The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts • Page 2

-i QO. AV not extend it, tlicy declared war. "Wherever sla-! ery exist, there secession is rampants here slavery has died out, as in the border Suites, secession has but a punv vitality. Where there is no slavery, the people to a man are enthusiastically devoted to the Union. Such facts cannot be ovcr-ooked." MEMENTO MOEI.

Of all the rumors of incredible atrocities, of foolish outrage, of those worst acts of cowardice that are born of cruelty, and of barbarism that just stops short of to which the expedition of John Brown into Virginia two years aio gave rise, the story that this skin of his son was taken from his body and tanned seemed the most unnatural, and the most improbable, and was, therefore, received with the least attention, notwithstanding to positive assertion. 1 Are not these the United States, a land of common schools and churches, and is not this the nineteenth century of the Christian era?" was the instinctive response which we all made to a statement so revolting to the spirit and culture of our time, our country, and our race. But read this letter from a General in the United States army, now serving in Virginia, to a friend in this city a witness on this point as impartial as he is distinguished "Camp at Virqixia, Oct. 5, 1SG1. To show the refinement of Virginia gentlemen, I inclose to my friend, the Rev.

B. N. Martin, Professor, New York University, a piece of the skin of the thigh (tanned by those gentlemen) of the son of John Brown, who was killed at Harper's Ferry. This is a fragment of the skin which, thus prepared, was distributed in pieces over the Southern country, and was presented to my present Aid in Richmond last April by a Captain So turners of the Confederate States army, and a friend of the doctor who has the akeletnn. and who flaved and tanned the skin.

My Aid informs me that every preparation was made to treat the remains of John Brown in the same way, by having them thrown from the car before reaching Baltimore, and substituting a false coffin: but that the plan was frustrated by the sickness or flinching of the railroad conductor. Brigadier General." Piofessor Martin has shown us this bit of the human remains prepared by some skillful taxidermist in Virginia. It is a minute portion only, for though there are many superficial inches of cuticle on the body of a man of ordinary size, the number of per sons in lrgmia who coveted a bit ot so precious a relic was very many. A ruder barbarism carries the scalp of a slain enemy at the girdle, makes a dnnking-cup ot his whitened skull, or strings the teeth and finger bones into an engaging necklace; but Jason Brown was not the prize of the bow and the spear of any single warrior a whole Commonwealth claimed him as its own. Mere savages, if they use the human tissue of the slaughtered foe I at all, can only eat it a wastetui use ot su pre- cious material.

Science enables them in to refine upon this barbaric extravagance. Learned professors, skillful in the arts, lend their knowledge to the public service, and feed the patriotism of the State with bits of epidermis, imperishably prepared, of the dead, to be worn as amulets and mementoes to keep ever green the memory of a sweet revenge, and -the duty of a Citizen to a Christian State They may laugh in Virginia at the untutored ignorance of the savage who can only rattle the dried scalps and bones of those he has slaughtered, while they point to the curiously tanned skin of their dead enemy as: the evidence of the march of civilization and refinement in that ancient and proud Common-' wealth. Tribune. SECESSION BAEBAEITIES. The following is an extract from a letter from a gentleman of the highest respectability in Illinois, to bis friend in this city, dated Oct.

26 Yes, my dear Sir, we live too near the borders of Missouri not to feel intensely excited by the scenes that are being enacted in that State. Secession and rebellion are rampant on the very borders of Illinois. The newspapers have informed you of the under mining ot a railroad bridge Dy the rebels, by wmcn scores of men, women, and children were suddenly sent into eternity, and great numbers, who were not killed outrijrht, were maimed for life. Scenes equally brutal, though not so destructive, by wholesale, of human lite, are every day perpetrated by the 4 oe-cesh of Missouri. A more cowardly set of savages does not exist.

You can hardly realize the ferocity with which slavery inspires the owner ot a negro or two. woman, when she owns a slave, or one is owned in the family, seems, in many instances, to have cast aside her feminine nature, and to have become savage. A woman of wealth, the owner of quite a number of slaves, when a band of Cherokee Indians, a few months ago, came to the south of Missouri, where she lives, to join the secession army, under McCulloch of Texas, that woman, or rather fiend, publicly of-r fered the Indians a large reward if they would bring her Yankee free-soil scalps enough to make a counterpane- for her bed. There is no mistake about it. same ferocity exists wherever slavery is 1 found.

Last June, a beautiful and accomplished-girl, a native of "Western New York, employed as a teacher in New Orleans, was dragged, on Sunday morning, to Jackson Square, and placed in ad nudi-tate nature in the presence of many huudrcds of spectators, including scores of well-dressed women. To the latter, the poor girl made a heart-rending ap- peal, that they would save her sex from such an outrage. replied only by jeers and insults, tf her it was no more than everv Yankee wo- nTTn deserved. The unfortunate girl was tarred and and banished from the State, with--4. out receiving the salary due her.

You may rely upon the truth of this statement. It comes on the authority of a spectator, upon whose word as implicit reliance can be placed as upon that of any man in the community. I hope and trust that God designs to make this wicked rebellion the instrument for ridding our land from the curse of slavery." Albany Eve. Journal. GEBBIT SMITH ON THE "WAS.

A very powerful address was delivered to an overflowing audience in Rev. Dr. Cheever'a church. New "York, Wednesday evening, 80th ult. by Gerrit Smith, on "The State and Needs of the Country." Its strongest passages were the most warmly applauded.

In the course of it, Mr. Smith having made a complimentary allusion to General Fremont, three rousing cheers -were spontaneously given for Freedom's Pathfinder." The address concluded as follows 1 love my country, but I strongly fear that she is lost. Perhaps it was impossible to save a country whose people had been trained to worship a Constitution, and to scoff at the setting up of God's law above it. Moreover, for nothing (and this was the most guilty feature of the idolatry) was that Constitution worshipped so much as for its power, justly or unjustly, accorded to it, to prevent the breaking of the chains of the slave. Perhaps I was foolish in thinking that such a country either would or could be saved.

I confess that, when th war began, I thought it would be a short one for I was so simple as to assume that the Government was already, or quickly would not merely Xo' fight the rebels, but to conquer them. I took it for granted that the Government would behave rationally; and would no more suffer the Constitution than any other paper to stand in its way slave property no more than any other property. Very soon, however, I liegan to learn my great mistake for very soon the Government, instead of moving its irresistible might against the foe, and doing so with or without Constitution carrying it by its side or trampling it under foot, as might seem most expedient was found -worshipping and inculcating the worship of the Constitution, and tying up with its provisions the hands of both Government and people. Very soon, too, the Government was infatuated enough to decline the help of men because they were Indians or negroes. Very soon, too, our army i i i was empioyea in mo suiciuai ami raiu; wun i seizing innocent men, calling them slaves, and sending them into slavery.

This violation of the Constitution was, of course, with the consent, if not with the express direction, of the President of him whose concern for the Constitution is not at all in respect to the pro-slavery, but ouly the anti-Iavery violations of it. Very soon, too, our army began to aid and comfort' tho rebels by promising to protect them" from servile insurrections. These errors and tlvo crimes were heavy blows at ruy heart. JJut c' yet 1 was able to cheer it up with the hope that though so enormous, they, nevertheless, pro- ceeded from the bad habits rather than from the bad intents of the country from inconsideration of their flagrant character, rather than from pleasure in it ami would therefore soon be corrected. Then, too, my conscience began to revolt at my identifying mvself, voice, pen and purse, with such a war.

But as yet I was able to pacify it with arguments that the "Government would soon cease to rceat its crimes and follies. as time went on, their crimes and follies multiplied. Moreover, Congress did but little better than the Cabinet. Its Act of Confiscation, as we have already seen, ridiculously and madly saves to the rebels the great amount of their property and means for carrying on the war. I do not say that our Congress was, at its extra session, in the jay of the rebels.

It was not for it was, with the exception of the traitors, a body of honorable men. But I do say that by means of its talk about the Constitution, and its much stress upon it, and by means also of its great tenderness for the rights and interests of the rebels, it was in the service of the rebels. The course of things went on unchanged. To talk for the Constitution, and to protect slavery; to insult ami outrage the black man; this was still the policy. My courage would sink, though not utterly.

I was faint, yet pursuing." But at last, when the rresident took the side of the rebels, against Fremont, and commanded him not to go beyond very narrow limits in taking away their slaves when, I say, that "commandment came I died." I sank down in despair of the country perhaps never more to come up out of the despair, until the Gov- ii eminent shall come out ot its lony nu inauness. We mav. as I have said, win more than half the battles. Complete success may seem just within our m-asD. Nevertheless, we shall be defeated in the end, unless the Government shall very speedily re solve to wield every power within its command- This tvin? up of one of our hands, while our antago- c.

-1- 1 V. nut uae ootn, is a sort OI shall certainly fail. I said that we may win more than half the bat- tics, and annear to ourselves to lie on the eve of success. But this would only be likely to make our case worse and especially should it take place soon. For while this would make us more haughty than ever, more contemptuous of the blacks than ever, and more disiwsed to push them away from us than ever it would be likely on the other hand, by alarm ing the South, to drive her to court the blacks, and bring them, by freeing them, into a close and irre sistible union with herself.

Yes, just now, defeats might be better for us than victories; for they might make us willing to accept the help of black men before it is too late. I would do no injustice to the President. Al though in policy and practice he is in effect with the enemy, he is, I doubt not, in heart and purpose with his country. The errors in which he has involved himself, and by which he is but too probably ruin both himself and his country, have sprung in no small degree from his foolish anxiety to show him self clear of all partiality for the North but mainly, however, from his excessive desire to conciliate the Bonier States especially Kentucky and Missouri and more especially his native Kentucky. I called this desire excessive.

It seems well nigh exclusive, also. His concern to secure the friendship of Ken tucky appears greater than to secure that of the whole North. He holds at the spigot while it runs at the bung." He is penny wise and pound fool ish." The President's bargain with the loyal slave holders of the Border States (save me, by the way from the loyalty of a thorough slaveholder, and especially if he be one who makes the saving of sla very the condition of his loyalty is, that they shall stand un for the Union, and he for slavery. Un happy bargain I No less so for being but understood instead of expressed. If persisted in, it cannot fai to bring ruin to the parties to it, and to the country also.

Three months may not pass away before these loyal slaveholders will see that they have lost all through their eagerness to save slavery that their ill-judged stipulation for the safety of slave property nas resuiteu in tne loss OI an saieiy, een me nueiy of their lives. By that time, they may see that the only wav to kill the rebellion in their States was not only to acknowledge that the war power ha; the. same absolute right over slave property that it has over every other kind of property, but also to get the right exercised as speedily as possible and as 1 1 1 .1 ll sweepmgiy as possiuie. uy mat nine mey way learn, in the most appalling lessons, that, in respec to- the slaves of the rebels, Fremont was wise, and the President and these loval slaveholders were foolish. These loyal slaveholders will have but them selves to thank for their too probable ruin.

Sla very is the rallying point and the strength of their enemies and for dear life's sake, then, they should have struck at slavery, and been glad to save themselves, even though at the expense of losing their slaves. Nay, if they could not bring themselves to carry their States clean over to the side ot lreedom, they would, by carrying them clean over to the side of slavery, have made their condition far more com fortable than it can possibly be in their miserable fluctuations between the two. I need not extend my argument, and I must not further tax your patience. The one thing which the people of the North need to do (and I would that the people in this crowded house mignt set tne influential example of doing it), is to call on the Govern ment (as it would do by passing the resolution I have read), to give up forthwith its merely fighting policy. and substitute for it the purpose of conquest a pur pose, moreover, so earnest as shall command the em ployment of whatever muscles or mean3 may be need ed to achieve the conquest.

If the Government shal come to be animated by such a purpose, it will not more decline the help of a man for his being red or i r- -11 1 a biacK, man lor nis oemg wnne ami il win men siop at no expense either to slavery or Const itution. No Democrat, however pro-slavery, and whether living or dead, has wrtten or spoken as much tor the Con stitution, and ftr the Constitution just as it is, as have. Nevertheless. I have, since the war began cared nothing for tne Constitution, and I shall never more care for it unti it shall be settled that I have a country for a Constitution. I care not for my sick child's dress until I shall know that the child lives to wear it.

So, too, the slaveholder, provided he is truly loyal, will have no concern for slavery until his country shall have conquered her enemies. Innumerable things that we cling to in peace, we must sit loose to in war. I am an absolute free-trader. Nevertheless, when, a few months ago, Government proposed a higher tariff, I was in favor of piling up the taxes to any height that would serve the most effectual prosecution of the war. Europe esteems our present tariff to be a commercial blunder.

But, whether it is wise or unwise as a war measure is the only legitimate question. In conclusion, let me entreat that if any impres-1 sion has been made by any of my remarks on this occasion, no one shall undertake to weaken it by calling me au Abolitionist for I have not spoken as an Abolitionist. I have spoken ouly as might an Anti-Abolitionist, who sets his country above the Constitution and slavery, and who would have her Uve, though these perish. It is true that I am an Abolitionist; and as I seem to have been born as well as bred one, it would be quite idle to deny that I am one. But for months the state of the public mind has not been such as would encourage me to speak or write as an Abolitionist.

Until my countrymen shall be willing to save themselves, I shall have no hope that they can be moved to save the slaves. Very rare is the man who is willing to put forth efforts to save another, while he is yet so infatuated as to refuse to save himself. Let me see my countrymen cured of this infatuation, and resolved to save their country by whatever means, and I shall not be slow to recommence sneaking and writing as an Abolitionist. Then shall I again declare, in the wonls of the best of all lKx.ks, that "Salvation is of the Lord;" and that He bestows it upon unrighteous nations no more than upon unrighteous individuals. Then, too, shall I be as ready as other Abolitionists to show that the North and the South, which for forty years have not in spirit been one nation, will, when slavery is abolished, become rapidly a homogeneous, happy, mutually-loving ami prosperous people united to each other by freedom, as emphatically as they are now sundered from each other by slavery.

Again, I could not, in the present guilty state of the public mind, speak or write as an Abolitionist, except in bursts of indignation at the hypocrisy of the past lamentations of the North over her alleged inability to abolish slavery. Surpassing hypocrisy Seeing that now, when slavery is threatening the very existence of tho nation, aud when the monster lies at the mercy of martial law, the North not only does not call out in thundcr-toues for the abolition of slavery, but basely acquiesces in the Government policy of protecting it. Were my hearers, to speak to you as an Abolitionist, I would say that penitence alone can save a nation whose people have corrupted and debased i LI EE A 33, themselves by upholding and extending slavery. I would say that her destruction is the unavoidable penalty of her people cnines against the Great Father and His oppressed children, unless those crimes are repented of. Finally, were 1 to speak to ou as an Abolitionist, I would say AS Iiod lives AND REIGNS, EITHER THIS NATION WILL ABOLISH SLAVERY, OR SLAVERY WILL ABOLISH IT 1 I have done.

I can now say that in this city also have faithfully protested agaiust this needless im poverishing of the nation, and against this needless bnnjnng of heart-breaking sorrows into tens of thou- ands of its families. In a I can now say that, have, here as well as elsewhere, lifted up mv Toice earnestly against this wicked sacrificing of the country by the Government. Her blood be not upon me, but upon those who are guilty ot it I for more than twenty years I have been warning my countrymen- may I not say, as said Paul, night and day, and with tears ot the rapid approach ot this time of violence ana uistress- iuc nitnerto tney would not hear me and they probably will not hear me now. Nevertheless, 1 cannot restrain mvself from saying that our beloved country will surely perish, if the present policy ot her rulers shall be persisted in. At the conclusion of his address, (which may be found entire in the Tribune of Nov.

9th,) Mr. Smith offered the following resolution, which was adopted by the great assembly, only two or three dissenting Resolved, That, in the judgment of this- meetine. our beloved country will surely perish if her rulers shall persist in recognizing the right of the rebels to any of their possessions or -shall persist in scorning and repulsing the help of men on account of their complexion, or political, social, or domestic condition; or shall not be intent to strengthen the country and crip ple the enemy in all possible ways, and at whatever expense to usages and systems, statutes and constitu tions, and at however frequent substitution of the sure. swift, summary, sweeping processes of martial lw. for the tardy, uncertain, and inadequate steps of civil law.

No Union with Slaveholders! BOSTON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1SG1. MEMOBIAL OF THE PEOPLE TO CONGBESS. PROCLAIM LIBERTY THROUGHOCT ALL THE LAND. TO ALL THIS INHABITANTS THEREOF. To the Congress of the United States The undersigned, citizens of respectfully submit State of That as the present formidable rebellion against the General Government manifestly finds its root and nourishment in the system of chattel slavery at the South as the leading conspirators are slaveholders, who constitute an oligarchy avowedly hostile to all free institutions and as, in the nature of things, no solid peace can be maintained while the cause of this treasonable revolt is permitted to exist; your honor able body is urgently implored to lose no time in enacting, under the war power, the total abolition of slavery throughout the country liberating uncondi tionally the slaves of all who are rebels, and, while not recognizing the right of property in man, allowing for the emancipated slaves of such as are loyal to the government a fair pecuniary award, in order to fa cilitate an amicable adjustment of difficulties; and thus to bring the war to a speedy and beneficent ter mination, and indissolubly to unite all sections and all interests of the country upon the enduring basis of universal freedom.

CIT5 Printed copies of the Petition, for gratuitous circulation, may be obtained at the Anti-Slavery Offi ces in Bobton, New York and Philadelphia, THE WAE POWEB. An earnest Anti-Slavery friend, at the "West, thinks the Petition to Congress, asking that body to abolish slavery under the war power, "leaves the Adversary a hole to creep out at, in the fact that Congress lias not the war power." Coming from such a quarter, the objection is as singular as it is gratuitous. It has not been raised before, even in the most pro-6lavery circles. John Quincy Adams (whose authority in such a matter is of immense weight) emphatically de clares lay this dotvn as the law of nations. I say that the military authority the time, the place of all mu nicipai institutions, slavery among the rest.

Under that state of things, so Jar from its being true that the States urhere slavery exists have the exclusive management of the subject, not otilu the President of the United States, but the commander of the army, has power to order the universal emancipation of the slaves. But he does not stop here, declares He as unequivocally From the instant that your slaveholding States lecom the Uieatre or war, civil, servile or foreign, rrom that tn slant THE WAR powers OF CONGRESS extend to interfer ence with the institution of slavery in every wttu in which it can be interfered with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, to the cession of the Statt bur dened with slavery to a Jortign power. In every way in which it can be interfered with Ample power enough Though we would not have President Lincoln or Gen. McClellan lose an hour before decreeing the abolition of slavery throughout the South as a military necessity, yet, other things being equal," we think such a decree, put forth by Congress, as directly representing THE PEOPLE would carry with it greater torce, and be more vigo rously sustained. To doubt the competency of that body to make it, is needlessly to embarrass action, and prevent a decisive expression of public sentiment on the subject.

Congress, by the Constitution, has pow er to declare war; and that power carries with it all the means and measures necessary to give success to the war the greater includes the less. As well object to the validity of the act of Congress in August last, in confiscating certain kinds of rebel property, as to moot such a question concerning slave property Some persons may prefer a different form of petition if so, let them not fail to write and sign it, the object to be effected being the same namely, the total abo lition of slavery. The act will not only be legal, and one of self-preservation on the part of the government, but in the highest degree beneficent and glorious With a free South and a free North, the Union will be perfect and indestructible. Fifth Fratersitt Lectcbe. Ralph Waldo Emer son addressed a large audience at the Tremont Tem pie, last Tuesday evening, on "American Nationali ty." His discourse was excellent, and received hearty applause.

It recognized the fact of an actual separa tion of this nation into two nations, and pointed out the real and positive advantages that would accrue to each 6ide from the separation. Henceforth, he said, the advocacy of slavery and the advocacy of freedom would not be absurdly united in the same people The foolish compromise which our fathers made had been dissolved by the spontaneous action of the other party and the North would never again put her head into that yoke. Next week's lecture, by Rev. William R. Alger, to be on "Judas Iscariot and bis Family." Tub Christian Examiner, for November, 1S61, contains the following interesting and able papers I.

The Relation of War to Human Nature. II. Daniel De Foe. III. Tholuck on Prophecy.

IV. Buckle's History of Ci vihzation. V. Western Monas-ticism. VI.

Joseph Wolff. VIL Review of Current Literature. The reviewer of Buckle's History, while highly appreciating Mr. B's vigorous and independent thinking, faithful study of details, and strong believing purpose, says The doctrines of which he is the ardent advocate seem to us, the more thoroughly we consider them, to be essentially theoretical, superficial and narrow. They are destitute of any broau basis of reality.

In their application by Mr. Buckle, they utterly fail to solve the historic problems upon which he tries their power. With a show of science, they are very unscientific, being a mere colk-ctiouof unverified hypotheses." THE TBAITOBS MOST TO BE ABHORRED. nrhf traitors most to be abhorred do not reside south of Mason and Dixon's line; for all in that section of the country have long since torn off the mask, discarded the Constitution, dissolved the Union, put themselves in open and deadly array for the overthrow of the Government, and organized themselves into an independent ilavcholding Confederacy. They avow their hostility, not merely to the Abolitionists as a class, but to the people of the North generally they cherish and avow the most intense sectional feelings they can find no language to express their contempt of all Yankeedom," and declare that under no circumstances will they ever again recognize the same flag, or consent to be in the same republic.

They deal in no cant; they disdain to play the part of dissemblers; they mean all that they say, and they say all that those who are habitually inspired by a demoniacal spirit are capable of expressing with unbounded copiousness of devilish speech. They tar and feather, stab, shoot, or hang those caught on their soil, avowing loyalty to the stars and stripes," and unwavering, devotion to the "Union, as readily as they do the most ultra Abolition fanatics." They have drawn the sword, and thrown away the scabbard; they have crossed the bridge, and burnt it; and they are prepared to meet, without whining or protest, all the penalties that may follow such desperate deeds. The most decent epithet they can apply to President Lincoln is, to call him "a Kangaroo," the Illinois Ape and they describe the intelligent, brave and patriotic men who have responded to the call of the Government to rally on the battle field for its support, as a cowardly, motley crew of. starving foreigners and operatives, who never did fight, except for pay, for pillage and plunder and once sat isfied that no money is to be made, no plunder to be gotten by invading the South, no power on earth can lash and kick them south of Mason and Dixon line. We quote from the Richmond Examiner.

The New Orleans Bulletin styles them greasy operatives of Lowell and the smutty shoemakers of Lynn." The Norfolk Day Book describes them as "mercenary hirelings," "Arnolds," "Judases," "thieves, cutthroats and assassins, who sell themselves to the Ty-phon at Babylonish Washington for gold, for booty, and for beauty." The worst traitors are those who are still found every where at the North, secretly sympathizing with the Southern conspirators, and aiding them by word and deed as far as they dare; canting about the horrors of war, and hinting at the desirableness of peace on any terms fiercely denouncing all who abhor slavery, and artfully trying to subject to brutal personal assaults the most conspicuous among this number, and once more to rouse up the wildest elements of a pro-slavery monocracy, but carefully abstaining from all severity of language towards the rebels, and allowing their hideous and numberless atrocities to pass without comment; hypocritically pretending to be the special friends of the Government, in order that they may paralyze its arm, by their menaces and outcries, from striking an effective blow at the cause of the rebellion, and also gain a political ascendency in Congress and the several State Legislatures, with a view to the reconstruction of the Government on a basis satisfactory to Jefferson Davis and his man-stealing compeers. Their democracy is ancient toryism ruu to seed their humanity, a stony petrefaction their religion, that of the sons of Belial. They froth at the mouth, grow red in the face, and exhaust the language of Billingsgate, whenever any proposition is made for the abolition of slavery, even though it be solely to save their boasted Union, and not with reference to the intrinsic iniquity of the slave system. They are incomparably more concerned for the security of slave property than the Southern rebels themselves and are a thousand times more deserving of execration. No music is so delightful to their ears as the clank of the slave-chain, the crack of the slave-whip, the bay I of the pursuing bloodhound, or the screams of the lacerated, panting victim.

"Niggers," in their opinion, were made to be worked without wages, subjected toirresporisible despotism, scourged with impunity, branded with red hot irons, denied all intellectual and moral growth, given over to unrestrained lust, and ranked with the beasts of the field and, in their opinion, those who solemnly protest against such robbery and violence, such profligacy and heathenism, and endeavor to put an end to such enormities, deserve nothing but ridicule, contempt, and brutal resistance, as a fanatical and dangerous class. The humane, just, patriotic, and generous speech of Charles Sumner, and the noble and soul-inspiring proclamation of General Fremont, alike throw them into furious paroxysms, and intensify the flames of the hell that is raging within them. The organs of these traitors are such papers as the Boston Post, the Boston Courier, the New York Journal of Commerce, Bennett's Ileruld, New York Express, et id omne genus. Up to the hour of the capture of Fort Sumter, even after the "Star of the West" had been ignominiously driven away from the harbor of Charleston, and the American flag fired at by rebel cannon, they were in open, hearty, rampant sympa thy with the spirit of secession, and did every thing in their power to stimulate it, if rot to the utter subversion, at least to the cowardly subjugation of the Government, so that its infernal purpose might be gratified. But the capture of Fct Sumter presented to the country a treasonable issue in a tangible form, and in a manner admitting no longer of forbearance; popular indignation swept through all the Free States like a prairie conflagration domestic traitors became suddenly transformed into boisterous patriots, lest they should find the atmosphere too hot for comfortable endurance; and the traitorous sheets we have named were forcibly compelled to hoist the "star and 6tripes," though they secretly went, as they still do in spirit, for the rebel flag.

Selfish, cowardly, unprincipled, they ara again revealing their old animus in proportion as the wholesome fear of a popular visitation lessens in their minds. That visitation they need to have repeated to keep them within the bounds of decency and toleration. Wherein the Government indicates weakness, timidity, inefficiency, as against rebeldom, they chuckle and applaud; and pronounce it eminently prudent and sagacious But any proposition that looks to making 6hort work in righteousness with the rebels, by terminating the hateful slave system out of which their rebellion has sprung, and for which alone they have withdrawn from the Union, is by these journals hooted at and anathematized as fraught with inconceivable horrors; and the Government is menaced, in case of proclaiming emancipation, no matter how closely driven to the wall, or that necessity and self-preservation demand it, with bloody home dissensions, and an immediate disbanding of the army What villany is comparable to this on the side of the open Secessionists of the South And it manifestly exerts a paralyzing influence at Washington, thus needlessly prolonging a bloody, fratricidal war, sacri ficing fathers, husbands and sons to no purpose, and increasing to frightful dimensions a public debt which will rest like an incubus upon Northern labor and capi tal for many a generation No more effective aid can possibly be rendered the plotting Confederates. These journals impudently pretend that slavery has nothing to do with the war, and the war should have nothing to do with slavery They give the lie to all the facts of history, and to the declarations of the Southern traitors themselves. What the Union dashed asunder precisely where the line runs between free territory and slavedom, and slavery nothing to do with it I Is it freedom, then, that is to be held responsible for the deed Are they not Southern slaveholders, but Northern freemen, who have perjnriously violated their oath to maintain the Constitution, substituted for the national banner a rebel flag, confiscated hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of property, stolen all the arsenals, fortifications, mints and customhouses within their grasp, and set up independently for themselves 1 Are not Jefferson Davis, and Alexander H.

Stephens, and General Beauregard, and General Johnston, all the members of the Confederate Cabinet, and all in the Confederate army acting as leaders, slaveholders I Do they not pronounce free institutions a failure, and have they not made negro slavery the corner-stone of their despotic confederacy 1 If the Southern States had long since Imitated the good example of the Northern States, in abolishing slavery within their borders, would there now be witnessed the spectacle that shocks the civilized world SLAVERY and REBELLION are convertible terms mean, in the mouths of the rebels, the same thing and must be slain by the same blow. It is a SLAVE HOLDERS' REBELLION. Whoever, now, is for protecting slavery, gives encouragement to tresson, and his proper place is under the Confederate flag, on Southern soil. The Northern traitor is he, who, now that the Slave States have put the Constitution be neath their feet, claims for their slave property the old constitutional guaranties. No such claim have they the audacity to pretend as any longer in existence.

They are under a Constitution of their own fashioning, and in boastful and defiant rebellion to uphold it. Is he not, then, doubly to be detested, who, while professing to be loyal, here at the North, insists upon gir-ing them all those advantages which they enjoyed while keeping step to the music of the Union We repeat the traitors most to be feared and most abhorred reside, not in the Confederate States, but here at the North and we have endeavored to indicate who they are, and the journals which utter their sentiments. MUSIO HALT. JUBILANT. Garrison has spoken at Music nail.

It was on the Sabbath, the New England Sabbath which has been so much honored by our New England ancestors, and is now 6o much dishonored by their descendants. The Abolitionists were congratulated upon the present fruition of their labors, the South was denounced for her barbarism, Fremont was exalted for his proclamation, and the people were told that what he had done, the President could not undo, and that the speaker would not believe any of the charges against him until they were proven before a competent tribunal. Mr. Sum ner was also congratulated upon the patriotism, the moral character and political virtue of his position and Edward Everett was alluded to with tearful regret, because he could speak one hour from the same desk, and not once allude to the crime of American slavery. The Administration was condemned for its imbecility in not striking at the root of this evil, and declaring that the war was for the abolition of slavery and those men were called traitors who said this war was for the maintenance of the Constitution and the Union, and not for emancipation.

He said that Abolitionists were the true Democrats, who. went for the equality of all men, and that the Democracy of the Boston Post was a sham Democracy and that he who said he believed in the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence, but was not an Abolitionist, was either a fool or a hypicrite. He said he was told that if he and the Abolitionists had not talked and agitated so much, this war would not have been as for him, he should denounce tyranny, he should denounce slavery, he should talk as he pleased upon this matter. This was the style and the spirit of the speaker. Age has not mitigated the asperity of his feelings, experience has not yet taught him the ruinous consequences of his principles, lie can denounce without reasoning, make statements underlaid with sophistry, declare principles with the appearance of right which would be the most disastrous in application, exalt liberty while he is undermining its foundation, quote scripture and poetry to the satisfaction of the sentimentalist and to the contempt of the statesman, indulge in satire to the extreme gratification of a malignant philanthropy, and do all these things in a manner entirely worthy of a leader of such a party.

His house was full, Music Hall was jubilant. The most treasonable passages were clapiied the loudest, and the well known beauty of those who gather there was radiant with delight. It was a scene worthy of the place. Secession, as organized in Boston thirty years ago, treason, as spoken in Boston now, and that with impunity, poured out their vials of wrath upon that covenant with Death and compact with Hell, the Constitution of the United States. Et tu Brute I exclaimed Csar, and thou, too, Massachusetts may we exclaim, when she turns her dagger upon that government which has fostered and sustained her, and helped her to a glorious position in the Commonwealth of States.

We have no malignity for these men at Music Hall, though we know, had they the power, sooner from them than from any other class among us, the Star Chamber, the High Commission, the Guillotine and a Jeffries would spring: into being and activity against those who saw no wider than thy-Wnly Uy whert1 we cannot enlighten, and hold in check that which is bereft of the natural instinct of self-preservation. Boston Post, l'2th inst. Remarks. It is in vain tliat the Editor of the Post attempts to stultify himself or his readers in this manner. What we uttered at Music Hall were irrefutable, self-evident truths, and the response given to them indicated an enlightened and freedom-loving audience.

But it was on the Sabbath 1 Here we have a blending of political demagoguism with the ancient Jewish phariseeism! And the scribes and Pharisees watched him, whether he would heal on the sabbath-day that they might find accusation against him. Then said Jesus unto them, I will ask you one thing Is it lawful on the sabbath-days to do good, or to do evil? to save life, or to destroy itl And they were filled with madness, and communed one with another what they might do to Jesus." The Editor of the Post shows himself to be their lineal descendant. lie said that Abolitionists were the true Democrats, who went for the equality of all men." Certainly we did, and that is the truth. We also said that the Democracy of the Boston Post was a sham Democracy and that is the truth. It is a negro-driving, cradle-plundering, and slave-trading Democracy, to be spurned by every manly bosom.

It misleads the ignorant, duj-cs the credulous, gratifies the malignant, suits the tyrannical, and plunders the poor. Its impudence and shamelessness are unbounded. It is not true that we condemned the administration for not declaring that the war was for the abolition of slavery." We said exactly the reverse of this we admitted that the abolition of slavery was not the object of the war, but the defence of the government but we argued that, as the entire slave population, passive in the hands of the conspirators," constituted a thunderbolt to be actively hurled at the government for its destruction, it became both a necessity and a duty to lose no time in transforming four millions of enemies into four millions of friends. Waa not that true patriotism And for our authority, we quoted the Montgomery (Alabama) Advertiser, as follows The institution of slavery in the South alone enables her to place in the field a force much larger in proportion to her white population than the North, or indeed any country which is dependent entirely on free labor. The institution is a tower of strength to the South, particularly at the present crisis, and our enemies will be' likely to find that the moral cancer abouj which their orators are so fond of prating, is really one of the most effective weapons employed against the UnioV by the South." Also, the following, from the Memphis A procession of several hundred stout negro men, members of the domestic marched through our streets yesterday, in military order, under the command of Confederate officers.

They were well armed and equipped with shovels, axes, blankets. It may be that the shovels are to te used in digging ditches, throwing up breastworks or the construction of masked batteries, those abominations to every abolition Paul Pry who is so unlucky as to stumble upon them." The Editor of the Post is opposed to disabling the rebels, by striking down this arm of their strength, and thus indicates where his sympathies tend in thil struggle. His "patriotic," like his "democratic" garb, is a sham, a snare, and a cheat. He speaks of the ruinous consequences of our principles. Our principles are those enunciated in the Sermon on the Mount and in the Declaration of Independence and they are ruinous only to the honea of political tricksters, "patriotic" mercenaries, and profligate demagogues, and of all other corrupt classes.

They strike at the root of all usurpation of man or his fellow-man, destroy tyranny, and render liberti- sweet and sacred for the whole human race "The most treasonable passages were clanrvwl loudest." For treasonable, read reasonable, and trniV patriotic and Christian. It was a scene worthy of the place." we did at the desk and in the hall consecrated by the spirit and services of Theodorb Parker, wo no higher eulogy. The Editor of the Post may brand uncompromising USTOVIEIM-BEIt opposition to slavery as secession thirty and treason now," but he only thereby recreancy to the causeof impartial bmy. We have no malignity," be says, for at Music Hall." The disclaimer looks cious But, innocent and lamb-like as her he not only believes, but knows," that, hti power, they wonld resort to the Guillotine, Chamber, the High Commission, 4c tell an abundance of charity, without a particle cf As to "tho men at Music 11' have yet banned nobody, so that th is secure." What they will do when they i power," we cannot say but we are quite will not imitate the rillanous example of ft, timtin tin mnhfvratiA vir1nH tr -gmuvt i nose hor slavery, and desire the freedom of all nxa. TREASON IN HIGH PLACES.

It is said that many clerk in the service in Washington are still allied ing and interest with the secessionists. Iti i to our cost, that information of the intended i ments of the United States army and ntrj larly sent to the chiefs of the rebel them to meet and counteract those movements, though several of the severest defeats of ttt have been clearly tracable to this socrce, commensurate with the greatness of the evA Hi be put forth against it, and no remedy baa plied, in the Inown cases of this sort, more iai than a requisition to take the oath of allegiance! as effectual as swearing a rattlesnake not about as judicious as leaving a notorious to be the watchman of a bank, after fxforfj a a promise that he would not tealj By wht pt public functionary have these things been iy-j By the neglect of preventive measures on what great public iunctionary are these tbin mitted still to continue How was it that President Buchanan went office with the reputation of a traitor? Wka that, during the latter part of his term of openly so adjusted his policy as to favor the nUk; their movement to overthrow that Contitnc Government which he had sworn faithfully to Was it not that evidence appeared, clearly tiwj him to have acted in the interest of that cmnfit from the very beginning of his administratkti if 4 Presidency! While trusted as the guardi tfj, Republic, and obeyed as one necessarily earnest fes prosperity, this traitorous wretch was coastantjj fc-' ing into the hands of its worst enemies die; things that would favor their hostile doing the things that were indispensable to coma those purposes; and when near the end of k' years' stealthy pursuance of this infamouj it became necessary for him to assist orWy eiiiw i country or her enemies, helping the latter inaction. Yes when the rebellion hich he hsi to conceal at last broke out, this betrayer of hit encr symmetrically closed bis career of shame by upon all loyal citizens to fast and pray," vim oath as President and Commander-in-Chief rtqr. him to lead them in the most acdve operstiwa 6istance to the traitors. In the matters wherein James Buchanan wutr.

erons, has his successor been faithful It must be remembered that fidelity requires kc thing more than not to be actively treacheroust thing more than not to pursue that other fatal of inaction. Fidelity requires the prompt, tctis zealous use of the appropriate means for toes Abraham Lincoln lias been chosen to defend ssii the country; means suited to and adequate fort purpose have been promptly and lavishly inpp'H him it depends upon his individual detVton they shall be used in such time and manner complish the object. If he determines and jo not so to use them, is notA also a traitor I T-thfe question which lovers of tlieif country fUnis to consider and act upon L- Slavery is the source of the rebellion uufittt we now suffer. This is not only clear as the 12 the honest inquirer, but everybody now admitTs. The custom of our Government has been to i slavery, first, by not interfering with it, and wit, resisting all opposition to it.

And it has bres bl tained that in time of peace, and while the Con ment and the people were pursuing their 01 methods of operation, this policy- was imirSn required of the Government by the Conatiutioa- 1 Whether this last hypothesis be true or sot, It certain that this attitude of our Government, i' the peace which the nation has now enjoyed for fc years, has enabled the slaveholders to keep slaves, when without this aid they would hiret them. I Times are changed. War is upon us. arms laws are silent, says the proverk Andjiii exemplify the truth of the proverb, FretUleBt coin has repeatedly done, in this crisis, thtt wide Constitution, in ordinary forbids Borw both Congress and the people have plainly fc their approval of this overriding of the Comtss when the nation's welfare is to be served by it Not only is war upon us, but war by the for the purposes, of slaveholders. The gres slaveholders have set themselves in violent epp3 to the great body of the nation, and that open violation of the Constitution and defiance Government, but" with extensive robberici, bii -the Government and the people, and with tourj acts of unspeakable insolence and outrage.

Among these acts of insolence and outn, t-have assembled an immense army, and nwi1-4 for months in the vicinity of the National -with the declared intention of seizing thi L. and overthrowing the United States Goitr- And they openly boast that it is their fytea rf very which enables them to do this, and to war, a greater proportion of their aUe-Si' than the North can use, because the prodocti' try of the North is diminished in proporii army is increased, while their producrjre goes on, irrespective of the presence or tUei fighting men. Whether this statement be true, or only one a- impudent and preposterous lies which accustomed to use in advocacy of their ctj, certain that an active interference with Iav7 Government, (whether a Proclamation the slaves of rebels only, or an Act of unirersil cipation under the war-power,) would iffiaw scatter one-half or more of the army now Washington, and send them, in double-quick repel a possible attack upon that very their several border homes, for the sol made the war. It is certain that the peoiJe fighting for slavery will bend their uCr1 1 towards the defence of slavery, especial! defence is inextricably bound up with tbe their stolen forts, arsenals and tf their cotton and sugar fields, and of their t-homes. To defend these, they must go to where these are attacked.

And if by his Official Proclamation, attacks slavery neously at every point of their Northern, Southern and Western border, nothing i tain than that they must divide themselves for the defence of that border. This 1 first, and the inevitable, result of such a Tro- And this alone would be worth making it Though this state of thincs has existed Abraham Lincoln has been President and Ct in-Chief, he has issued no such prochur Though it is obvious that the recent ser ine great naval expedition would have hi 1 its present effect upon the rebels had it bee" or even accompanied, by a formal Troc freedom to all their slaves though it is their present system of operations mu 1 entirely disconcerted, and that an intents favorable to the movements of the Gove" most damaging to the rebel cause, mu.