The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts • Page 1

una on to it I (Laughter.) make it less easy for Robert WicklifFe to hold his 01 tne accusation was sucn, mat 1 ll-a I Air. jjougias must nave oeen crazy That is the state of the political world. That is the index which shows you how far the political world has travelled. At yonder door, you will see John Doy, of Kansas, and in his hands an account of his life there and in a Missouri jail. That book will tell you that a few earnest men, abolitionists, thinking that there was something higher than law, something more potent than a Missouri writ to commit a freeman to a Missouri jail, went across the border, and took him out he, never having been in Missouri, it was physically impossible that he should ever have offended Missouri law.

That was one of the outbreaks, the natural outbreaks, of abolition feeling in the Northern States. That was one of the inevitable results of these anti-slaveiy principles planted in the hearts of the common people. Mr. Doy comes out of jail comes East comes to New England. Where does he find one.

atom of SYmnathY I. In ReDublican meelinss From leading Republicans I From any- thing that can call itself Republican No jot of it. They cannot afford to sympathize with him. He only finds it in abolition meetings. Take Mr.

Hyatt. Mr. Hyatt goes to Washington to look despotism in the face, to assert the constitutional rights of the citizen, invaded by a Senate Committee and, knowing no other way to serve the nation, he refuses to obey the unconstitutional law, and walks into jail. What says the New York Tribune, the organ of political anti-slavery 4 A fool for your 'If he is not crazy, he ought to be. I am only showing you that, as Abolitionists, we can place no reliance on anything outside of this professedly anti-slavery movement.

We have not yet emancipated Wm. II. Seward, much less the black slave. (Cheers.) We have not yet taken the gag off the lips of Northern ministers and Northern politicians; we are just so far from our work. What is, therefore, undoubtedly our policy, what is the inevitable dictate of duty, under these circumstances It is, not to allow our hopes to centre on the success of a certain political party or candidate.

I have no objection, personally, to the success of Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Seward: but I would rather that Stephen A. Douglas should be President than either of them. We cannot afford yet to let Mr.

Lincoln succeed, because, if he should, the country will say, The North his got the helm, let us see what the North is ready do wait and we shall have four years of wait ing, to see what Abe Lincoln won't do (Laughter.) Those four years will be wasted. He will waste them in trying to make up his mind on the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia in finding out whether, after nil, there ought to bo an internal slave trade. We cannot afford the success of such a man. Democrat jnto the Presidential chair, and Mr, Mr. Seward is an agitator, every Republican is an agitator.

Free from the responsibilities of office, they can afford to speak their sentiments, to a certain extent. They can afford to speak of Kansas they can afford to speak of Mr. Hyatt. Why, Mr. Hyatt would be a martyr if this was the first day of December instead of May, because then the Presidential election would be over, and it could have neither good nor bad influence on the Republican nominee or the Republican canvass.

The Tribune, instead of being brutal, would be only the faithful servant of the Northern thermometer. My deduction from this is tantamount to, what I am now going 10 say. alx; at the slave as simply a victim under the heel of an individual white man. Our movement does not so regard him. That political party looks at the statute-book as the best result of the present state of America, as such.

I do not. I consider that statute-book the best result of the moral sentiment of the white race. There is another race in tnis country that have no voice in that statute-book. They are a race they are a nation. I do not stand here to-day on the point that there is one slave to whom somebody has done an injustice, and we must go to the white man, and crave that he will grow to be a better man, and raise his victim.

That statute-book is the house of Hapsburg and the law of Austria, and the negro is Italy, standing under the hoof of Austria. What Wait Eman says Europe to Italy, standing so Does it say, Wait Garibaldi Does it say, 'Hutl! ictor nuel i Does it say, Wait, Mazzini I wait, tJ UU w- decent man and a Christian until the populace ef Vienna get merciful enough to recognize the rights of Venice i No Europe says to Italy, If you have iron, make it into swords, and tear down the house of Hapsburg! (Loud cheers.) You are. a nation, and you have a right, as such, to assert Italian liberty against Austrian invasion When I look at the black man, I look at him as a nation. He is a Pivnnr until xrancis He is the majority of the State of South Caroli there are more blacks than whites there. They na; a 5 Our Country is the our PUBLISHED EVERY FKIDAY MORNING, NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS.

AT' The United States Constitution Is a covenant with death, and an agreement with helL t.t -T7. w- Gr The free States are. the giiardans and essential supports of Vc are the jailers ar.d constables of the institution. 5 is some excuse for communities, a. generous impulse, they espouse the cause the oppressed in other States, and by force restore their rights but they mrw wiihotU fj? tdin3 yfy binding tm am unrighteous yoke.

On this subject oca, rATBESS, ur FEAJtlJtG TUB CoXSTlttTlON SWXKVEO rOJt TIUI right. We their children, at the end cf, half a see the path of duty mote clearly than they, and must walk in it. To this point the public mind has long been tending, and the time has come for looking at it fully, and. with manly and Christian resolution. No blessing of Union can be a compensation for taking part in the enslaving of our fellow-creatures nor ought band to be perpetuated, if experience shall demonstrate it can only continue through our participation in wrong doing.

To this conviction the free States are "William Expert Cuamxixo. Washington room e. S21 F. WALLCUT, General Agent. jYBRMS Two dollars and fifty cents per an fiTcories wUl 1)0 80,11 "nc acWrcss for tkx i.

1)0 11113110 advance. r7 ATI remittances are to be made, and all letters to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to fcted, (post rAiD,) to the General Agent. 1 XT Advertisements making less than one square in- three times for 75 cents one square for $1.00.. rjTha Ag of the American, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery So-iicj tie authorised to receive subscriptions for Thb liWSAtoa, fjThe following gentlemen constitute the Finan- Ommittee, but are not responsible for any of the ic5tj'cf the paper, viz: Francis Jackson, Ed-fCs QncTt Edmcxd Jackson, and Westdem. fiiturs.

M. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. BOSTON. FRIDAY, JUNE 8, IS VOL. XXX.

NO. 23. THE LIBERATOR. SPEECH OP WENDELL PHILLIPS, ii'M England Anti-Slavery Contention, day, Jay 30A, 1S60. yaognpfcle report for The by J.

M. w. Yebbixtoit. Xs. Chairman The resolution to which I will (gdttTor ta ay a few words, I suppose has been read, 1 will read it again Ksolved, That with the slavetrade freshly revived mKHif us with the connivance of the government.

in defiance ct tne law, witn tne great sects and Iitical parties repudiating the antr-slavery move- itnt, we feel the need of all the more earnestness and the most radical utterances, in our protests against i as a ioui m. ana a system 01 anommations. to be immediatelv abolished, and against a Church tni State, the synagogues of Satan and covenants titn death, to be annulled and dissolved. We ire here to-day Abolitionists our great pur-pose, to seek the abolition of American. Slavery.

With the exception of the Church Anti-Slavery Sp-ety, which met on Tuesday, I know 'of nobody, at least in New England, if. anywhere in the whole Empire, that seeks the abolition of American, littery. We have neither a church nor a party (hit seeks the abolition of American slavery. The question is neither in religion nor in politics anywhere. Let me say a word upon that last point.

The question is not in politics, anywhere. There Republican party which undertakes to protect, to a certain extent, the rights of white men, in certain localities; bat that party distinctly repudiates all -emnrctkm with the question of the abolition of slavery, either gradually or immediately. It is not in tLeir platform it ishot in the speeches of their leading men. More than that you never find their leading men on the platform of any anti-slavery society. Thwe is, therefore, no manifestation in the political Torld, of any intent or purpose to attack the system -ef davery.

Certainly there is none in the religious. We, therefore, and one or two additional societies, are the only bodies that undertake to deal with the ques-tkta of American slavery. If you take the platform ii the Chicago Convention, with the change of a few wqrds in regard to the territorial question, they afght just as well have nominated Douglas as anybody else, because there is nothing in his life nor fa his speeches which runs counter to that Declaration of I'l-iwcipl Chicago. to a political anti-slavery movement is one closely identified with the old parties, and with the Democratic party especially, that there is no distinguishing element in it. Certainly, its head and all its leaders repudiate all' connection with the anti-ilaTery movement, as such.

lam the more anxious that this should be under-itood, because some persons suppose that there are different phases of the anti-slavery movement that there are certain churches doing something, certain politicians doing something. Now, of course, any nin -who undertakes to be a free man, to express his-own sentiments, to go forth with a newspaper in his pocket, is, to a certain extent, attacking slavery be-ttose slavery and freedom are so, not only antago-sstie, but inconsistent, that the one cannot exist in tie fully-developed presence of the other; but what I ny is, that no body of men announces to the public my intention of attacking American slavery but our- tth-es. We are in the thirtieth year of our existence; we have labored with all the means at our control; and, in the thirty years of our existence, the Blare Power has had, and continues to have, 6uch omnipotent hold on the sources of American character tad policy, that there is no man, nor any body of Ben, bold enough to stand up in the face of the American States, and express his purpose to seek the tbolition of slavery. It is a remarkable fact, and well worth noting. It is of great significance.

It jwti5e the policy which we urge upon the nation, of 1 ndical, aggressive, unflinching attack on all the great eoarces of character literature, theology, politics, toe Union if they have created a Union so bound to the car of slavery, that thirty years of agitation hav tat nt r4 A hia onmiffh to TlUt it a orioin wanner mat ne inienas tue nwnnu" MUTcrv. Here is Mr. Lincoln, proclaimed to be. in the 5nformedTLincoln is an agttator, U1SII WI1U. OtVUlU I'K 1 political authority, is the only man capable of uniting tha anti-slavery sentiment of the Northern States." He -the tide-mark that shows how high what may be ailed the Xorthem sentiment (for -you cannot call it tha sentiment) has risen within thirty Mark you he says in this document, (speech Mr.

Lincoln,) in regard to such a point, for in-, as the abolition of slavery in the District of CUombia, that he has never studied the subject that a has no distinctive ideas about it. That is the sissre of his anti-slavery. Slavery en the very it of the Capitol, under the executive authority of fee National Government the simplest form of the simplest element of the question whether 'ft Union can make a slave and he has no distinctive ideas about it he never thought it worth kile to consider it much; but ao far as he has con-Ueiedit, he should be, per hap in favor of gradual halition, when the tlavthcldert of the District asked 'Mitt (Derisive laughter.) Of course he would. I Wht if there a man throughout the whole South would not go as far as that. When South Caro-wanta te free her slaves, he is ready to grant that may.

'(Renewed laughter.) That is the amount Ws anti-slavery in the very focus of the Union, kre the problem is discharged of all ingredients, the simple question whether the United States wu hold slaves. Then he goes into another question that of the "r-Sute slave trade, which the South herself has, frequent occasions, taken the opportunity to pro- Sroinut: Tr. tn tV.r. he is not at all in of stopping it; and in regard to the Fugitive biU, he has no objections to it, and he would objections to introducing the question of repeal-- b'Mitn element of agitation. ('Hear, hear.) i the amount of anti-slavery, if you chooss to it such, which, according to the Chicago ther-nteter, the Northern States are capable of bearing.

is so thin that Mr. Lincoln, standing six feet font inches, cannot afford to carry any principles 1, Tint tnlro i i -r more javoraoie element of the Ilenub- I I bean movement, as you might call it-Mr. Wilson or Mr. Sumner, for instance-the very best specimens. perhaps, of the Republican mind.

Do you ever see one vi mem nere nave they ever avowed their viaM and law, that is their right. When I speak of the rights of the blacks, I begin by recog-man nizing their right exactly as I do that of Italy-the moment they can get their feet and their hands free, to use their hands in strangling every white man South of Mason and Dixon's line. I know you look upon this as fanatical, but it is the corner-stone of everything like a vital anti-slaverv movement, to look nuvnncn a1 a 1 17 meant 10 meetings in yjmo, ana criticise the institutions of Kentucky hold them up as sinful, r-. a u.Mmcuve aooJition of slavery the Southern States? See how the whom the Tribune defends, and wbo is con- sidered just now the standard-bearer of the political sentxment-see how he. describes such a meeting as this.

Mr. Douglas had charged him with saying that he meant to go to the banks of the Ohio, and throw stones into Kentucky, and disturb their domestic in- them no encouragement, and when they saw a slave, court lawyer of Illinois gets time to consider the ques-free him. That is what was meant by the tion whether slavery in the District of Columbia is a Now, Mr. Lincoln says1 1 don't understand that the or not. The slave 'has the right, and our duty is framers of the Constitution left the people of the free to let the country know, as a matter of ethics, to instates the attitude of firing bombs and shells into troduce it as an element of American thought, that the slave States j-and he adds, there is no charita- he has the right to free himself, the moment he gets ble way of judging the man who an accu- the power.

What freed Italy What put Victor sation against him, except by supposing that he is Emanuel on the throne of half Italy to-day, and sent crazy; and thus, that when Stephen A. Douglas Garibaldi to Italv The fact that Mazzini and Napo-charged him, the standard-bearer of the political anti- ie0P, before he mounted the throne, and every French, slavery party-such as it is, so-called-when he charg- newspaper, and every English, never for a moment ed him with the intention of using his free tongue to cave uo acknowledging the nht of Itlv. th mo- have nicy uivc a I ll IL cnoor, their own government they have a right to make slaves of cTerr aa.a lions of scoundrel-. .1.... the Palmetto State.

On 1. at the black man, not as a single pitiable victim, but as a great race, engaged in conflict with the white race not obliged to wait lnent she got the power, to put down Austrian vio- ience bv force. Away with (he idea of insurrection Victor Emanuel is not an insurgent Garibaldi is not rebel Mazzini is not a conspirator. Venice and Rome were never eo thoroughly annihilated 'under the foot of the German, that to rise up and claim the independence of classic ItalV was a crime against anything deserving the name of law and the race that has produced such men as have walked our streets thirty thousand, capable of taking their rights, in their hand, and seeking them at every peril, under the protection of the English flag, in Canada the race that has sent us such men as have spoken to you this morning (applause) has never been so degraded, its manhood has never been so trodden out by the white men of thirty States, that when it rises to claim its rights, it can be called insurrection. (Loud applause.) John Hancock was not a rebel.

I George the Third was a tyrant, and the man that rose against him was a freeman, standing on God's platform, and Carolinas. steeped in a blackness of darkness with which George the Third was an angel of light the men who rise against them are free men, and not rebels. (Applause.) There is a great deal in words. There is no State South of Mason and Dixon's line. There is nothing but hordes of pirates, in midnight conclave, putting their hands into the pockets and into the souls of their fellow-men.

(Applause.) There are a great many men very anxious indeed, I have heard Mr. Caleb Cushing express the most profound anxiety for fear such speeches as these injure the cause of the slave. (Laughter.) Democratic conventions all over the country listen to speeches from very earnest, enthusiastic men, bewailing the fact, that the efforts of Mr. Garrison and his followers have injured the cause of the poor slave." Well, what have we ever done, that Mr. Lincoln is so much alarmed that he thinks that to enter an anti-slavery meeting is to throw bombs and shells into Kentucky i That is the way he describes it holds it off at arms length.

I have nothing to do with that miserable agitation, says he, which makes Kentucky unhappy. What has that agitation claimed Has it claimed for that slave in the Carolinas justice i That poor man, on the deck or in the hold of that Demo-, cratic steamer that left Charleston, and who was sent back to the hell of the Carolinas, how much did he ask of those Democrats Justice? Did he say to them, Gentlemen, for six generations I and my fathers have cultivated the soil of Carolina, until it reflects the hues of Tarndise. I have poured wealth into the lap of the white man I have sent his sons to Europe and to the North for education I have nestled him in luxury I have put him on to the very highest level of the nineteenth century I have founded for him the stateliest mansions; I have built for him the most comfortable cities I have subdued for him the most fertile of States I have filled his coffers to overflowing I have made him the basis of the commerce of the world. Naked, pennyless, herded with the brute, all I ask is to creep out from under this avalanche of oppression, and own the two hands that God gave me (Loud applause.) That was all he claimed." He did not say Democrats men who hold to the theory of equal justice I claim of that master that he shall give to me a pittance of the wealth I and my fathers have created. I claim of him that he shall not turn me out hated and penny-less, but 6hall give me.

clothing and food, a few months of education, and a little something to start with in the world. No! all he asked was 'Drop me in mid ocean Sever me from the Carolinas, naked as I am! Give me nothing but the muscles which your tyranny would have taken, from me, if you could have done it, for you have taken away everything else! Give me nothing but these, and let me breathe All I ask is what the veriest criminal asks liberty to breathe That is all the anti slavery enterprise has ever claimed, and that claim is so frighful, that Mr. Lincoln has not had time to stretch his mind wide enough to take it in, to rise to a level of morals and sublime virtue high enough to comprehend it He is ready to be President, but does not yet know whether two and two make four. (Laughter.) He is ready to guide tne affairs 01 thirty million of people, but he does not know wheth-er a man owns his own daughter, and has not made up his mind whether it is right to sell babies by tha pound, and upon an auction-block that is placed 6ide by side with the Capitol of the United States I One woman in that very District, seeing her two children about to be sold to New Orleans, took their lives with her own hands and when she was asked the reason, said she would rather give them to God than let them go down the Mississippi. They put her in the United States jail, and the nation, shrinking from its own guilt, found an excuse for pardoning her, pn the ground that she was insane! The Sermon on the Mount is crazy, in this country.

Nobody evet does any thing right who is not insane. A voice Countrymen are all Mankind. True. Nobody ever knows his rights except he is crazy. Laughter.) JN obody ever knows whether a fa ther owns his child until he is fit for a lunatic asylum.

That is the ethics of this country and Mr.Lincoln, who has been in that District, seen that very jail, walked over the very bridge on which that woman stood when the United States Marshal arrested her tor the heroism of protecting her own babes, for the divine act of saving her children from the Christian Republic of the-19th century, for the godlike deed of saving her children from Abraham Lincoln (applause) the man who stood on that very bridge has not yet made up his mind whether the system which crushed that woman into that necessity is fit for a Christian Republic, or not I that if' we would rouse such a people to the proper consideration of their own dnti'm. if vra. wnntrl mnlrn thm 4tt M. 111 which they stand, it is necessary that we should go down to the very foundation of the ethics of this question that we should no longer confine ourselves to, the 'mere claim which the anti-slavery movement has made of simple' freedom, bare liberty, peacefully letting men go out, after centuries of oppression. We have tried it thirty years," end politics has gbt down to that level the speech of Mr.

There is no political anti-slavery existing at this moment. There is no movement in the political arena that calls itself anti-slavery. Of course, you know there is none in the church. You know very-well, that, unfortunately, the ballot-box is a great deal ahead of the communion-table in its knowledge of ethics and as we find no anti-slavery at the ballot-box, we cannot exnect to find anv at the communion- table- There resfji nnnn us. thprrfni-p- tlmt nt or Hnf I -r of arraigning the theology of the country.

It is ho new duty. It always exists. If you want to be Republicans, if you want to be under self-governing institutions, you must not imagine that such a movement as this, either religiously or politically, is a temporary expedient, is merely a thing of a day, is going to die out in a few years, is merely the necessity of a few moments. Mr. Garrison is not the monstrous growth of some inordinately fevered state of the body politic.

Just as long as this nation endures, just as long as self-government is practised, on whatever question tests the public sentiment of the States, there must always be a John the Baptist going out into the wilderness, followed by the curses of the pulpits -of Judea. (Applause.) And I will tell you why. I najc now omJBj to mr out the least -desire to startle you by a teeming para- dox, or to say any thing extravagant, but on the most mature consideration, I can repeat what I have already said three or four times, that with such a Union and such a wonder any decent man retains a shadow of respect for what are called Christian institutions. (Applause.) As an observer of my own times, I marvel at the patient and long-enduring prejudice in favor of Christianity which makes men cling to the belief that there is something in it, when in. this nation of ours, it has been, such a total failure in grappling with the sins of our own genera- tion.

I marvel at the faith that can believe, spite of demonstration against it. I marvel at the faith that is able to see the visible Church of God, when for thirty years it has been totally invisible. (Laughter and applause.) Look at it! Not one large sect in the land, not one respectable denomination, willinz to confess that they have it in their hearts to ask for the abolition of slavery Not onelt Dr. South-side Adams, Dr. Gardner Spring, Dr.

Stuart, of Andover, Dr. Lord, of New Hampshire, the New York Observer, they are not marvels they are only little Bpots of rust. The marvel is, that the whole body has any health in it that it 6its there contented to acknowl edge to the world that they have, or pretend to have, the sword of the Spirit, and don't intend to use ifs that they are banded an organization against sin, and don't dare to say a word against slavery 1 Why is this i It is no fault of the individual clergyman. You expend yourselves in individual criticism. What is Dr.

Adams A mere chip on the surface of a barren sea of Sodom 1 (Loud applause.) What matters he i 1 Nothing I He is nothing but a solitary leaf, hanging, in V. a lot a rn tViA nthftrviu 1 pku branches of what ought to be a tree. (Applause.) Nothing else But what is the tree -what is the church I do not deny the intellectual ability of the pulpit I do not deny the scholarly attainments of the clergy they have enough of both to occupy a much better position than they do before the world. But the pulpit can never be any thing but a servant, in a country like ours the pulpit can neVer be any thing but a slave in a country like ours, ine pulpit is notn- ing but the outer shed ot tne Lawrence lactones; it is nothing but the outer shed of those colossal treas-ure-houtes at Lowell. (Sensation.) The overseer inside the mills, at a salary of three thousand dollars a year, takes care of the hands of the operstives for six days; the subordinate overseer, in the town church, on Sunday, takes care of their morals for twelve hundred a year.

They are both hired by the same wealth, owned by the same stockholders, and preach to the same whirring of the shuttle that is heard six days in the week, and echoed on Sunday. (Applause.) I bring no accusations against individual men. You cannot make bricks without straw. My friends, I am not 6aying that to startle yon. What possible benefit could it be for me, in middle life, to come here to tickle your ears, and make you hate me None whatever.

Do not think me such a thrice-sodden fool I am only trying to show you the land in which you live. I am only trying to uncover the muscles and bones of this body politic, and let you know it. That church, so situated, cannot lead pub lic sentiment. You might as well ask the slave of the Carolinas to dictate the policy of the State. One or two independent clergymen, like Dr.

Cheever, for example, cannot make fresh the waters of the I Dead Sea of American Sectarianism. (Applause.) There is not enough of him. He is only the exception that proves the rule. What, therefore, is neces sary Why, this is necessary, that you should come here you, American citizen you, American church member you. Abolitionist, that you should come here, or go somewhere else, equally free, and create a public sentiment that can deal with slavery.

I do find fault with Abraham Lincoln, or Henry Wilson, or Wm. H. Seward, that in the Senate of the United be to a so of CJ. B. NUMBER, 1537.

60. States he says that, as a politician, he swears, to this, that, or the I do not find fault with him for that, because in the of the Constitution, he can da no more.What JLfiad fault with him for is that, while he is using that one little weapon of the ballot, he does not go out into the highways and byways of the country, and, outside of that political organization, as a man, labor -to create a publie sentiment able to deal with this question. William II. Seward once said to me. Your.

speech in regard to public opinion is all very correct, hut I am in the Senate, and I can do nothing about it. -You create public opinion, and I will use it. Well, it was a fair as far as it but the question resolved itself into this Is there a William II. Seward Is there a man behind that coat, or merely a New York Senator Is it a man, with a conscience he goes up to God, and the Almighty 'asks him, What did you do to help the bondman will he say, I did all the Empire Slate would let me. I did all that, considering the Democratic city of New Yorklt was available for me to do.

Charles O'Conor and "James Buchanan and Stephen A. Douglas were such consummate rascals, that, Lord, I could not afford to a man. (Laughter and loud applause.) If I had done so, my neighbors would have called me crazy, and I never should have been available. So he put himself into the iron bedstead of a New York Senator, and when he had got there when, with one hand, he had laid his sacrilegious grasp on that cross of Virginia, and 6aid, John Brown was a felon thank God they hung him 1 'when he had stretched, out the left, and tilled it to "overflowing with that other atrocious lie, that in his soul he believed that the vilest of our thirty States was better than the best of European governments with his two hands filled with lies, thank God! thank God! thank God that there was life enough left in the North for; Chicago say to him, You are too dirty 1 (Applause.) You are not Your instinct was not sharp enough. You went too low.

Henry Clay said in '39, that was property which the law made property. But the American people said a wee bit too low, Harry 'and they him at Ashland. (Applause.) In 1860, Mr. Seward, fresh from Europe, made another bid for the His instinct was not keen enough went too low. They It won't do, Billy Go home to Auburn, we want man.

And they took Lincoln Behind that nomination there an infinitely more hopeful which even the politician has to he must play his cards that there shall not rest upon memory any thing so utterly infamous, that the heart the North cannot defend, itself against this conscience, scattered here and there among, the -people, which demands, at least, a decent candidate. Mrs. Foster Is Lincoln cleaner? i Mb. PmiLirs Yes, he is because he has never said, in so many words, that John Brown was justly He never in so many words, that Arkansas, symbolized by a bowie-knife, and her sky lit up by burning slaves, was better than London, in the (scale of and Christianity. (Applause.) A man may be capable of a lie, but if he has not already uttered it, if he has not already gratified the devil by speaking it, he has not got so low as the statesman of Auburn.

(Laughter and applause.) I thank God, therefore, that H. Seward was rejected sfterj making such a speech. It is a good sign. It is a sign that, far off there in the there is a leaven of that spirit looks upon the negro as a nation, with the right to take arms into its hands and summon its friends to its side, and. that.

looks upon that gibbet of John Brown, not as, the scaffold. of a felon, but as the cross of a (Tremendous ap- pi ause.) i A Voice Was he nominated because he was a bet ter man than Mr. Seward Mjeu Phillips No, not because he was a better for he never had said, he never had even condescended to consider whether there is an irrepressible conflict. William H. Seward's name is irremediably associated with -that great philosophic principle.

Mr. Lincoln is known merely as the antagonist of Douglas. He is claimed, here, by his defenders, as not up to the level even of the Whigs of 1844. "Webster may gather his dust together in his grave, and ask of the North, Why blame me, if pattern Anti-Slavery can select a man not worthy to unloose the latchet of my shoes as its standard-bearer in 1860 (Applause.) For. every blow that Abraham Lincoln ever struck against the system of slavery, the martyr 0f Marshfield may claim that ho has struck a hun dred (applause;) and yet we say, and say it justly, that Webster was a traitor to the Northern States, and when Massachusetts put his statue on the State- House green, -she wrote herself down recreant, We say; and say truly, that he sacrificed the North, and that God will probably hold him, more than any other single man, accountable for the wasted twenty years of political anti -slavery.

But who is this huckster in politics? who is this county court advocate i who is this who does not know whether he has got any opinions Why, he is like the tutor at Cambridge, of whom the students said, that his mind was full of all manner of (Great merriment.) What is his recommendation It is that nobody knows bad or good of him. His recommendation is, that out of the unknown things in his past life, journals may make for him what character they His recommendation is, that his past is a blank and the statesman of New York, who has done (for so it may be said, to the honor of William H. Seward) as much as any man in "politics has done, to marshal the North on the political anti-slavery platform, is unavailable because of those efforts nothing else. What are we to do? We are to create a sentiment capable of bearing up a statesman like William H. Seward, with his speeches in his right and left hands.

Yon do not believe there is not a man here' who believes the proudest and firmest friend of Mr. Seward doea not for a moment believe that he, in his heart, thought that Arkansas, the vilest of the States, repudiating its debts, burning negroes, mobbing white men, incapable of tolerating free speech, a jumble of pirates, a horde of pilferers, a place where, before an noUhonest man visits it, he makes his will and gives up I hia life insurance (laughter, no man believes, and I yoU know he never believed, that such a State as that WHOLE 1 1 XERRINTON SON, Printers. as the equal of England, with Shakspewre and Mil ton, with Christianity and civilisation, with Carlyle, with Rom illy, with Wilberforee. fwith with Burke, with Florence Xirfcrfn- gale, in her bosom. (Loud applause)- Never never! lou know he never thought it, You hung upon his skirts.

Your indifference, heedless prejudice, trembling pro-slavery hatred of the. anti-slavery movement, dragged him down, to lay on the altar of his Presidential aspiration what every man in that Senate chamber knew waa a lie. (Loud applause.) And almost every raau ia this country-every intelligent: man knows that William H. Seward no more believes that John Brown, was justly hung, than he believes that the martyrs of English history -were justly hung that Sydney and Vase' perished right fully on the If he lives to the honest age of seventy, when. an.

American, having given up all hope of the Presidency, can afford for. once in his life to apeak the truth if he live" to that age, and in-eotne forgetful moment lets, his heart flow out, it did once at; Plymouth Ilock yon will hear those same iser lipt trf his1 group wtth Tell and with Wallace, with Vane and with Sydney, with Hampden and with the more honored name of John Brown of Osawatomie. (Enthusiastic, and prolonged cheering.) The labor of this' meeting is lb create a public sentiment which will embolden men like Seward to speak' their 'thoughts. I know It is a seemingly almost disreputable object to be ''avowed that we should be here to ungag the lips of great mn but it is nevertheless true. You know that our statesmen live by whispering at Washington what, they would not for the world have known at home, and whisper, ing at home what they would not for the world have known at Washington; and that they are politically dead, the moment they are equally well! known in both places.

(Laughter.) Cornelius Agrippa, the old necromancer of two centuries ago, it is said, in his magic glass, would summon before yoe the image of friend or relative, and let you see his occupation or he would bring out some past or future hour of your own life, and let it stand revealed and palpable before you. and you would hear, echoing in the- arches, the words which you had spoken, or were about to speak so powerful was the magic Suppose that at the very time that William II. Seward was. tittering that cold-blooded, deliberate, well-eoa'sideredV carefully, worded rebuke of John Brown, and Jefferson; Davis andMason 'and Wilson', ap uwTwe- rjttin the Senator's, credulity hich. supposed thej could believe that moment, some necromantic art could have made to echo through the of the Senate-chamber the profuse oaths, the indignant oatbs, the hearty cordial, impetuous oaths with which, when he, heard, ef tbo murder of Stevens, he denounced it as a man, denounces it, as a Christian denounces it, as a free man denounces it-how the two would have mingled 1 the divine profanity above, the well-worded deviltry below, (Loud applause.) i You will say thia is; very, personal say it is harsh personality.

.1 know it. Did you ever know men in earnest who. did attack things and men 1A Charles James Pox's speeches why cannot you read; them to-day Because he grapples with a man; because he takes some rival statesman by the throat; because he says to the slave-traders of J3ristol, murderers 1 because he deals with men right 7 i a i. l- on uiu ipui. inc.

ouobi wuy uu you read them to-day? Because they, art interesting to-day than they- were fifty When he got up to the House of Commons left the room." There is nothing but personality, nothing criticism of idols, nothing but analyzing of parties and churches, that will do you 'any good. Call, us fanatics, revile us for our, personality, say that wo attack reputations what of that did not come, into the world, to keep ourselves clean. ilt is not out first and only duty to see that yon love us. Popularity is not the great end of our creation. Wo came into the world to give truth, a little jog onward; we came into the world to help our neighbor to his rights; we came into the world to take one link of the fetter off the limb of the slave.

7 In order to' do it, it is necessary to tear asunder your idols in order to do it, it is necessary to cut the line that binds you vassal to the pulpit, and let you. know that when you look up, you do not see an independent intellect, but you see the reflection of wealth. A hard thing to say it makes a man odious to say it but necessary to be said, necessary for you to learn, necessary for you to act upon. A negro cutting his master's throat is not a murderer he is John Hancock in a new livery." (Loud Necessary for you to know, necessary for you to believe, necessary for you to say and when you have said ir twenty-five years, it will be stereotyped into character, character into statutes, and statutes into an insurrection, as you call it a revolution, aa we aay. i I know this ia what you call revolutionary talking I mean it such.

Some men -seem to think that this Anti-Slavery cause, being certain to succeed (nobody doubts God made the black, man, and as he reigns he will see to it, in hi own time, that the black; man baa his rights. there is a God, the Anti-Slavery movement will succeed.) Before I pass from that, however, allow, me to show you, how our religious teachers always, put. this idea, of -success. when- they do pray the very best of them. 'They will ask God to remove sickness, to givjs us rain, to give, us peace and prosperity, to give us health.

If they have a friend, going abroad, they will ask God to protect bun, generally, frankly, with out suggesting conditions but the best of them. when they come to pray for freedom, will say, 0 Lord, wilt Thou break the yoke of the oppressor in. Thine otct good time I' Suggesting thaVHe had better not do it hastily (laughter) don't expect Him to do it at present He may nof be' surprised, and we will not be surprised, if there is not any fitness of things. just now. We want, the rain to-day; we want the grain to-day this friend wants safety on the Atlantic, and that wants relief from his fever grant If I That man wants liberty give it Thins own pood (Laughter.) Don't give it too soon he may not he readv for it A A Voica Brother Sloane don't pray so.

Mr. PHiLiars (counting on his fingers) Brother.