape suffering, but that we may be willing to endure unto the end. If we call upon the slaveholder to suffer the loss of what he calls property, theu lel us show him we make ibis demand from a deep sense of duly, by being ourselves willing to suffer the loss of character, property yea, and life itself, in what we believe to be the cause of bleeding humanity. My mind has been especially turned towards those, who are standing iu the forefront of the battle ; and the prayer has gone up for their preservation not the preservation of tbeir lives, but the preservation of their minds in humility and patience, faith, hope ami charity that charity which is the bond of perfectness. ' If persecution is the means which God has ordained for the accomplishment of this great end, Emancipation ; then, in dependence rpn him for strength to bear it, I feel as if I could say, let it con e ; for it is my deep, solemn, deliberate conviction, that tli.it is a cause wortli dying for. I say so, from what I have seen, and heard, and kuowu in a land of slavery, where rests the darkness of Egypt, and where is found the sin of Sodom. Yes! LET IT come let us suffer, rather than insuriectioiis should arise. At one time, I thought this system would be overthrown in blood, with the confused noise of the warrior ; but a hope gleams across my mind, that our blood will be spilt, instead of the slaveholders ; our lives will he taken, and theirs spared I say a hope, for of all things I desiio to he spared the anguish of seeing our beloved country desolated with the horrors of a servile war. If persecution can abolish slavery, it win also purif the Church ; aud who that stands between tbo porch and altar, weeping over the sins of the people, will not be willing to suffer, if sock im mense rood will be accomplished. Let us endeavor, then, to put on the whole armor of God, and, having don all, to stand ready for whatever is before us. I bave just beard of Dresser's being flogged : it is no surprise at all ; hut the language of our Lord has been sweetly revived 4 Blessed are y when men shall revile you, and persecute you, and say all manner of evil against you falsely, for my sake. Rejoice, and be exceeding glad, for great is your reward in heaven.' O ! for a willingness and strength to suffer ! But we shall have false brethren now, just as the Apostles had, and ibis will be one of our greatest griefs. A. E. GRIMKE. GRAVE IMPEACHMENT OF CHRISTIAN CHARACTER IN THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY", AN.DOVER. We have been informed that several of the students who have recently graduated at Andover, were, just before leaving that Institution, summoned into the presence of the Faculty, and charged with the omission of a part or the whole of the following delinquences, viz : . 1. Attending the lectuics of Messrs. Thompson, and Phelps. 2. Walking arm in arm with Mr. Phelps from the Methodist Meeting-house to tbe village. 3. Ca) ling seveial times upon Mr. Thompson, and conversing in private with that gentleman. k. Attending the Concert of Prayer for the Slaves, when tbey ought to bave been present at the Concert of Prayer for the Heathen. 5. Writing a memorial to the Faculty, asking permission to form an Anti-Slavery Society. To these charges the accused pleaded guilty; and were thereupon informed that they had COMPROMISED THEIR CHRISTIAN CHARACTER!!! One, at least, of the students was told by a professor, that he should feel it bis duty to withhold his signature from his diploma. Tbe deep disgrace of this latter conduct belongs lo PROFESSOR STUART who, apart from bis strong antipathy to abolition principles, is justly celebra-' ted for his deep acquaintance with biblical philology, and his admirable fitness for the schoolmaster duties of bis station. We know nol whether 4 much learning bath made him "mad, " ' but we do know that for some months past his conduct in reference to tbe Anti-Slavery question has been any thing but rational wholly unworthy tbe instructor, the christian, the scholar, and the gentleman. We are in possession of a long list of mean, illiberal, and tyrannic acts committed by him towards the young men around him, and may some day deem it right to publish them as evidence that we are not unnecessarily or unadvisedly severe. Again and again has Professor Stuart sought by various arts to induce those withiu the sphere of bis influence to sell their birthright for a mess of pottage. In other words, to withhold a public avowal of tbeir attachment to the cause of two millions of heathenized aud fettered Americans, lest they should fail of obtaining comfortable and profitable settlements. When an appeal to tbeir selfishness has proved abortive, there have been threats aud predictions hints stud suggestions. The character, motives, and talents of abolitionists have been depreciated, aud it has even been held out from the desk of the chapel, that if the students attended the Anti-Slavery lectures, they would do so ' at the peril of souls.' j Professor Stuart knows that these things are true. If tbey are denied, the proof is at hand. We tell bim that iu bis reckless aud cruel antagonism to Anti-Slavery aud Auti-Slavery men, he is gteatly diminishing the respect hitherto entertained for his piety, learning and philanthropy. Ii is net possible that young men of intelligence, magnanimity aud discrimination can long be operated upon by such means. Professor Stuart may say unkind aud unjust fhiugs respecting abolitionists he may stretch to the utmost, and even exceed bis 4 brief authority 'he may multiply his prophecies, and threats, and warnings, and spread out before tbe eyes of his pupils scenes' of penury and disgrace as tbe consequences of their declariug themselves ou tbe side of the oppressed he may do all this, but let hi in know that he will succeed ultimately in nothing but tbe destruction of his bold upon the affections, esteem, aud veneration of those, who, were his conduct different, would be attached to bim by the holiest and the strongest lies. PRINCIPLE vs. MOBS.' Reader, do you wish to know the effect of a mob upon the mind of an abolitionist t When he is assailed with brickbats, as so many replies to his arguments, do you wish to learn whether be thinks he has been vanquished I Well, we can gratify you. Here is an extract of a letter, writi ten immediately after the infamous treatment which he re ceived at Haverhill, which our brother, S. J. May, has for warded to us. Now, judge ye ! ' Haverhill, Sept. 2,4833. Dear Garrison How the heathen rage 1 and how vain a thing tbe people imagine ! The whole history of past ages should have taught tbem better. Do they expect lo drowu the still smalt voice of heavenly truth by the thunders of human wrath 3 or to obliterate the everlasting principles of righteousness by stones and brickbats I Have they nol heard, have they not seen, that tbe heat of persecution nurtures the very plants it won Id extirpate! It seems to me, that- our opposers are doing every thing lo help us. They are ploughing up the field which was hard bound and stony, and full of rank weedj, so that many of the seeds we have been scattering upon it were trodden under foot, or scorched upon the surface, or choked ; they are ploughing it up, and we shall soon see every where tbe lender blade, and full grown stalk, and the field whitening to the harvest. What subject was ever so much talked about as slavery is now, every where f And it happens to be just one of those subjects which will uot bear to be talked about. It is a wicked thing that loves the darkness and silence of night. But our opposers bave dragged it out into the full blaze of the noon-day ; and it can never get out of sight again. The doom of slavery is sealed." THE COLONIZATION SOCIETY MR. GUR-LEY, &c. &c. The Colonization Society continues to multiply proofs of its congeniality with all the baseness and ferocity in our land, and to increase its claims to tbe detestation of the world. It excites the admiration, and obtains the suffrages, of all the mobocrats throughout ' heathendom.' It flourishes only upon the ruins of good order and public safety, and decays in the midst of general quietude and sobriety. . In theory and practice, it coincides with the feelings and aims of tliose who forcibly break up colored schools, tear down colored dwellings, shoot and flog innocent colored persons, and avow that they are resolved to expel the whole colored population of the country. ' It is one of those prodigies of iniquity, that in the progress pf time rise up to affright mankind, and to show how all the elements and forms of human depravity may be concentrated in a single object. Prejudice hatred persecution grievous oppression private and public outragi heaven-daring blasphemy the sin and subtlety of Satan are its prominent features. No instrument can measure its wickedness no language describe its cruelty. To tliis Society alone, belongs the infamy of having originated the terrible riots which have filled the land duiing the last three years.. By its atrocious calumnies and murderous charges against the abolitionists, it has excited the terror and vengeance of tbe South, and roused up the cupidity and fury of the North, against tbeir property and lives. Its prominent lead-, era and asjpportera instigated, the New-York mobs of October, 1S33, and of May and July, 1834 the vnvKal In PtliUasilvitiS IHfta Pit4! trfi ifvt AiVaa ala... a numerous to mention- We recur to the turbulent scenes that took place a year ago last May, in the city of Babylon, to freshen the memories of our readers, and to exhibit the conformity of the spirit of infidelity to that of the Colonization Society. It will be recollected that the anti-slavery meeting in Chatham-street Chape) was routed by a vociferous mob that Ralph Raxdolph Gcrlet, tbe Secretary and Arcnt of th American Colonization Society, was the grand leader ana Magnus Apollo of the mob that be impudently ejected Rev. Dr. Cox from the chair, and was greeted with cheers by tbe mob and that n resolution in favor of the Colonization Society was unanimously adopted by the mob. Of Mr. Gurley's harangue to the mob, the New-York Courier and Enquirer (one of the most licentious and desperate prints that ever disgraced and cursed a civilized land) spoke in the following terms. We place, in a parallel column, Col. Webb's denunciation of all moral and religious efforts, 4n noiAai fna asm ot m m x r . The -DEiruivciATiojr.' : Millions of money are every year contributed and expended by ambitious sects, who send their emissaries i. e. missionaries to every portion oi the peopled earth, carrying, not perhaps fire and sword, but laying the sure foundations of bloody revolutions and wide wasting anarchy. Thousands ot stout young men are now educated at the expense of pious old ladies, who contribute a cent a week, to lure idleness from . all useful occupations, and educate fanatics for purposes of public mischief ... to make war on all the harmless amusements, ' acts," and occupations of life; to uproot the settled foundations of the social system ; and to render all laws, constitutions and governments subservient to their own ferocious ambition, to become the sole despots of the earth. ... That there is a deep laid plan among these aspiring sectarians to bring us back to the settled gloom, and superstition ' of tbe dark ages, is indicated by their whole conduct. Colleges and institutions are The Panecvric. -j 44 One principal object of these mischievous and malignant incendiaties (i. e. abolitionists; seems to be the destruction of the Colonization Soc., which holds out the only rational and practicable: mode of bringing about .the emancipation of the blacks." The assembly now took the business in their own hands, and Mr. Gnrley was unanimously called to the chair.' On taking it he made a short address. ' Of this, we feel it difficult to express our feelings of admiration, (f) for its fer vent and impressive eloquence, for its candor, its pure and patriotic sentiments. He exposed the dangers which would threaten our Union and beloved country, f the disorganizing principle of the abolitionists should prevail. .... We do not pretend to give even an ' abstract of this truly eloquent address, which was listened to with intense interest by a crowded auditory, and only interrupted by their loud applause and approbation. . . After this, . some resolutions were adopted, denouncing . every year founded to in- in unqualified terms the Abolition, A nil-Union Society their ' principles, and their base attempts to impose on the public and approving of the Colonization Society." itiate a new race of monks and fanatics in the arts and mysteries of clerical ambition. One half of our colleges are nothing more than seminaries for educating dark, uncompromis ing bigots." So much for the orthodoxy the piety of the Colonization Society. For a tew months past, Mr. Gurley has been journeying in New-England, ostensibly to procure aid for this perishing combination, but really to stir up the worst passions of the human heart against tbe abolitionists. His harrangues have been surcharged with venom, falsehood and madness. He has told the people, again and again; that the abolitionists must bo put down, or 44 our glorious Union will be destroyed, and the land will be filled with blood." It is palpable that he is the pensioned tool of the southern slaveholders ; so that his veracity and honesty are precisely on a level with theirs. He is now in the State of Maine, taking advantage of the present furious excitement against tbe abolition cause. A great pro-slavery meeting having been held in Portland, be rightly deemed it a suitable time' to call a Colonization meeting. He did so. The meeting was called to order by a notorious religioqs scoffer and professional blackguard by a slanderer of his countrymen abrond, and one of the leaders of the New-York mob in 1833 by him who took part in the recent opposition meeting in Portland calling George Thompson 44 a base scoundrel," and other opprobrious names by JOHN NEAL, who, " after a few pertinent introductory re- . marks,', introduced Mr. Gurley- to the audience I Here is honest companionship ! A resolution wis adopted, couched in this remarkable language : 44 Resolved, That the American Society for colonizing, with their own consent, the fre people of color in Africa, or elsewhere, O'approved as it has been by many of our distinguished fellow citizens of the South, and by several of the Legislatures of the Southern States, is entitled to the united and liberal support of the American people." ' The logic of the above bona par with its morality. Because the most distinguished oppressors in the land, and those legislatures which are increasing the bur- . dens of the free people of color and the chains of the slaves, support the Colonization Society therefore, it is entitled to the patronage of the whole people ! ! 1 This is the only reason given ; and but a very few grains of impartial, unprejudiced common sense are needed to see that it is a conclusive reason why the Society should receive the condemnation of every lover of freedom, and every friend of humanity. From Portland Mr. Gurley went to Hallowell, and, according to the Free Press, addressed a publie " meeting of the friends of the Union and Constitution opposed to the immediate abolition of slavery. Leaving this deceitful and wicked associate pf persecutors and tyrants, we proceed to give some fresh illustrations of the spirit of the Colonization Society and iU supporters generally as we are anxious to furnish if possible, a satisfactory reply to the grave and intelligent question, "Why cannot the Anti-Slavery and Colonization Societies co-operate together?" . ' . From a Pittsburgh (Pa.) paper, of the 24th ult. wo copy the following paragraph: " The adjourned meeting for the purpose of organizing an association of those who are in favor, of colo- ' nizing the blacks, and opposed to the mad scheme of tome of the abolitionists, will take place this evening. We hope there wilt be a general attendance." 44 Why cannot," &c The individuals called upoa in the above notice were at that time mobbing aomat of the colored inhabitants of Pittsburgh, to make them willing to remove to Liberia ! . , The first paragraph under the editorial head of tbe -' Colonization Herald" of the 5th inaC commences thus referring to the abolitionists ... K In consequence of the incendiary effort of misled pa i ati cs and DESIGNING KNAVES, to create not only diaaffection, but INSURRECTIONARY movements among the colored population of the Southern States, public meetings without distinction, of party have been held," &c. Why cannot," Itc The Herald it under th special guardianship of the veracious Elliott Cresaon, s personage somewhat notorious in England. ' A correspondent of the N- Y. Journal of Commerce, at Natchez, after denouncing; the abolitionists

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