The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts • Page 1

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17 la tke columns of The LisiBAToa, both sides iTery question are impartially allowed a hearing. HO IK ft WIT. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. OtXt ttnttg ir'rfi, Ottv 0ttnf VOL. XXVI.

NO. 3fe BOSTON FRIDAY, AUGUST 29. 1856. WHOLE NUMBER UEFUGE OF OPPRESSION. From the New York Observer.

fUUltXiA IUAJK JXiUKJEIXM A AAA OAlAVAiS. Our attentive correspondent, in a southern city, who gave us an account, a few months eince, of seven colored Sabbath echools which flourish there, and who, more recently, described in our columns 'their May-day has furnished as a re- Sort of their celebration of the anniversary of in-ependence. We rejjret that we have not room for the whole letter. Six schools engaged in the exercises of the occasion io two separate companies, three at 'and three st Our correspondent describes what he paw at the latter place, and leaves a teacher to narrate the events of the day at the '-former. In each caee the day was spent in a beau tifrl (rrove, and the exercises consisted of prayer and discourses or addresses by pantors or friends, 'and speaking and tinging hy the children, dinner, ic, Ac.

They were conveyed to the ground in rail-cars. Ail the expenses were about $100. which they paid. In the one instance they were ,400. strong, or with parent, friends, Jbc, GOO in the other, not so many.

Some of the schools were Emvided with banners and, Iwsinj dressed in their est, their army was quite imposing. Our corre- spondent says An unexpected incident hero occurred, which me exceclinjly. One of the speakers 'Was a stianser, recently arrived from nnother part ef the State. lie had requested permission to miike a speech, which was jrmnted, presuming that be bad sense enough not to say anything improper. But his speech abounded with ludicroua mistakes, "lie commenced hy saying.

44 It was well enough. perhaps, to celebrate this day, as it wns a general holiday, but he) the Fourth of July is not -your day; it is the independence of the whites, and it does not belong to the blacks. It was well a enough, he said, to keep the dity in memory of old Gin'rul Washington and such distinct 'nuts folks, or going further back to old Gin'ral Jackson but (he continued) I want to impress it deeply on the minds of these children that it is not your day. But you will have daw of yr own "and he kept on in this strain, when noticing that his remarks were very distasteful to his audience, and met with no response save a rebuke or two from some of the eUlerly ones, he cut them short. The next speaker arose upon the spar of the moment, and remarked that he did cot and could not agree with the brother who had just taken his seat.

The Fourth of July is our day, and wo thank the Lord for it. We rejoice in it. Wo are independent for our independence is in Jesus Christ. We are free for this Book (holding up a Bible which lay on the speaker's stand) has made us free. If the truth shall make you free, ye shall be free I wish I could have daguerreotyped this scene.

It was an impromptu speech, called out by the untimely and indiscreet remarks of the previous speaker; but it was full of fire and pathos. Rough-hewn and unpolished, it was nevertheless truly eloquent. Taking up the Bible again, and opening it wide, This," said he, isjur Star-spangled Banner, and we rejoice in He then went back to the time when he was a boy in 1814, and gave a brief and rapid, yet interesting sketch of the progress that the blacks in this State bad made in education ince that time. Why," said he, away up in Scott county a real Gibraltar of a place the blacks now have their Sabbath echools Yes, and I have another link to my chain they have Temperance Societies. And blessed be God I hare another link they have Beneficial Societies.

And also in These things were not so when I was a boy. And what do see here to-day This large audience assembled and these beautiful banners and this grand singing What do these mean Why here is a brother from a distant State who has trained these children in the science of music The like was not known in General Washington's day. Why, Washington himself, if he were here, could not excel these scholars in singing And here is another brother (turning around to the preacher who sat behind him, and taking him by the shoulder,) why we can remember, many of us, when he was a little bit of a boy and now he is our preacher, and college-bred too We old preachers will have to stand nut of the way, for the colored people are progressing, and our preachers now must bo college-bred Why, ten or twelve years ago you couldn't have got a dosen colored people together in this grove on the Fourth of July they wouldn't have dared to come, and if they had, the whites would have had a strong patrol here to Watch them." Then with great emphasis he re- prated, This is our day. and we bless God for it And what has ni.ide this great difference My brethren, it is the Bible and the Sabbath school! Mj brethren, it ia a glorious institution, this Sabbath school It has done wonders for the colored people. This book (taking up the Bible neain) has led the white people to give us these privileges.

It bas made us free in Christ Jesus. We can go to church upon the Sabbath three times, and twice to school and is not this freedom 1 Let as Mess God for this precious Bible and the Sabbath school, for we owe everything to them. Tyranny cannot stand where the B'tMe is circulated and read. The blacks have hard hrads but let them get started once, and they will push their heads where others cannot, for knowledge. I tell Jou, niy brethren, we are coming up.

Our bairis not so straight as that of some others neither are oar ideas but care and cultivation will straighten out both." This speech met with warm responses from the auJitace. Some gtre a hearty 4 Amen." Others "That's riht. brother 11., that's it." 1c. Ac. This mn 1 a local preacher, and a teacher in one of the schools.

This incident, altogether unlooked for, furnish-, I think, a fine illustration of the conservative of these schools, and clearly illustrates the manner in which the evils of slavery are to be remedied with safety to the whites and benefit to the blacks, by the thorough training of the blacks in the truths of God's word. This will elevate them to the high position ol 44 sons and daughters of the Lord Almighty." After this address, the scholars were given a recess of fifteen minutes to run and play and swing. Old and young, all seemed to enter into the play with spirit and it did my heart good to see how greatly they enjoyed themselves. I do not remem- ber that I ever spent a pleasanter Fourth of July. After the intermission, some twenty of the scholars recited pieces, and several hymns were sung.

Following these exercises was a sumptuous repast, famished in the best stjle: for it must be remembered that the most experienced cooks were among the scholars, and had a band in its preparation, and the dinner certainly did them great credit. The Bible bas conferred great privileges on this cuu of our population. What richer blessings jmmmr fciiMCeffiWte firm JuSflSPRfc-il TMi and higher privileges God may bare in store for them, in preparing them to act as pioneers in the fulfilment of that promise. 44 Ethiopia shall soon stretch ot her bJe unto God," time will deter- mine." In the mean time, our labors and prayer should be continued without ceasing, that they mav be filled with the knowledge of God's will, in an wisaooi ana spiritual unaenunaing mat iney i may walk worthy of the Lord unto all pleasing,) heinr frnitful in ftcrv mnA wnrlr. and inrnuiinir I i i i i it in the knowledge of God l-i Sincerely yours, From the New Tork Journal of commerce.

A SENSIBLE CLERGYMAN. An effort is making to start a subscription in aid of the Underground Railroad in some of the Methodist Churches of Central New York. A Rev. Mr. Loguen seems to he very active in the bosiness hut he.

is not always successful in persuading Christian men, and Christian women, that contrib uting money to help spirit off Southern slaves the best wav to carrv out the doctrines and ims of the founder of Christianity. Thus a Rev. Air. Mattison. pastor ol the Methodist Church at Adams, Jefferson refused to have anything to do with the scheme, for these very good rea sons, first, he didn't know anything about Rev.

Mr. Loguen, of the U. R. and was not quite atiihed that, as a clergyman, he had any lawlul authority to call upon his congregation to subscribe. Then, again, though he 4 hates slavery' and the 4 fugitive Slave as cordially as any other he could not close his eyes to the fact that they both exist on the statute books.

4 The latter (he says) is a law of the land ns much as our postal or revenue laws. By the Fugitive Slave Law it is made a crime to assist a slave to escape from bondage. Now, whatever I may feel bound by the Higher Law to do on my own personal responsibility, as a citizen or us a Christian, is it best, is it wise for me as a minister, publicly to set the laws of my country at defiance, and expose myself to their penalties, by taking up a collection in my church to assist slaves to run away 1 Have I a right thus to commit my congregation to the 44 Underground Railroad Would such an example, of contempt of the civil authorities be a wholesome one for a minister to set before his people I think not. 4 But suppose a minister were to preach in the morning from I. Peter, 13, 15 ''Submit yourself to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake whether it be to the king, as supreme or unto governors, as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do iee1.

For so is the will of God," 4c. how would it look for him to take up a public collection in the afternoon to maintain a systematic organization, whose avowed object is to violate and resist the law of the land Or suppose that be read in one of his public scripture lessons the passage, Titus iii. 1 4 Put them in mind to he subject to principalities and powers, (civil authorities,) to obey magistrates, and then proceed to advise a collection to resist 44 principalities," and disobey magistrates! Or suppose further he had read for the instruction and guidance of bis Sock the counsel of Paul to the Church of Rome Rom. II. i.

1 Lei every soul be subject nnto the higher powers, (the civil au thorities.) tor there is no power but of uod. he powers that be are ordained of lod. Whosoever, therefore, resisteth the power, reststcth the ordinance of Uod and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation'' would it become him, ns a minister, to take up a collection in his church for the avowed purpose of resisting the power' 1 Whatever ministers or others may think of the Fugitive Slave Act, is it best for the Northern churches to enter into a systematic effort to resist it? 4 Is it not better to leave every man to act out his own individual convictions, as I advised in my church, without presenting to the world the anomaly of Christian ministers and churches, as such, rising up in opposition to the law of the land? For myself I doubt, decided and outspoken as I am in regard to American slavery, both in and out of the church, I doubt if this new movement of publicly canvassing the churches for funds to aid in running fugitive slaves into Canada is a wise one or ono that, as ministers, we ought to enter into or commend to our people SELECTIONS. From the New York Independent. THE OPPRESSION OF WHITE MEN IN SOUTH.

THE How many are the Southern or slaveholding States, in which any man would be allowed to give his voice or vote for the election of Col. Fremont to the Presidency The theory of the Constitution in every State supposes that every citizen invested with the elective franchise is free to give his vote according to his own judgment nnd choico for any candidate whom the Constitution itself does not disqualify. By the Constitution and laws, not only of the Union, but of South Carolina and Georzia as reallv as of New York or Ohio. Mr. Fremont is as legitimately a candidate for the Presidency as Mr.

Buchanan or Mr. Fillmore. Yet if any newspaper in South Carolina or Georgia should undertake to show that the public welfare requires the election of Mr. Fremont rather than either of the other candidates, that newspaper would fare worse than the New York Express would in Rome tho destruction of the press. ana aeatn or exile or the editors would be the penalty.

If in either of those States a Convention should be called of the friends of Mr. Fremont, to nominate an electoral ticket, nnd to concert measures for bringing out as strong a vote as possible, such a Convention would not be permitted to meet. If, in either of those States, any however eminent for intelligence or moral worth, should venture to argue with bis fellow, citizens on this subject, by the publication of a pamphlet or by oral discourse, and to show that the success of what is called 4 the Republican Slatform would secure the permanence of the nion, and would especially promote the peace and prosperity of the South, that citizen would be put to deatb, unless he should escape by flight. bat is true In this respect of South Carolina and Georgia, is equally true of Alabama. Mississippi, of Virginia, and of almost every Southern and South-western State.

Is there any civil or political freedom for white men, in those States How much is the remnant of freedom worth, when freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and freedom of political action are violently taken away? And yet there are men in all tbose States not a fewwho would rejoice in the election of Mr. Fremont. And if tbey were free to utter their convictions if they were free to discuss the questions now pending before the American people if they bad freedom of the Dress freedom to speak in popular assemblies, and freedom to give their I I votes according to their judgment and choice their nomher would greatly and rapidly increase, There are Southern men as well as Northern men, who believe that the farther extension of the area of slavery is adverse to the real strength and riches, and therefore adverse even to the political interest and power, of the existing slave States. There are i i .1 i men who see that the dream by which the states men of Virginia were misled eo long ago the dream which expects to get rid of slavery by selling slaves is a delusion and a snare. They begin to see that the first want in all those States (in the light of political economy) is the want of labor, and that every extension of the slave-market, raising the price of slaves, raises in reality the price of labor, and diminishes the productive value of land.

They can see that if slaves were to be had for nothing, the planters who produce wheat and tobacco by 6lave labor would be rich and therefore "they can see that if Gov. Wise's millennium should come, and a field-hand be worth $5000 in the market, the cultivation of wheat nnd tiihAi" unit Avon nf rnttnn nnd anrar. in th existing slave. States, would become impossible. xney can see mat laoor is to oe cneapenea ana made abundant, that agriculture is to be promoted, that mines and quarries are to be opened, that roads and railways are to be constructed, that bouses and towns are to be built, not by constantly selling off the laboring population, but hy keeping them at home.

They can seo that the policy which bas been so long pursued by the General Government, as if the prosperity of theSouth were to he measured by the price of slaves, and as if the one creat Southern interest were that of breeding slaves for new markets, is really disastrous to the older Southern States. They can see, that if there were an end to the extension of slavery, labor in such a State as Virginia would begin to be cheapened land would consequently grow more valuable the civilization of the laboring class would male more rapid progress; new methods of stimulating labor, nnd of providing for the subsistence ar.d comfort of the laborer, would come into vogue; the slaves, though not in law attached to the soil, would gradually become a peasantry bound to the owners of the land by mutual rights and mutual duties and all the perilous problems connected with the present order of things, would find a safe and natural solution. Other men there are in all the South who abhor the slave trade without reference to political economy, and whose moral sense is in harmony with the opposition to slavery in the territories. If these men. or any.

of them, could speak their convictions if they could openly inquire what is right and what the publio interests demand if tUy- Mld vntilt9-pt4- propagate their opinions there would soon be found a numerous party, directly and earnestly opposed to this perpetual extension of slavery. No intelligent man can doubt no honest man can affect to doubt, that there are men in all tha slaveholding States, who would earnestly deprecate the election of Mr. and the success of the system of policy with which be has identified himself and who feel at the same time (as ire feel,) that with the possible exception of the national piracy to which Mr. B. and bis party are pledged by the Ostend Manifesto, there is little to choose between him and Mr.

Buchanan. In every Southern State in which the election of Mr. Fremont can be proposed and argued for without direct peril, there is likely to be the nomination of an electoral ticket that may be voted by those who approve the policy of which he is the candidate. This will be done in Kentucky, probably in Missouri, perhaps in Maryland. But the banishment of Mr.

Underwood from Virginia, for being a member of the Convention at Philadelphia, shows what may be expected in that and the more Southern States. This suppression of the liberty of white men in the Southern States, is a great and potent fact, too generally overlooked. Yet who can deny that it is a fact? In the northernmost tier of slaveholding States, Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland and Delaware there is a limited (very limited) freedom of thought and speech concerning slavery. But elsewhere in the South there is a furious and relentless despotism over every citizen. If the very foremost member of Congress from one of those States, Representative or Senator, should become convinced in his judgment and conscience, that the Federal Government has no power under the Constitution to make any man a slave, and therefore a territorial government, deriving all its powers from an act of Congress, has no more right to establish slavery than it bas to establish Popery if be should become convinced that Mr.

Seward's views of national policy in regard to slavery in the Territories, are sound and just; and if, being thus convinced, ho should freely and boldly declare his convictions in debate, he could not go borne from Washington without becoming a martyr. We do not mean merely that bis fellow-citizens in bis own State would express their disapprobation would refuse to re-elect him, would request him to resign, would burn him in effigy, would call him a traitor, would avoid his society, would make his position as undesirable as Mr. Toucey's is in Connecticut. It is not in such ways merely that the Southern despotism punishes its disobedient white subjects. Mr.

Toombs himself, or the chivalrous Urooks, if they should bo converted to Mr. Seward's and Mr. Sumner's way of thinking, on that great question of national duty and policy, and should in Congress declare themselves accordingly, could not go home and insist on staying there, without suffering the penalty of deatb. Who are the despots at the South By whose decree is it that liberty of utterance and of thought is thus suppressed Northern men are apt to think of the 375.000 slaveholders as if all the despotism were theirs, and as if it were their will that sways the governments of the South and the governments of the nation. Moderate meo, who would be careful and discriminating, speak of the non-slaveholdjng whites at the South aa if they were oppressed by the privileged But in fact the privileged class are themselves enslaved, as verily as the unprivileged.

They are more afraid of the ignorant, shiftless, reckless rabble of poor whites (and with good reason) than the poor whites are afraid ol them. Our observation of matters in the Southern States bas taught as that the best men there, as well as the worst the men most opposed to the extension of slavery and its permanence, the men who feel most keenly the op-passion which ties their hands and forbids them to otter their thoughts are to be found among the owners of slaves. Among hereditary owners of slaves especially, there are intelligent and cultivated men who are burthened with their responsibility, who abhor the prohibitions tbat will not let them liberate or educate the poor people under their care, and to whose feeling the despotism that suppresses their legitimate freedom of speech and of thought, is like a yoke of iron. The despotism that crushes thought and utterance at the South is the despotism of an imaginary and irresponsible Publio But how that public opinion is constituted, and by whom it ia guided, none can tell. It ia an indefinite and mysterious thing, dreadful alike to the lofty and the Every white man at the South is enslaved as really as if be were black.

The negjro has the advantage of Knowing who mo master is. The supporters of Mr. Buchanan at the North, and such patriots as Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Choate, would have ns believe that because the despotism which rules the South stands ready to murder any man in that part of toe Union who may be rash enough to speak or vote for Mr.

Fremont, therefore we of the free States mast never vote for any can didate but such as tbat atrocious despotism shall give ns leave to vote for. Shame on the pusillani mous nonsense The first duty of the free States to the Union is not to strengthen that despotism by yielding to it, but rather to resist and overthrow Half the power of that despotism in its own section depends upon its ascendancy in our nation al politics. It governs the Union by alliance with Northern factions, and so long as it governs the Union its power atiiome will be resistless. If we value the Union and would make it perpetual if we love onr common country with its common in terests, its common history, and its common des tiny, let us remember that it is our first duty to emancipate the while people of the -Sou A. It we would make the reign or terror at the South perpetual, we need only be afraid of it as Mr.

Cnoate is. and so concur with Mr. rill more and with Mr. Buchanan and his friends in acknowl edging it as a legitimate power, and making it na tional. From the N.

Y. Evening Post. THE CEOSE OP THE session: OF CON GRESS CALL OF A NEW SESSION. Nine-tenths of the people in this part of the country were yery glad to hear yesterday that the present Congress had closed its first session and adjourned. Nine-tenths regretted this morning to earn, by the same means of communication, that President Pierre had called the members together again.

Ihe behavior ot the members during the session has been a reproach to the civilization of the country. The very commencement of the ses sion was signalized by a brutal assault made by one of the Southern members of the House of Representatives, Rust, of Arkansas, upon Mr. Greeley, of the N. Y. Tribune, and djw at its close, we have another Southern member, Fayette Mc-Mullen, of Virginia, springing at the throat of General Granger, of this State, in an omnibus.

and endeavoring to convince bim by dry blows that slavery is a blessing. In the interim, we had the beatins eiven by William Smith uiJZ-. 1 in meuVber. to JNlr. allach, of the Washington Star, for animadverting too freely in that journal on the induct of Smith, who took this method of convincing the journalist of his mistake.

Next came the killing of the Irish waiter, Keating, by tiernert, a transpiantea soma varounian, representing a district in California and this was followed by the murderous and cowardly assault on Mr. Sumner, perpetrated by Brooks of South Carolina, the gallant relative of Senator Butler. We say nothing of incipient quarrels, of fierce words bandied to and fro, and of challenges to the field of which ended in nothing. These brutalities have given our Congress a bad reputa- tinn all over the world, and have furnished the ca- i villers azainst republican institutions with plausi-j le arguments, uur great legislative ooay now passes with the world for a sort of bear-gardon. an assembly ot oiaczgoaras ana rumans.

ne acknowledge that this unfavorable opinion is not wholly undeserved, but we deny tbat free institu tions are in any way responsible, r.very one ot these brutalities was committed by a Southern man, and we may regard them as the natural ruit of an institution which denies the first prin ciples of freedom, an institution which, whether existing in Russia or America, implies a semi-barbarous condition of society, an institution which can only be upheld by force, and which its friends in this country are see King ny iorce to propagate nto the territories, till congress snail ne tilled with such men as those who have recently dis graced the federal republic in the eyes of man kind. The satisfaction with which the news of the ad journment of Congress was heard was, therefore. very natural. shall nave no more or those was the first thought that arose in the minds of many, no more beatings and canings. no more maimings and murders committed by the men to whom we look up as our legislators the ruffians have left Washington, and we are glad of The President, however, has arrested their homeward journey by his proclamation ordering a special session of Congress.

His pretext is, that certain hostilities committed by Indian tribes on oar remote frontiers require that the annual appropriations for the payment of the army should be voted by Congress. It is very well, no doubt, that Congress should direct the necessary appropriations for the army to be made, but the army bas done without them till nearly the end of August, and if they were to be postponed till the next annual meeting of congress in De cember, tho republic would receive no particular detriment. If the Indians molest onr settlements, they most be repelled, and as soon as Congress comes together in December, there will be no difficulty in providing for the instant reimbursement of all the expenses incurred. Abe motive for calling the members together again is, therefore, something different from what is expressed in the proclamation. The party in power feels that the blame of not making the ap propriations rests upon its own friends upon the majority of the Senate, who mutilated the bill sent to them by the House, and insisted on extending the army appropriations to objects for which the majority ot the House thought that no money ought to be paid.

The House disapproved of the attempt to enforce the spurious laws of Kansas, and would vote no money for the purpose the Senate attempted to compel the House to grant I 1 uiuuoj lor an oojecs wnicn ii aisapproveu, anu in the attempt, the army appropriations were lost. Mr. Pierce and his advisers undoubtedly hope that on a second trial, the attempt will socceed, and that the Hoose will sanction the false code imposed on Kansas, by employing the army to coerce the settlers into submission. We trust, for our part, that the majority a very slender majority, to be sure which so nobly distinguished themselves by refusing to vote a single doit for sending the army into Kansas to put the people of tbe territory under the yoke of the Missourians will hold fast to their purpose. Mr.

Pierce regards these proceedings as a direct censure of his course, and would gladly get rid of it, but he must" not be indulged, lie, no doubt, expects that, since the House receded from some of the positions it bas taken in regard to the affairs ol Kansas, it may be coaxed or bullied till it shall abandon this also. He let as rather say tbose who manage him rely upon the weakness and imbecility, or, perhaps, the corruption of the House, for we all know by what promises of official promotion they obtained votes for the Nebraska hill. In this we trust they will be disappointed'. The President, bas called members together again, that they may retrace the steps they have taken, and approve or has tbey nave emphatically condemned. Let him be taught that they are not to ba brought to conformity with his views by any such discipline.

Now that the party which is in favor of transplanting slavery into the territories has called another session, let the concessions come from that side. If they bare none to make; why have they recalled tho members to Washington The friends of freedom in Kansas bave nothing to do bat to stand firm. If they keep their ground, they will gain still greater credit if they abandon it, they will lose all tbey have, gained, and cover themselves with dishonor. From tbe Y. Tribune.

TORYISM IN 18 56. It is easy to see, had Mr. Rofus Choate lived in the times of the Revolution, what bis politics would have been. He would then have figured along with Gov. Hutchinson and Brigadier RoggIes, and most of the leading lawyers of that day, as an advocate for submission to British taxation and tyranny, just as he figures now as an advocate for submission to slaveholding tyranny and usurpation.

He would then have stood by Lord North nnd the tea tax, just as he now proposes to stand by Buchanan and the Nebraska act. The word Revolution is hateful to him, and the thing itself still more hateful. The worst that ho can say of anything is to stigmatize it as revolutionary. He cannot endure the Declaration of Independence, lie admits it to he 4 but he denounces it as the passionate manifesto of a revolutionary war. So of tho Republican party, which he hates as much, and which he thinks must be put down, at all hazards.

He supposes himself to can the cli max of its wickedness and danger in pronouncing it a revolutionary party. ne denounces that party us working under an nnconsecrated and revolutionary banner. That settles the matter for Mr. Choate. Being a party whose banner is uncon- socratcd, and 4 revolutionary' into the bargain, Mr.

Choate cannot endorse it, and he hastens, io hopes of crashing it and putting it down, to throw nimseit into the arms of Buchanan, though in so doing he stultifies himself, and contradicts the po- io tbe most convenient manner, winning a repu tali tical professions of his whole life. i tion for benevolence at the same time, of any ne- Mr. Choate seems to think that the slaveholders have the same vested legal right to control our aon' uovernment that they have to the negroes National Government that they have to the negroes was wouiu oe js a rontrolof tho National Government as it would bo to set their negroes free. It must be, we presume, on this ground, that he stigmatizes the Republican party as a revolutionary party, since it is certain that the only revolution which the Republicans propose to themselves is a revolution in the Administration of the General Government, and a thorough change at Washington of both men and measures. If this be revolution, if this be treason, Mr.

Choate is weleome to make the most of it. We may observe, however, that much as Mr. Choate may hate and detest the words 4 revolution and 4 to the generality of American ears these words do not sound quite so badly. Mr. Choate may think otherwise, but with tbe general, ity of American citizens, the fact that the Declaration of Independence was a revolutionary' document is no serious disparagement to it.

Washington was a revolutionary leader, and yet we see that conservative Mr. Choate condescends to quote his Farewell Address, and seems to think that bis opinions are not entirely destitute of weight, nor bis example unworthy of imitation. The words 4 revolution and 4 revolutionary, so hateful to Mr. Choate, and to his mind so detestable and denunciatory, are, to the ears of most' Americans, epithets rather of praiso and admiration. In applying these terms to the Republican party, Mr.

Choate has, no doubt unwittingly, paid that party a very high compliment, and no less unintentionally, no doubt, has also suggested a great truth. It was a high compliment to the Republican party to apply epithets to it which at once suggest a comparison between that party and tho great party of the American Revolution, to which our country is indebted for all its greatness, and all its liberties and what is no less remarkable. though if possible still more contrary to Mr. Choate'a intention and object, is the fact, that there can be traced between the objects and character of these parties thus brought by Mr. Choate into juxtaposition and comparison, some strong traits of resemblance.

Mr. Choate recalls the fate of. that famous soothsayer, the prophet Balaam. He was Bent for, all tbe way from the State of Maine, to curse the Republican party and, for aught we know, as was tbe case with Balaam, along with this urgent call went a promise of promotion to very great bonor, if be would but curse in a satisfactory and effectual manner; and yet in spite of all bis efforts and contortions, in which few soothsayers ever surpassed him, the spirit of truth proves too strong for him, and when he opens bis mouth to curse, in spite of himself, out flies a The Charlottesville (Va.) Advocate, comment ing upon the conduct of the. students of tbe Uni versity there, in presenting a silver goblet to Mr.

Brooks, remarks We regard the whole affair, as shown by the examination of tbe Senate's Committee, to be an outrage of all propriety of conduct, whether regarded as a public act. or simply as a personal assault by a private We can never endorse by our voice, much less by a formal presentation of silver plate, any one who would so outrage the dignity of official position or so disregard fair play, as to make a violent assault with a cane upon an unarmed man whilst sitting at his desk, totally on-prepared to defend himself, and unwarned of tbe meditated attack. We cannot believe that the South, when they come to reflect upon the circumstances, will do otherwise than condemn tbe act. If Mr. Brooks bad been a Northern man, and Mr.

Sumner from a slave State, not one voice would be found in tbe whole Sooth to justify the same conduct which many of us are approving in public meetings, and by the presentation of silver jy Tbe Independent, in commenting upon the purpose of the new editor Of tbe Christian Adco-caie Journal to keep bis columns foreclosed gainst tbe recent agitations for months to come remsrks What excites oor surprise is not that the Adtocait 4- Journal should express such sentiments, but tbat Rev. Abel Stevens, whom we have always known as holding other views, should thus deliberately set himself oa tbe wrong side of tbe greatest pablie questions of oar times. The same surprise has been excited in other minds. What is tbe matter Most the Methodist National Paper be mom at the bidding of slave ry 1 Can it be that the doctrine of failing from grace baa aught to do with making some eon- sciences elastic Christian Watckman Elector. tl a Union oitij Claocolbcxo! ix rci.ct2rsrtrcTio i cottjatt with rA.ri ATOAKAOZXCSSXT wTT3CSUv CT Yes rr CASVOT ss wn-the slaveLolUr lord of the South prescribed; as a condition of their seat to the Constitution, three eedst rroriskms xtt na rrartTcrrr or tbktb oimrKm tksI The first was the immunity, fbc tweaty jeazsl of preserrug the Africa slave trade; the second w4 snrTLATiojf to Mraaxxm nomrm latij" Jt 1 engagement podiirely prohibited by the law of Oovi delivered from Sinai and, thirdly, the exaction, fatal to the principles ef popular representation, of a representation for slatxs for articles of moist the namerf persons 1 In fact, the crreem repre senting the eppreseed To call goveniiDed tLcs coe stituted 'dsmocracy.

Is to iwult the mndentaikcs ef mankind, It is doubly tainted with the infisetton ef riches and slavery. Its reciprocal operation vpon the government of the nation is to4 establish, an articial" majority in the slave representation over that ef tie free people, in the American Congress axd tsumi to makb nu ncoPAeATiosT A3td natrsaw VATIOX OV SLATEB.Y TBX TITAt AITO AJUMATIXO SPCU ee xna xatiokal OTnurrjrr. Jbea Quincy jtdagu. From the Lbb'sb Ceview Jaly. FALC2 TZZZZZZ3: CT CCZ.CTI2L24 TIOIT COCUIl'Y.

Tho missionary schemes of our time are a sort'ef reflection of tbe objects of tbe time), however litUa some of 'those objects may "appear to have to do with the missions. The most striking Instance of this is, perhaps, the American mission to Liberia. Cape Palmas, and other stations held by the American Colonization Society. all tbat bas been said in this Review, about slavery in the United States, we need not waste any of our present space i i rw iu cspiainmg kiiat slavery is tne master airacuity of the Republic; and that it bas determined all the conditions, and directed all tbe eSbrts of Amer ican policy for nearly half a Century past. It en tered some astute bead, thirty- or forty years since.

that it would much relieve the embarrassments of slave-owners if tbey could ship off bands (with beads to them) which were too clever, or otherwise trooblesome. If Africa could receive back her grandchildren, (not children, as the slave-trade ceased, theoretically, in 1808,) it might be represented as a benevolent scheme even as a missionary scheme, and thus obtain the support of the religious world in tbe Free States, and also ia burope. it was a clever sham and a clever sham it remains, though it has never succeeded to any considerable extent. That it exists at all is owiow to the many uses to which it can be turned. Is any slaveholder's conscience uneasy bis spiritual adviser shows bim bow he may make all right by his will.

He had better not send his necroes to Liberia now, because, it would inconvenience him. and it might draw attention to his private scruples but be can ordain by will that negro children, born after a certain date, shall be emancipated at five or eight-and-twenty, on condition of going to Liberia. Thus, ho keeps his property on the estate for bis own life, and perhaps bis son's; certainly for aa long as it is at all likely that slavery will exist in the State in which he lives also, be bears such testimony against slavery as may ease his con- xcience, by thus prospectively washing his bands' of it also, he has an answer ready for any foreign er, or other simple-minded Inquirer, who desires to know what will be the upshot of slavery ia the United States and above all, he ean rid himself gro who is above bis plaoe who wants to learn to 1 a rau, or snows nis cniiaren tne norm star on win- ter nights. The Colonization Society wis not much ngara ot neitirwAiiigoMsA.tgsajai ViiightTy its professions, and be became a member. ilis sin- cere and upright mind soon discovered tbe cheat.

and be exposed it. Hence bis imprisonment for libel hence bis perception of his own particular mission hence Abolitionism in tbe United States. The Colonization Society always by slave-holders politically pledged to tbe peculiar sent over an agent to England in 1831 tha notorious Eliot Cresson. He collected money from credulous Quakers, and from not a few Abolitionists who should have known better; According to the audience, tbe Liberia scheme was to plant civilization in Africa, to open a trade In African pro ducts, to free American slaves, to evangelise the heathen, or to do other great and good things. Tbe one unvarying practice was to slander Garrison and the real Abolitionists, in all accessible newspapers.

and from all At tbat time, Mr. Clay was Vice-President of the Society "and soon after he became President. He talked to all strangers. suspected of anti-slavery tendencies, of the evils of slavery, and of the glorious means of escape afforded bv tbe society. If asked now many slaves had actually been freed since tbe foundation of tbe Society, the documents were never at band.

If plainly asked whether it was not true that if government took tbe entire expense, and voted tho whole American marine to tbe object, it would be impossible to dispose in this way of the mere annual, increase of the slaves, Mr. Clay took snoff, and vehemently admired some feature in the landscape, or some picture in the room. If asked whether be bad emancipated his own slaves, be shrugged hi shoulder and said be thought ba had better do so, for tbey almost ate bim out of house and home. Yet. dying President of the Society, bm made just the will we have described, with a parade of manumitting slaves still in their cradles, or unborn, under stringent conditions of banish meet, and with very good care to keen the property in the family for a longer period than, by his own confession, he believed slavery could possibly exist in Kentucky, tbe State in which bis property lies.

We observe that one of the missionary stations in tbe African colony of Monrovia is called after him and bis estate, Clay Asbland.T During the long period of much talk and little result, it was difficult to learn what was really taking plaoe in Monrovia. Everybody knows what unchecked missionary reports, which are one form of begging-letters, are worth and it waa only from passin voyagers tbat other information could be bed. At one time it came oat that tbe blaek or malatto immigrants died off as fast as tbe whites; then, tbat tbe most flourishing business at Liberia waa tha blacksmith's," making shackles for the 'slavers touching at the coast and again, that fearful wars were going forward between alltnaaner of tribes, the American blacks being victims, unless they lapsed into the savage state, which many of them did. Tbe best of them the too-clever slaves who had been shut down under batches, and sent away from the American shores escaped by tbe first opportunity to Canada or tho Northern States. At last a few months ago, a remarkable letter from a Liberian missionary foond its wwyjnto print.

Tbe writer declared tbat he most risk 11 conse quences censure, minin bis career, but be must speak tbe truth about the colony and the mission. Fearful was the truth be told and fain would we cite the letter, if wo could get bold of it again. Perhaps we sooner or later: but missionary authorities will not help oe. Tho honest and grieving missionary showed, by tho strength of bis self-vindicatioq for telling the troth; what compulsion he and his brethren were living under. He told of the selfishness of those in au thority and prosperity, and of tbe errors of want and neglect suffered by the manumitted slaves.

He told of lapse into barbarism, amidst all tho talk of planting civilization ana ot tne uespersie leoas wd lea pautoa in diooa iwhwui ut mm religion of peace. Here is tbe other aids aa ofrsd to the pious in the States, who would do sotnetkins for the slaves, bat want to do only what is aafs 1 tbose, in short, who, in tho words of a trvehczrt-sd American clergyman, 4 txks bo hesi tis jo pie laid in their very bosom to to cherished c-2 trained, bat east them out, trample thess in tho dost, and then shout out, From Grosslzsd's lej mountains," Ia a report cf Uct jct, End tha follow appeal i 4 The infiaeaos of the Ooe a-oa ties Is rradrCly becoming perceptible and tkere is reaa to bopa at no distant day, maKauda wUl cxperici-t lis trtts- 1 Bat thus far esly the diva the approaching day ia aanlSrt. Tha day will acsr- 'v.