The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts • Page 1

VOL. XXIX. NO. 46. KEFUGE OF OPPRESSION.

tFrom the Boston Post. COJPEBATIOM" THE BLACK AND BROWN KEPUBLICAN3. 2fo thonghtful obeerver of the signs of the times tan foil to perceive that there exists a perfect under-etindingand mutual purpose of co-operation between that portion of the Opposition which seeks by politi-(il influences to obtain poswiiwion of the gad that other portion whih is striving to consum-jnate its fanatical schemes outaide and in defiance of government. Though these two divisions wten-blj operate by diffarent means, and approach the eiudtl of power by diverso paths, their ultimate objxts are the same, and they never fail to play into each other's hands when opportunity occurs, notwithstanding their constant disclaimers of con-jertion and sympathy. The abortive and almost hopeless efforts of the Republican party proper to reach the goal of it3 ain-bitiun, through the medium of popular suffrage, has led it to regard with growing favor and increasing e-KifiJenee the revolutionary alternative presented bjits 4 higher-law' allies.

The speck of civil war' sad treason which has lately disturbed the loyal lerenity of the Old Dominion, however premature in its development, shows plainly enough that the Opposition is prepared to adopt this desperate alternative, in case legitimate and peaceful measures (ball fail to establish its sectional domination. Tain in connection with other circumstances, relating to the Republican State policy of nullification, and contempt for federal authority and. constitutional compromises, it shows also, beyond a reasonable dSubt, that there is a system of earnest co-operation, looking to a repudiation of all federal obligations, and a violent and sanguinary solution of great politi- -cat issues It is becoming daily more evident, from the phases; the Republican party, and the ominous declarations of ita leaders, that legislation, whether constitution-1 or otherwise, it too slow a coach for its ultra Abolition projects that the question of negro emancipation is to be decided, not by an appeal to' reason, popular suffrage, or judicial authority, but to force and arms that the 4 irrepressible conflict between the North and South is not to be one of ideas, arguments, or of moral and political influences, but of bayonets and bullets in the issue of which the party Tuieh yields must yield as a subject, that which triumphs must triumph as a conqueror, and which-trer secures the political power must rule as a despot. With this sectional crisis before them, and the unmistakable tendency of the Republican party to fall in with the revolutionary schemes of Ossawato-mie Brown and his confederates, what will the people of Massachusetts say to the arming and enrolling in her loyal militia of the negro, population the Commonwealth Is it not evidently a part of the system of co-operation, on the part of Republican leaders, by w'hich they intend to further the designs and secure the ultimate success of their traitorous allies? Is it not, indeed, an undisguised preparation for that irrepressible conflict which to open a short road to Republican domination orer the ruins of the Union and Constitution If thev8ucceed by force in putting down the. friends, and supporters of the confederacy as it exists, it is Bit Old Brown and his vagabond associates who will be permitted to rule the country under their bogus constitution, but such inenasvin.

II. Seward and N. P. Banks will come forward and occupy the high places, and wear the victorious laurels, under the new dispensation. then, does Gov.

Banks's Legislature pro-to arm and discipline his black partisans in HoMachosetts, but to second the efforts of his higher-law emissaries in other States, and to cooperate, when the crisis comes, in a servilo insurrection? This is the pure brute force and physical element upon which the Brown conspirators rely to do tha fighting, burning and pillaging, in the event of a civil war; and such a force is alone available to eeompligh their diabolical work. We want no ch savage element incorporated in our peerless vol-onteer militia, to contaminate its chivalry and de-b3 its esprit du corps. The State has no need of och defenders and the descendants of her frecborn taoej, who fought at Lsxington and Bunker Hill, fully competent for any emergency which may linj the legitimate services of a citizen soldie-7' A negro militia may ba a propar instrument for th WmiJiirhirn KmniM rf ITlTrti' lint in country it can only subserve the ends of treason tod deaaogueism. The paople of M.issachusetts U1 repudiate this Black Republican imposture. 'XT' Phillips's corses upon Virginia are not more Ttfufent than those he has uttered upon Massachu-tt.

This foul-mouthed blasphemer and advocate of TZ Tid VUUU Wh 6niffS fi own mental corruption as a sweet fragrance, nd twlhnxi thaul iir.inn.hfMth. a wmv ai4 nil ig io the baseness of his speech, and in the iP his malice engenders against those i lofty virtues and patriotism like Washing- and whose genius and learning like "Web- Choate's and Everett's fill his soul with en-TJ of gifts denied him. and which demonstrate his "'a moral and political deformity. Does he pre- nt one characteristic worthy of res respecti lie ai- cnanty for those who diner from him Pjion they are all knaves and cowards by his rfn villains of the blackest dye while, for 8ljnHf, he assumes the highest attributes an hon-v which be never exhibits, a courage which he proves, a regard for justice which he never j16- It is such a man who presumes to pro-ac th3 decrees of the Holy Being who creates rule all things, and whose design in suffering 'existence of such as Phillip9 is as inscrutable Baite intelligence as the creation of that Spirit "ij to whoso guidance the abolition orator ap-, to be completely subservient. Ibid.

THE VIRGINIA PRESS. The Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond "Whig th extremest portions of Wendell Phillips's JJ1 Brooklyn also tho call for observing the 7M Brown's execution. The Whig, in an arti-jj0" the opinions expressed in the New York Jour- -v Commerce and other papers, against the hang-S of Brown, gives vent to its feelings as follows Jj'Sinia and the South are ready to face all the Jlences of the execution of old Brown and his kwratea. Though it convert the whole North-Id ithout an exception, into furious, arm-IWT? ind" yet old Drown will be hung th tern an1 irreversible decree, not only of TW thoritie of Virginia, but of the popl of without a dissenting voice. And, there-iS Wnit ana the people of Virginia will treat "tempt they deserve, all the craven ap- Northern men in behalf of old Brown's par- tk old traitor and murderer Mongt Dita sfallowt' nd the gallows will have its own, in K7L tbe threatenings and maledictions of the nd the world combined.

Wu the ground at the outset, that old Brown have been hung at once, without the inter- trn T-T' NO UNIOif rrita ELAVEZOLDETi3 Jl Tha TJaited State CoasKtatfera la eorenaas wlti death, and an. acrMnwnt ball. J. IST The free States axe the gwuxnaas and smo --ui Cial support cf slavery. We are the jaOcrs and eon-r stable of the institution.

There is some excuse for communities under a generous impuls, they espouse the cause of the oppressed in other States, and by force restore their rights but they art JW cmm efcler States in Undimf tm MnrifhUon yoke. 5 On this subject," or tathks, fkaxixo Tthk "CoxsTrrmoK, swerved 'rao juoht. their, children, at the end of half a een tury, see the path of duty more dearly than they, -i and must smM it. To this point the public mind has long been tending, and the time has come for look 19 PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING. at iv, 4 i.avtry orricE, 21 comnnLL.

jOBEBT F. -WAIXCUT, General Agent. TERMS Two dollars and fifty cents per an in advance. --m will be sent to one address for tm Jf A 1" if payment bo made in advance. rf AU remittances arc to be made, and all 'letters jtlatinj to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to directed, (rosT paid,) to the General Agent.

pr Advertisements making less than one square in-cd three times for 75 cents one square for $1.00. ryThe Agents of the American, Massachusetts, peanylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Sokes' are authorised to receive subscriptions for Thb JES-lTO jyThe following gentlemen constitute the Committee, but arc not responsible for any of the Ws cf tho pnPr' xz: FnAxcTS Jacksox, Ed-gr Qctct, Samcel Philbrick, and Wexdem, ing at it fully, dispassionately, and with, manly and fi; Christian resolution. jio blessing of the Union i can be a compensation for taking part in the 4 of our fellow-creatures nor ought this bond to be perpetuated, if experience shall dcnionstiate that it r' can only 'Cootim through our particapatiM in wrorj r-dotng. To this conviction the free States are VotlASI ElXEKT CUAS.KIXQ. WM.

LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. vention of jndge or jury. lie was a rWanous pirate and assassin, and was therefore entitled to no trial at law: We believed at the first, and we still more firmly believe now, that it would have been better and wiser in 'all respects, if Gov. Wise had given him the swift benefit of a drum-head court-martial. In that event, no sympathy for him would have been excited in the North, for he would have had no opportunity of making incendiary speeches for effect, and, consequently, nothing of the character of the hero or the martyr would have attached to him, even in the estimation of Garrison and Wendell Phillips.

We, therefore, agree fully with our contemporary of the Fredericksburg News in the opinion, that the absurd and horrid nonsense about Gov. Wise's pardoning old Brown should be condemned and scouted by every sano man in Virginia and the South. The impertinent proposition, come from whom it may, whether Northern Abolitionists- or Northern conservatives, should be resented by Virginia and by Gov. Wise.and his friends as an insult, lie cannot pardon Brown but if he had the power, it would be worse than treason to exercise it. The majesty of law and the outraged sovereignty of Virginia can be vindicated and revenged only by the death of these miscreants.

The people already inquire why they were spared. Rebels in arms against the Government, State and Federal, with hands red with the blood of murdered citizens, summoned to surrender and refusing, seized at the expense of life, why were they not shot like dogs the moment of their capture? All the laws of war, and all the demands of justice, demanded their immediate extermination. The impudent claims of a robber, a horse-thief and a murderer to bo recognized as 4 a prisoner of should have hastened his punishment. We verily believe the failure to inflict summary and deserved death upon Brown and his co-conspirators will yet cost Virginia many lives. There are fools and fanatics enough ready to risk life to obtain Brown's notoriety, who would have been deterred by his prompt and immediate execution.

OEAWATOMIE BROWN TO BE HUKQ CERTAINLY. "We have seen a letter from Gov. Wise, of Virginia, in which he states that there is no possibility of a pardon or a reprieve being extended to Brown, who therefore will certainly be executed on the appointed day and perhaps it is batter that be should bs. AH th artificial sympathy got up for him by tho anti-slavery orators and journals of that ilk is of no use whatever, and, moreover, it is no greater than the sympathy which every other murderer or I great criminal excites upon uu occasions, in some quarter or another. Brown will certainly be put to death, according to law, on the second day of December, and the penalty thus meted out is no more, after all, than he-deserves.

From the best account of him, it is evident that while in Kansas he was a notorious murderer and horse-stealer, though he then went unwhipt of justice and from all we learn of his career since, it appears that he has been a long time preparing for this fresh work of murder and insurrection at Harper's Ferry, in the acjomplish-ment of which he has been caught, convicted and condemned. His entire course in Kansas, in 1856, was approved and encouraged by the anti-slavery leaders. lie was then the recipient of their applause, their counsels, and their assistance. Forbes was sent out to 11 UU lu uriti turn tram 111a uuauua, uuu wicci7jr gave Forbes twenty dollars to carry him on his way. These same parties now claim that Brown is insane, and ought to be pardoned or shut up in a lunatic asylum but when he was committing murder and robbery in Kansas, who ever heard the charge of insanity brought against him It is only now that he is unsuccessful, and caught in the perpetration of crime, that he is discovered to be mad, and an ex traordinary attempt is made to excite sympathy in his behalf, and to elevate him to the rank of a martyr.

The truth is that Old Brown led a ruffian's life, and may have expected a ruffian's death. There is nothing left for him now but to prepare to meet that death on the gallows as best he may. The law, in his case, as in that of other murderers, claims its victim, and we see no good reason why its demands should not be satisfied. New York Herald. The Case of Stevens, the Harper's Ferry Conspirator.

In turning over the prisoner Stevens, of the Harper's Ferry conspirators, into the hands of the federal authorities for a trial, Gov. Wise has done a good thing for, whereas the State Court of Virginia could only reach the witnesses within its local jurisdiction, the federal courts can reach them of Stevenal the Abllftion and Black Republi V.irk Kan leaders and fanatics, from Aew lork to Kan in anv rxirt of the Unitea Ecates. Anns, in ine tn- sas. supposed to have been implicated in this plot of i. nr- i.

subject to the extent of their knowledge. Accordingly, let Giddings, Greeley, Forbes, Redpath, Seward, and all other Abolitionists and Republicans concerned, lock out for a call to Virginia to answer uritnosaoa nn(W onth. before a federal court, to the extent of their knowledge in reference to this A bloody raid oi uia mown, its origin, the parties concerned. In regard to Stevens, Gov. Wise has promised us some astounding developments, involving prominent Northern Abolitionists, Ac, and we have no doubt that the federal trial will be exceedinglv interesting to the Republican party.

JV. Y. Herald. Ttur wrriT tit AnOLTTIOXISTS GeRRTT Smith rv a Maduovse. The times are sadly out of joint with the abolitionists.

Three-fourths of those who were concerned in the Harper erry ioray mc tneir ueawis iruui ritio enui. ur Ttrown. their leader, lies in Charlestown prison, con- demned to death on the gallows. The three or four m. 1 A.

1 eurvivors who fell alive into the hands oi tne author ities will have to share the same fate. A few others are outcasts and fugitives, with prices set upon their heads. Fred. Douglass has made his escape to England and Gerrit Smith the man of generous but distorted views, whose large contributions kept abolitionists at their work has been for weeks past in a state of the moet nervous excitement from realising the fearful consequences of his misdirected philan-thropv. But yesterday rumors were rife that a requisition had been made for him by the Governor of Virginia upon the Governor of New York.

To-day hews beyond the reach of any criminal process, be-inz an inmate of the State Lunatic Asylum at Utica where, according to telegraphic denpatchea, he was placed by his friends on Monday last. hat a pity that Gerrit Smith's insanity and old Brown insanity were not discovered a month ago, and the whole country spared the evils that have flowed and are flowing from their mad enterprise If Seward, and those other abolitionists about whosa sanity there is no question, were only now in the way of meeting their deserts, the popular excitement would soon settle down, and abolitionism would be regarded as on of the phase which madness mam.Jtid. Our Country is the "World, our BOSTON, 11 1 AT PHiMtipa'a Brooklyn lecttjbb. Wendell Phillips, safe in Boston, is responsible for John -Brown, incarcerated at Charlestown. Upon such men as Wendell Phillips is the blood of Brown and his five associates; and, though hardened in villany at death may yet unnerve Phillips, and he, too, may cry out peccavif as poor Brown has just done.

What means "the applause that greeted the treason of Phillips in Brooklyn? What is the world to understand from such an exhibition of approbation Is this the government of two people, as different in our sentiments of right and wrong as we are in our institutions? When an impudent scoun-. drel, avowing himself 4 not a asserts that1 one of the States of. the confederacy is not a government, it would pass unheeded, did it not meet the approbation and enlist the attention of a crowded audience from a sister State. Our Northern brethren, by such exhibitions of approbation, are fanning the flame of civil discord, which, in an un-looked for hour, will burst forth into a consuming conflagration. We shall feed the now smouldering embers with every particle of duel furnished by the-Northern fanatics.

As long as Conservatism sits silent and listens, coward-like, to such treason, we shall inform our readers of public sentiment at the North, and if the information inflames, why, let the consequences fall on the authors and abettors. It is folly to point Southern people to the Northern press as evidence thatBrown is execrated at theXortbu A few more such public meetings as that which applauded Phillips will satisfy the people of the South that the Union has served its purpose, that we are two different people, and that all efforts at continued good feeling under a common government are futile. If there are parties at the North who desire dissolution, they have seized the best means by which to accomplish their wishes. Public feeling of insecuri- ty in the Union was aroused by the Harper's Ferry emevle, a great wrong to a sovereign State was there perpetrated, private citizens brutally murdered, public property insolently seizadand destroyed if these things take placa in the Union, can worse happen out of it? If, under the form of a Confederacy, such wrongs are perpetrated, will an existence as separate and independent nations bring any greater calamities? Tiieso are the questions now asked from neighbor to neighbor all subjects of party politics are forgotten anxious inquiry is made every day whether the Southern Senators trill take their seats with Seward, HaJe and Sumner, implicated as they have been in this affair. To aggravate such a state of public senti-'.

ment, with and insinuations of weakness, cowardice and injustice with slanders against the Executive and people of the injured State, is treason worse than that of Brown. The wickedness of Wendell Phillips reaches its climax in speaking of Virginia, while its consummate ignorance bears testimony to his impudent pre-. tensions. When abuse and falsehood from such a man as this receive the applause of a popular assembly it is true he was occasionally hissed, but applause was the far more general the world will not comprehend a Union, the working operation of which is violence, and murder, and their approbation. Nor will the South submit to such a Union.

When the ravings of fanatics find such practical illustrations as Harper's Ferry furnishes, it is idle to talk of Northern conservatism. The conssrvatives of the North are cowed and trampled under foot by impudent blatant abolitionism, and the sooner the. tyrant is overcome, the better it will be for their trade and commerce, for the value of their real estate, their manufactures, their ships, and for the permanence and perpetuity of the Richmond Enquirer. Shall Wr Litex to Treason We have no sympathies with Mr. Phillips and those who speak and act with him, but we believe thoroughly in freedom of thought and speech, in the right of every citizen who wants to hear other opinions than his own, to be at liberty so to hear unmolested.

We agree with the Commercial that freedom of thought and speech are essential elements in our system and we would not have them restrained. But the utterance of treason against the Government, and the inciting others to commit treasonable acts, is an abuse of that privilege, which, if it may be tolerated, certainly cannot be too strongly condemned. N. Y. Journal of Commerce.

The New York Observer, organ of the Old School Presbyterians, takes strong ground against pardoning old Brown. Assuming that he was guilty of murder and insurrection, it argues as follows Punishment in the government of God and man does not spring from a spirit of revenge. It is the fruit of love. Live demands that one who has made war upon society shall die. Philanthropy, the love of the love of the human race, the love of the greatest number requires that murderers be punished, as God, who is love, ordained.

And we tremble less in view of Brown's mad freak than we do in the face of the fact, that there is abroad in the land a sentiment that would shield him and others from the just consequences of their crimes. When these men embarked in this war upon the State, when they prepared guns for the white men and a thousand spears tor the blacks, to ba used in barbarous slaughter, when they imbrued their hands in blood by taking the first victim, (an honest colored man who made no resistance, but was only seeking to escape from their hands,) and murdering him in cold blood when they refused to lay down their arms after being overpowered, and continued their murderous work, they threw away all claim to companion, and put themselves on the hazard of the revolution they had begun. If others can find any causa for pardoning such crime, we C2f Is it not time to pause in the agitation of questions concerning the domestic affairs of our taster States? Shall not the manifestations of riot and bloodshed, the consequence of the teachings of Smith, Seward, Giddings, acd other statesmen of the 4 irrepressible conflict school, prove sufficient to stop the mad career of sectionalism And if this is not enough, shall not the inevitable consequence of such teachings and such sentiments, upon the teachers and actors, as exhibited in the case of Gerrit Smith, Dr. Cbeever, John Brown, Cook and their associates, impart a useful admonition? In close connection with this subject is the new phase in which Dr. Cheever now appears before the public, in a letter to some parties in England, extracts from which will be found in our columns today.

We need scarcely comment upon the remarkable circumstance, that a church of many years' standing, in the wealthiest and most fashionable part of this great metropolis, should, inconsequence of the Abolition ravings of its pastor, be obliged to send a woman on a begging excursion to the Abolitionists of England, in order to pay the current expenses. We may look, at an early day, for further accessions to the list of applicants at the Utica Asylum from the ranks of the falsely-named philanthre-t pists of this country. JV. Y. Journal of Commerce.

Countrymen are aU mankind. OY EM JiElt 18 SELECTIONS, EMERSON" ON COTJHAGE. Extract from the lecture of Ralph Waldo Emerscn at the Tremont Temple, Boston, Tuesday evening, Sth instant: Courage is of many kinds Scientific, Temperamental, Ideal. It consists in the conviction that they with whom you contend are no more than you. It is said courage is common, but the immense esteem in which it is held proves this to be an error.

Animal resistance, the instinct of the male when cornered, is no doubt common but the pure article, courage with conduct, self-possession at the cannon's cheerfulness in. lonely adherence to the right, is the endowment of elevated characters. said Franklin, 'are dastardly when they meet with It is said that generals are seldom tound eager to give battle. Lord Wellington said uniforms were often masks ana acrain ne said. tv ben mv lournal annears.

many statues must come Voltaire said, 'Une ot the chiet niistortunes ot honest people is that they are cowardly and we notice in our politics and social alliances, that their tactics are simply defensive. Our political parties how infirm and ignoble See what "white lips they have Always on the defensive As if the lead were, entrusted to the journals, written often by women and boys The journals, which wish to keep up only the appearance of strength, without strength, they can do the hurrahs, and the pleading, and the voting, if it is a fair day; but the aggressive, advancing attitude of people who will have right done, and no more be bothered-with burrlars. and counterfeiters. and ruffians, in the streets and public offices, -the part of leader and soul of Vigilance Committees, must be by honest, sincere men, who are really indignant and determined. We have, from year to year, in the politics of Massachusetts, criticism which watches and contradicts the opposite party, but we want a leader that advances and dictates.

When wo get an advantage in Congress, it is usually because our adversary has m-ide a fault, and not I that wo have made a thrust. Why do we not ear. since that is the honest sentiment of the people why do we not say, in reference to tho-evil of the times, that we are Abolitionists of the most absolute abolition? as every in in must be only the Hottentots, only the barbarians, or eemi-barbarians, are not. 4 Wc do not try to alter jour laws in Alabama, or in Japan, or in theFejoe Islands, but we shall not suffer you to carry your Thugism North, South, East, or West, into any Territory that we can i I I 1 nnHlSn06- VQ-t3 thv6 the eer of th until r.n A fiirxr Tin hi trrrni t.ksin a naif. air in Hoai" ta i plague, cowardly and mean, until at last we do not know virtue wuen we see it.

There is a total perversion of things society is upside down, and its beet men are thought too bad to live. I wish we might have health enough to know virtue when we see it, and not cry with the fools, 4 jwhen a hero passes. (Prolonged applause.) Understand, there is no separate essence called courage no cell in the brain, no vessel in the heart, containing the drops or atoms that make or give this virtue but it is the right, healthy state of every man when he is free to do that which is constitutional to him to do. Bonaparte said, 4 My hand is instantly connected with my head, and what I say, that I do, or I die. So is it with the hero.

A vulgar man is embarrassed by petty considerations he does not penetrate to the end of his action, but stops short at the surface. He sees the enmities he provokes, the loss of day wages, wounds and injury, a bad name, and danger to life. The brave man believes in his thought and obeys it, nothing doubting that it will bring him out well. There is also a temperamental courage a warlike blood, which loves a fight. This sort of courage, the lecturer said, was found in wasps, hWnets and ants, and appeared in individual men, and in certain individuals in every race; and, as represented in some men, it was 4 Puss in Boots.

tausrht to say, How do you do or, rather, 4 No you don't and bow to swear tor all the rest, a poor Grimalkin, small brain, and runs to claws and spitting! (Load laughter and applause.) With a nation of men of this complexion, war is the safest terms. That marks them, and if. they cross the lines, they can be dealt with as fanged animals. This courage of the blood is ostentatious the best courage is not ostentatious. Men who wish to inspire terror seem thereby to confess themselves cowards.

Why do they rely on it, but because they know how potent it is with themselves? There is no tyrant like fear. A curious example is the recent history of the Southern States. The Southerners reckon the New Englanders to be less brave than they yet the 4 Reign of Terror was in the South. It is not to be believed that there was no minority in the South during the year 1856 yet never was mutter or peep heard, with the exception of the explicit declaration of Mr. Botts of Virginia and Sir.

Davis of Maryland. Every gentleman in Carolina was mute as the grave during all that exciting period. Is it to be believed that Cassius M. Clay is the only gentleman in Kentucky who holds his opinions But there is a Reign of Terror also, in the North, and we have no right to boast, so long as love of trade, a preference of peace to justice, or the love of corn-sort at any cost, withholds men from vote and voice. i 1 a mm it is penectiy plain, that when million, or halt a I million of voters in good earnest wish a thing done, they will fast find governors, judges and members of Congress to put it through all the forms.

And if the laws of Massachusetts are not now just and heroic, it is not the fault of the United States, but of ourselves. But far above the courage of blood is the courage of character the Will. are many books on the Will. There is Edwards, and Hopkins, and Kant, and negel, but it remains a mystery and a miracle, and when it appears in a man, he is a and all the metaphysics in the world is dumb before him, and shares the astonishment. As soon as we rise to the heights of courage, we come to the grand models of mankind.

We have come to the secret of the Will, which is the antagonist of Fate, which is the presence always of spiritual power, the presence of God in man always miraculous, and 4 past finding out. We are embosomed in a spiritual world, yet none ever saw an angel or spirit. Whence does our knowledge of it come Only from man. The only revealer of the divine mind is thoughts of men. The soul of God is poured into the world through the thoughts of men.

On this division of his subject, Mr. Emerson was peculiarly forcible and eloquent. One illustration we cannot pass by. After alluding to the heroes of other times and other lands, who, 4 as soon as they are born, take a bee line to the rack of the Inquisition or the axe of the he said 4 Look nearer, at the ungathered records of those who have gone to languish io prison or to die in rescuing others, or in rescuing themselves from chains of the slave; or look at that new saint, than whom none purer or more brave was ever led by love of man into conflict and death a new saint, waiting yet anar tyrdom and who, if he shall suffer, will make the J. B.

,1 8 5 9. gallows glorious like the cross. (Prolonged and en- thusiastic applause:) wuAiora is justified of her Valor Tavs rents as well as lands. A noble cause heireta love and confidence, and has a sure reward. High courage, a power of will superior to events, makes a band of union between enemies.

If Gov. Wise be a superior man, and inasmuch as he is a superior man, he distinguishes bis captive John Brown. As they confer, they understand each other swiftly each respects the other, and if opportunity allowed, they would prefer each other's society to that of their former companions. Enemies become affectionate; become aware that they are nearer' alike than any other two, and if circumstances did not keep them apart, they would fly. into each other's arms.

Poets and orators and pairrs catch the hint, and every thing feels the new breath, exceptin 5 tne ueau and doting politicians whom the trump resurrection could not reach. The subject is great, said Mr. Emerson in tsonclu sion the time '9 short. I may say that ho has not of life who does not every day -surmount -his fears. I do not wish to put myself or any man into the theatrical position of urging you to apo the courage of another man.

Have the courage not to ape another's courage. There is scope and trial and battle-field enough for you in your own work, and home and and there is no belief of anv man which does not eauallv preach this courage. It 1 epeat to any man wbo has not faith in a beneficent pmwer abjve us, but soea only an adamantine fate coiling its inevitable folds about men, to him I say, the best use of fate is to teach us courage, like the Turk. Go faco the fire at sea, or tho cholera in a friend's house, or the burglar in your own, or whatever danger lies in the way of duty, knowing that you are guarded by Destiny. jl- -'11- VI 1 11 VI JUUL lll.l 1U AW -l it a -i at ior your goou.

err ii, on inemncr nana, you accept your thoughts as inspiration from a Supreme: Intelligence, obey thorn when they prescribe difficult duties, because tliey come only so long as they are used. Or if your skepticism reaches to tho lowest verge, and you have no confidence in any foreign mind, then be brave, liecause there is one good, opinion which must always be of the highest consequence to you namely, your own. (Loud applause.) BEV. DR. CHEEVER ON THE HARPER'S FERRY TRAGEDY.

Even amidst the distant thunder of the co tempest, while the nig drops are lallmz thatlorernn the storm, under the verv discipline of God's rr liminary the blood at Harper's Ferry being the American Pharaoh, with James and Jambres, resisting Uod, refuse to set his people free even thus and now, we are publicly taught that man is to be obeyed rather than God, that the wicked laws of men must be sustained and followed, no matter what becomes of God's law, for that law is so sacred a thing, and so important to be preserved in its' majesty, that while it is law, though ever so opposed to God's word, it must be fulfilled. But the only majesty of law is the majesty of God's authority, God's righteousness, and if divested of that, if contrary to that, then the only obligation upon us is that of disobeying and denouncing it. God's law indeed must be fulfilled, and man's law, if contrary to God's law, must be disobeyed and this is the only way to preserve a just respect for the gov-, ernment, or a remnant of human freedom on the earth. Yet these Atheists tell us, Obey even the bad law while it is a law, until it be repealed As if any tyrant on earth, or oppressive government, would ever repeal one of their unrighteous enactments, so long as they found the people willing to obey them. As if Nebuchadnezzar's law of image worship would ever have been repealed if Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego, instructed by our modern politicians, had consented to obey it, and had taught the people to obey it while it was a law.

Or as if the decree of Darius against prayer to God, in the law of the Modes and Persians, would ever have been repealed, and Daniel, according to the same Atheistic teachings, obeyed it so long as it was a law had he not disobeyed it, in the name of God, and gone into the lion's den in consequence, just as Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego into the fiery furnace. They broke up the tyranny by breaking the law, and that was the God-inspired and commanded method of protesting against it. Now, my friends, this hath the mouth of the Lord spoken for us, and we are on the verge of the same ruin. If it was executed upon them, let none imagine that we shall be spared. When the Lord Jesus came unto his own, and re-promulgated God's violated laws, he found the leprosy of the nation bidden even in the Church.

The word of God is quick and powerful, and sharper than any two-edged sword against sin, and if the church and the ministry would use it faithfully, trusting in God, sin would be conquered. Its sharpest edge is to be used, and it is not to be wreathed with flowers nor handled deceitfully, nor the trowel of Ezekiel's false prophets to be substituted for it, daubing with untempered mortar. Used as God gave it, it has a power, even against the atheism and Inhumanity of slavery, that nothing else can have. In the work of the abolition of slavery by the Society of Friends, in. one of the Southern States, there was at first great difficulty and opposition.

In one of their stormy discussions, an influential Quaker, who still held on to his slave property, when it was insisted that they must all relinquish it, and the most persuasive arguments had been employed in vain, arose and declared that they had no right to make such a demand upon him, that his slaves were as truly his property as his oxen, and that it was not obligatory on him to give up the one more than the other. Indignant at this assertion, another brother arose to answer him, and said: 4 Friend, that speech of thine came right out from the very belly of hell, yea, from the belly of hell hast thou brought this On their assembling the next morning, the man thus pungently rebuked, said to his reproving brother 4 Friend, thou didst hurt my feelings thou didst much distress me by thine unkind speaking. I could get no sleep all night for thy bitterness. Friend, said his neighbor, if thou hast been distressed, I am glad of it I am glad thou couldst not sleep; and I hope to God thou never wilt sleep till thon hast freed thy And he could not sleep again, and did not, till he had freed his slaves but had it not been for the faithful reproof of his brother, he might have kept them to this day. Read the 27th chapter of Deuteronomy, and then say for what purpose were the curses given, and to whom were tbey commit tod for use and To the church and the ministry, for a great, wise, most merciful and good purpose, against the cruel, remorseless, gigantic sin of men and nations against oppressors and those who sanction their villanies.

It is the business of the church and ministry to apply these withering denunciations, just as God gave them, to the precise sins which he has catalogued and classified there and elsewhere for their reprobation. They' are tremendous weapons, which those alone can use aright who are themselves inspired with God's love, and therefore know how to hate what God abhors WHOLE TERRINTON SOW, Printers. NUMBER, 15 07. i and has forbidden. But if such who profess to have been the recipients of his grace refuse this mission, then let.tbeia refrain from denouncing, in their -turn, those who, perhaps without the spirit of love, but to supply their treachery, take up the burden oi those curses, and seem to occupy themselves wholly with them.

If the church do not curse at God's command, in sympathy with him, out of love, and in the spirit of righteous indignation in belulf of the oppressed and against the oppressor, then the world will curse, tho heart of agonised humanity will curse, out of nothing but wrath and If the church and ministry refuse to apply these do- nuueiations of God against sin, then the world will take them up and scatter them as firebrands, arrows -and death. If the church do not use them as Hod intended, men out of the church, driven into inf- delity by the church sanctioning sin, will Irandish; them with mere natural revengeful passion and If this fire be not kindled on God altar, in God's fireplace, the devil will scatter it allabout the hoiue. Or if saints jump upon the safety valve to confine the steam and prevent the noise, then no wonder if it explodes to men's destruction. It is. thus that such a man as John Brown, of mie, was thrown from his balance and driven to a course of desperation.

The church and the ministry i would not give vent to that firo which God has com- nutted to them for application against sin, and thes consequence was that a double portion of it in his soul exploded. A silent, conservative, treacherous church and ministry compel such av soul to do more, to feel more, to hate more, than its sensitive organ- ization can bear; and it very naturally may way under tho pressure. If the church and minis- try had done thoir duty, John wouM have done no more than bis; John. Brown would have been found io the church, directing the great guns ot God's word against tho sin of slareholding, and not at Harper's Ferry with carnal weapons. not those professed Christians who, have neglected, their duty presume to utter one word against that martial hero for having overdono dumb -dogs that never even yelped against slavery aro deep- mouthed in their denunciations of him.

The man ha committed no treason, but the ailont church and ministry have. If tho man should ho hanged, it is their treason, not his own, for which ha suffers. They who have sanctioned the iniquity and cruelty 3 against which he has been fighting are the traitors, and the anguish of such treacherv, if such a brooded long over it, might have driven him almost mad, even if the murder of his own children had: not been added to it. The inactivity and treachery of the church, amidst the prevalence of such enormities, drive some men into infidelity, but not a man whose communion is with God, not a true Christian, such as John Brown is said to bo the mischief with him seems to have been that the failure and reach--ery of others, their unfaithfulness to God and the enslaved, filled him with more fire than be could 1 keep within the bounds of wisdom, and is the declaration of divino inspiration itself thai oppression maketh a wise man mad. Let those that are without 6in cast the first Btone.

great lesson, of the tragedy is this If the men of poaca will not apply God's law against the sin of slaveholding in the shape of argument and earnest truth, the men of war will put it in the shape of bullets, and fight it out. Most of the wars in this world have risen from the scarcity and unfaithfulness of Christian warriors; for if they will but fight God's battles with the sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of: God, God himself promises that even men of violence shall turn their swords into ploughshares, and; their spears into pruning-hooks, and the nations, shall learn war no more. SHABFa lUTLEa ONLY FOU WUlTE MEU, trrom a recent Sermon by Henry Ward Bccebex. I do not propose, at this time, to express my opinion upon the general subject of Slavery. I elsewhere, and often, deliberately uttered my testimony.

Reflection and experience only confirm my judgment of its immeasurable evils. It is a. double-edged evil, that cuts both ways, wounding master' and slave a pest to good morals a consumption of the industrial virtues; a ouraen upon nocieiy, ii commercial and whole economic arrangements a-political anomaly, a nuisance, and a cause of inevi-" table degradation in religious ideas, feelings and institutions. AH other causes of friction, put together, derived from the weakness or the wickedness of men, are not half so mischievous to our land as is this gigantic evil. But it exists in our land, with broad and a long-continued hold.

The extent of our du-" ties toward the slave and toward the master, is another and separate question. Our views upon the nature of SUvery may be right, and our views of our duty toward it may be wrong. At thi time it is peculiarly necessary that all good men should bs divinely led to act with prudence and efficient wisdom. 1 Because it is a great sin, because it is a national curse, it does not follow that we have a right to say anything or do anything that we may happen to please. We certainly have' no right to attack it in' any manner that will gratify men's fancies or passions.

It is computed that there are four million colored slaves in oar nation. These dwell in fifteen different Southern States, with a population of ten million whites. These sovereign States are united to us, not by any federal ligaments, but by vital interests, by a common national life." And the question of duty is not simply what is duty toward the blacks, not what is duty toward the whites, but what is duty to each, and to both unitad. I am bound by the great law of love to consider my duties toward the slave, and I am bound by the great law of love also to consider my duties toward the white man, who is his master! Both are to be treated with Christian wisdom and forbsarance. We must seek to benefit the slave as much as the white roan, and the white man ns really as the We must keep in mind the interest of every part of the slaves themselves, ot the white population, and of the whole brotherhood of States, federated into national life, And while the principles of liberty and justice are one and the same, always and Uverywhere, the wisest method or conferring upon uuu lut: ui consideration, according to circumstances.

How to apply an acknowledged principle in practical life, is a task more difficult than the defence of the principle. It is harder to define what would be just in certain emergencies, than to establish the duty, claims and authority of justice. Can any light be thrown upon this difficult path Some liht may be shed but the difficulties of duty can never be removed except by the performance of duty. But, some things may be known beforehand, and guide to practical solutions, I shall proceed to show The Wrong Way and The Right v. 1.

First, we have no right to treat the citixens of the Sooth with acrimony and bitterness, because they are involved in a system of wrong-doing. Wrong is to be exposed. But the spirU of rebuke may be as wicked before God, as ihe spirit of the evil rebuked. Simplicity and firmness, in truth is more powerful than any vehement bitterness: Speaking the troth in love, is the Apostle's.