The Liberator from Boston, Massachusetts • Page 2

90 JUNE a LIBERATOR connected with the Universalist body, and he could testify that there was but one Universalist church in Essex county open to the anti-slavery cause. Rev. A. T. CwTrmT Universalist minister at Milton! said that Lis church wns open to Ga'rri.

son, May, anl other respectable men, bJack or white; or if closed to them, it was closed to him also. Mr. Brows said that his pulpit, as far as uudcr his control was open to anti-slavery speakers. A Universalist minister present said that the Church in qaestton, in Warren, was once granted to an anti-slavery speaker. On arming at the house, it was found closed, and it was kept closed, and the speaker address ed the.

audience from the meeting-house steps. Mr. Foster at length recovering the floor declared that the pnlpits of Boston had taught the citizens of Boston to arm themselves and carry Anthony Hum into slavery. He quoted Dr. Sharp, Dr.

Rogers, Dr. Adams, Dr. Gannett, Dr. Blagden. to the point of th of sustaining the Fugitive Slave Law, and to shoot down such as might resist.

Rer. J. rimroxT said, that although what Mr. Foster said of Dr. Gannett might have been true a year ago, he thought it was not now.

He related how Dr. Gannett had refused to exchange pupils with him, expressly on the ground that he Mr. P. had at a Springfield, Convention, affirmed that the law of God was superior in authority 'to the laws made by Congress, and the Fugitive Slave Law, being in violation of the Law of God, ought not to be obeyed. That was four years ago, and for four years this non-intercourse had lusted.

But a month ago, he received a friendly note from Dr. Gannett, inviting him to exchange pulpits with him, and to attend a ministerial association meeting at his house, which he did. S. Mat, came forward to inquire of Mr. Pierpont whether it was not plainly Dr.

Gannett's duty, if he had undergone a change, in regard to slavery frankly to make it known, acknowledge the wrong he had done to the anti-slavery cause, and to its advocates why not frankly and generously say to Mr. Pierpont, that he regretted the unjust censure he had cast upon him for nobly counselling disobedience to the Fugitive Slave Law, instead of approaching him in an underhand way, as now, and, utterly ignoring the past, say, We have made one or two ineffectual attempts to exchange, will you exchange with me now The time was when Dr. Gannett openly said, and it wns known and published everywhere, -If a fugitive slave came to my door, asking shelter and food, I should turn him or her from the door. And again he had openly said The leading men of my Society tell me, if the Fugitive Law is not enforced, the Union will be destroyed, and I shall go for the enforcement of the law. And now, said Mr.

May, that the times have changed, that the anti-slavery tide is rising, the anti-slavery temperature around him is getting warmer. Dr. Gannett finds it convenient to be on good terms, and exchange pulpits and civilities with an old-fashioned minister like Mr. Pierpont. This is no way for Dr.

Gannett to command respect. It is sinning in the open air in State street, aud repenting in the chimney-corner. S. S. Foster asked if Mr.

Pierpont had invalidated, by his statement, the remark he made about Dr. Gannett. Did not Dr. G. teach that the Fugitive Law must he executed Did he not volunteer to say that George T.urtis had the most honorable motives in his course jffev.

Mr. Nightinoale objected that Dr. Gannett's 1-1 mi 1 rra rAfaff.ro ft aria BtviDAn Villi, vdan iiita a rl that he had since preached a sermon in which he had said. Better dissolve the Union than execute the Fugitive Slave Law. Samcel Mat, Jr.

said that he believed Dr. Gannett's language and meaning were not accurately quoted he had read Dr. Gannett's sermon referred to, and bia recollection was, that Dr. G. said that, rather than con tinue to submit to such encroachments upon Northern rights, he should be ready to advocate a dissolution of the Union.

S. S. Foster. Yes that ia it. It is the encroach mtnts upon the North not the gross outrages upon three million of our brethren and sisters at the South The Convention adjourned till evening.

Eves isa. Wendell Phillips in the chair. Notwithstanding the admission fee, and the long series of meetings preceding the evening session very large and most intelligent and deeply in terested audience filled the Melodeon, and remained to a late hour the first speaker being the Rev. T. IIiogisson, of Worcester, who, on taking the platform was most enthusiastically applauded, and spoke in the following impressive and eloquent manner.

SPEECH OF REV. MR. niGGINSON. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen I make haste to be the first to speak to the first resolution, claiming it my right to speak upon a resolution as to the relation between religion and anti-slavery; first, as a minister, and secondly as a child of the anti-slavery platform, for the anti-slavery platform, I see more and more, as I look back, was my theological school (applause), and all I learned elsewhere was slight in comparison and I rejoice to know, as I do, that on anniversary week, while the people go to the churches to be taught by ministers, the ministers come here to be taught from the anti-slavery platform.

(Loud cheers.) The anti-slavery platform has done for the clergy of New England what no other power has ever done. The theological schools give them the learning of the schools, but the anti-slavery platform has given them the power to call their souls their own and they are beginning to do it. (Cheers.) We hear a great deal said about the difficulty of ministers being Abolitionists, and how bard it is for thera to be anti-slavery men. I say, sir, that in these days, ministers cannot afford not to be Abolitionists. (Loud applause.) He loses his moral training, if he does not have that, a most important part of it and all that he can know of Scriptural criticism, and all that be can remember of the counsels and teachings and learning of men, is but a trifling preparation for the duties of these times, without the Cut of the malignant evil of this land perpetually be-orw him, which be cannot dodge if he is a man.

The recollection of what Luther taught, or what Calvin -taught, is distant and fir off to him, compared with what he feels when he lies awake sometimes at midnight, and remembers the anti-slavery duty he has not done, and begins to turn uneasily ia his bed, as if Ste- PHe Foster were after him (Laughter and cheers.) We bear it lamented sometimes, among the clergy. and among literary and professional men, that science and literature and theology are interfered with by this absorbing practical question. I know it is so, and I thank God for it. We have something more important to do in this age than to be mere scholars. Without the anti-slavery movement, our literary men would have been what the literary men of England in the last century were, a slavish race.

They would have been what the theologians and preachers of England in the Established Church are now, a race of time-servers and little men. Without the anti-slavery movement, Whit-tier and Lowell would have been but Byron and Moore; Wendell Phillips might have been a Judge of Probate, and Theodore Parker a Doctor of Divinity (Laughter anl cheers.) You seem incredulous, friends. We know what we are; we know not what wt might have become. There was once an old Turk at Constantino ple, who. looking one day from his shop wiudow, where 'be vat cross-legged, like a true Mussulman, saw the latest arrival of French dandyism walking down the street, dressed in the last Parisian costume and, call.

Ing his little son, and pointing out the warning to him. he said' My son if you ever desert the faith of your fathers, you may come to look like that (Laughter.) I saw the Rer. Cream Cheese walking Washington street to-day, with bis sleek corporation and lily-white face, and I said to the young divinity student by my side, Take care, my young friend, lest you forsake your antl-alavery faith, or you may be the Rev. Cream Cheese, D.D.' (Laughter and loud applause.) I ay this, Mr. Chairman, the more readily, because this is a time when, both here and elsewhere, the relations of the clergy to reform are being agitated and I see that in New York, the other day, you bad a new plea made, a new rope thrown out, for the timid and compromising clergy, by Rev.

Dr. Bellows, of that city. I want to sty a word about that-matter, before I go further, not because I do not believe the Rer. Dr. Bellows to be a true man, although one of his parishioners told mo the other day, that the only difficulty about him was, that when you thought you had got him firmly fixed on a great principle, before a fortnight had passed, be had changed his mind.

I trust it is not so. But I do not speak of him as a man I speak of him as a Doctor ef Divinity because there are many persons in our community, who are ready to endorse any thing that bears the name of D. without even adding the mercantile for 'Errors Excepted. (Laughter and cheers.) His theory seems to be different from that which prevails among ns here, in this respect, namely, it is a question whether the minister should carry a whole man into his pulpit, or only half a man. The difficulty lies behind Mr.

Bellows it lies in our system of church architecture. We do not build our pulpits large enough for whole men. It takes the whole platform of the Melodeon, it takes the whole platform of the Music Hall, to make room for a whole man. (Loud cheers.) And it takes all the seats in the Music Hall to make room for the whole congregation that the whole roan brings with him. (Renewed cheering.) I am told they do not have that trouble in Broadway, New York.

(Laughter.) I incline to suspect, from what I hear, that a half minister is very likely to have a half congregation I mean, a half congregation in the morning, and none at all in the afternoon. And it ought to so, because, to undertake to divide the two parts of a man's nature, and separate the preacher and the, pastor, is to pat asunder what God joins, and man was never meant to separate. It nfty be scriptural, this theory md I can find one au thority for it in Scripture, and that is in the case of the prophet Amos. He was advised to drop part of the prophet, and the reason was, because his- parishioners were kings and kings' sons. I think that there is somewhat of the same trouble here.

We know how it was with the true prophets of the Old Testament We do not find so innch in their sayings about what somebody called that despicable virtue, prudence. We do not find, for instance, what it was prudent for Nathan to say. unto David. We know what he did say. He said, 'Thou art the man And it is my belief, if David had been a New York merchant, worth five mil lions of dollars, Nathan would have said much the same thing.

I tell you, the worst enemies of the souls of these millionaires and bunkers are thos who teach them that their souls, are to be saved in a different manner from the souls of paupers, nnd by a moregrad ual process. What is truth for the pauper is truth for the millionaire what is truth on the anti-slavery plat form is truth in the church. Gentlemen may call this new philosophy prudence, if they will I call it a baseness and delusion. I want to call Bin sin, in the pulpit or out of it and I mean to call it so, as our filibusters say, 'Peaceably if lean, forcibly if I' (Applause.) When they asked the English Coleridge what be thought of preaching against actual sins smuggling, for instance Coleridge said to them, 'If I lived in an inland town, where nobody knew what smuggling was, of course, I should say nothing nbont it but if I liv ed in a seaport town, where it wns the main sin of the people, I should preach ngniust smuggling fifty-two Sundays every year. Where pro-slavery, or the hun kerism which pro-slavery, is the chief sin of the people, how dare any man, calling himself a teacher of the people, stand op and talk about the beauty of vir tue and the exceeding sinfulness of sin in the abstract and let that go unrebukei! There is no apostolica succession there.

When such is the teaching of the churches, the apostolical succession has departed from them, nnd gone on to the anti-slavery platform, and here it is around me now. And I tell yon, friends, al though Ihave been somewhat favored in my pulpit exchanges, and have had the heroes of the age to take my place, the Pierponts, the Mays, and the Parkers, my pulpit was never so honored ns when you, Mr, President, took my place there. (Loud cheers.) You preached from a text five of them, if I remember rightly and it was sound doctrine. I tell you, sir, we ministers need the tonic of the anti-slavery movement We cannot spare it. We cannot separate our functions.

The true preacher will be the true pastor, and the true pastor will be the true prophet. The best refutation of this weak theory of separating the offices is Theodore Parker's six volumes of unequalled sermons, and the unequalled congregation to which he preaches every Sunday. (Cheers.) And although it may be said that preaching is not the whole office of the minister, still those who have heard, as I have, the blessings of the poor women whom his daily, unnoticed visits have com forted in their time of need, and the blessings of th invalids whose sick beds be has daily consoled, know how powerfully these blessings rise up to refute the absurd theory that the prophet must be a prophet only and that a man may not speak with nil the thunder of TuEODOBE Parker, and yet have a woman's tender- ness for every one in his parish who needs his aid (Great applause.) Then, sir, we poor ministers, with the responsibilities of the time and the age thrown around us, and we to be called to account for all, we need to have our tlieol ogy corrected by the actual observation of the world which the anti-slavery movement gives us. The ten dency cf those who look around at these church- gath erings on Anniversary Week, and who go from place to place, and hear the exultation professed at the ad dition of one undivided sixteenth of a member to each Church in the last six months, is to fancy that the world is reformed already, or evangelized, or Christianized, except that one black corner in the Sandwich Islands, and that one dark place, Liberia, which is always crying Give give and cannot be brought over, although we have sent, I do not known how many black men there, who cannot read or write, to preach the gospel of Christ. We need, Mr.

Chairman, to study the past, and learn humility. We need to look backward and see the past, as compared with the present. We Bay that Greece was a pagan nation. Perhaps it was but I read in history, that when an Athenian judge once sat in his judgment hall, and a dove cTnie flying through the window, pursued by a hawk, and took refuge in the judge's breast, and the judge threw him out on the ground, the indignant people threw out the judge. (Loud cheers.) Those were pagan times, but they did not have to wait for unequalled eloquence to address Legislative committees five times they did not have to wait the action of the Legislature they did not have to wait for a Governor to veto that action, and then to veto that veto in turn the spontaneous in dignation of the people was too strong for the inhu inanity of the judge, and though it was a pagan race, a human feeling triumphed there.

Rome may have been a pagan nation; but I read that Yirginius plunged a knife into his daughter's bosom, sooner than allow her to be a slave. But it is American Doctors of Divinity who will send their own mothers into slavery, only that they find at last that it is a better bargain to send their brother! Rome was a pagan nation, yet once more, sir bat I read that, in the darkest periods her history, there was heroism enough in Rome for this, that when some wretched slaves were doomed to to get those slaves safe to execution, military Jeath, unjustly and wickedly, as the people thought, in companies bad to be called out, and the streets through which the procession passed had to be lined with sol-lie rs, to keep back the population of Rome, in their ust indignation. Do you remember the scene in this of Boston one year ago Do you think those sol-lier were needed to keep back the population of Bot on I tell you that the Marshal's guard would have een sufficient, if there bad not been all Massachusetts behind Boston at that moment, to press Boston on with- three inches of revolution and next time, perhaps. those three inches will be overpast. (Applause.) No, sir, we have nothing to boast of least of all, the clergy, whose work it is to bring np the people from this low mom! condition in whioh they linger now.

We boast of little things, Mr. Chairman. Ever since I knew any thing about the anti-slavery movement, the great bane of it has been, that we have all thought too much of ittle triumphs we were pleased too eheap wo had too much hope. If one election went the right way. if one fugitive was rescued by night in Boston, and sent through Worcester to Canada, if one act on the right side was passed by the Legislature, we thought (I mean, the people thought, not every one, not the wis est) that the work was done, that there was no more danger, and so oar vigilance was relaxed, until the next time, when we found that the work had to be done all over again.

I see, in the reception of the late anti- slavery triumphs, the same danger. I rejoice, for one, that something has been done to check the current of these I rejoice at the veto of Governor Gardner. I rejoice that he refused to remove Judge Loring, and I will tell you why because, if Judge Loring had been removed at first, it would have been a triumph in deed bat, after so long argument, for Governor Gard ner to have removed him, would have been a triumph on Governor Gardner's side and the Governor needed one. He needed one, and we needed a check. We had had too many things to make as sanguine and as in those ancient times, when the Emperor went on one of his great triumphal marches through the city, he had a slave at his shoulder to whisper to him, Remember that thou art a man so we need Ed jrard Greely Lor- ng, still sitting in his place as Judge of Probate, to say to us, Remember that Massachusetts is still pro- slavery, and you have yet a work before you to do.

(Applause.) I tell you, sir, and those of oar friends who think they are Abolitionists, and have enlisted for the war. that the war has yet a great many years to last. I tell you, times may come again in Massachusetts that will call as loudly for manhood as did the times a year ago' I tell you that you have scotched the snake, not killed and you will find it so. Why be so pleased at that victory of a few defendants in the United States Conrt House over Judge Curtis? That was easily accounted for. It was not strange that where all the power of argument, and all the influence of personal presence.

and all the weight of the public opinion of the State, were on one side, it was not strange that Judge Curtis should, for once, decide in favor of justice and liberty. Do you suppose that Judge Curtis is born and abolitiomzed, because we beat him that time? You will find your mistake if you do. Circumstances al ter cases and (Laughter nnd cheers.) If you had looked in there once in a while, as I did, I believe you, Mr. President, never cared enough about the matter to look in at all, nnd seen what Judge Cur tis had to see, you might have changed your opinion of his course. Do you think it is in mortal roan, be he Curtis, or be he something lower or blacker, to sit on his judicial seat day after day, nnd see Theodore Parker sitting there like a recording angel, with pen in hand, writing sheet after sheet, sheet after sheet, and know that was all coming down on his head at last, nnd not feel it (Applause.) If you do, you overrate the stuff of which United States judges are I tell you, it is not strange that the judgment was pronounced before all the arguments were heard Coming events cast their shadows before especial ly when one of them is the rather broad shadow John P.

Hale, may his shadow never be less (Loud cheers.) It is the old story of Captain Scott and his coon nothing more nor less. When Phillipses and Hales stand behind the rifle, coons and Curtises come down (Great applause.) They come down and conn terfeit death, both of them but they are up again as soon as the danger is past. No, sir, we have got more work before us than is imagined by these too sanguine friends of ours. ''There is that Personal Liberty I heard one of the men who was on trial in the cases that grew out of An. thony Burns's arrest say, since the passage of the Personal Liberty Bill, that we should have no more trouble in Massachusetts.

I envy the peace of mind of that man, but I should be sorry to be thrown off my guard quite so easily. Protection by law in Massachu setts There has been law enough to protect every slave that was ever carried over her borders, if we could have got the law enforced. In the Sims case. CnARLES Sumner, ajidheis commonly considered a good lawyer, said to Sheriff Eveleth, eagerly, 'If the laws of Massachusetts are executed, that man is in no more danger of being carried back than you or I and I hold you But what was the use of hold ing Sheriff Eveleth responsible? Yet what more could he say under the 'Personal Liberty Bill' than that? In the Sims case, on one of those mornings when the Boston police indulged themselves with a parade in Court Square, as I was looking on. it was about five minutes after Marshal Tukey had threatened to arrest our friend Wm.

II. Channingfor laughing at the rather extraordinary manoeuvres of a raw recruit, that officer approached me, and said I know that I am violating the laws of Massachusetts just as well as you do but what then I am under the orders of the Mayor aud What more can your Personal Liberty Bill give us than that Laws are good tools, good in 8truments, but a Personal Liberty Bill without men to enforce it is like the steam fire engine, worth all your other engines put together when properly operated, but when taken to pieces and stored away in a stable, what good is it going to do any body We do not want Personal Liberty Bills, so much as we want a man with a backbone for Governor of Mas sachusetts (Cheers.) When are we going to get him? A Voice Next fall. Mr. Higginson Next fall Well, I hope you will not be disappointed. But what did the Telegraph newspaper say last fall, the only anti-slavery paper belonging to Boston, A Voice Except the Liberator.

Mr. Higgisso That does not belong to Boston it belongs to the world. Cheers. The Boston Telegraph, in criticising the course of Governor Washburn, said Under these circumstances, we must consider what kind of a man there was to act. Governor Washburn probably acted as he thought best.

A man with a backbone, like Henry Wilson, or Mr. Gardner, would have acted differently. That was before last fill. Then, that election was going to be next fill, and Mr. Gardner was the man whom enthusiastic but not very far-sighted persons in the back part of the Melodeon expected to elect Governor, and make the thing all right.

No, sir, the difficulty is not with the politi cians it lies behind them. The politicians reflect their constituencies. The people of Massachusetts, with all their professions, have not yet got to the pitch of wanting a man with a backbone for Governor. If they have, why did they choose Mr. Gardner, after every act of his previous political life had been sifted, and his character written upon the wall in pretty plain words.

The difficulty lies behind the politicians, sir. It lies with the people and it is we, it is you, and it is all of us working on the anti-slavery platform, who have got to bring Massachusetts np to the pitch of opposing the Fugitive Slave Law, before we shall get any thing under the name of freedom here that is worth the name. I do not attach, sir, the same meaning to the word freedom, that many persons seem to do. I do not call it freedom to have a black man in the streets of Boston, with as much right to his freedom aa yoa or I have, and be obliged to take that man by night, and send him across the country to Canada I do not call that freedom. Ay, sir, we talk about liberty being national and slavery sectional, and say that now slavery is national and freedom sectional.

The difficulty I find is, that freedom is not even tectional it is not even a peculiar institution. If it is, where is it located Where is the spot or square inch of our territory on which you can put your finger, and say, Here freedom dwells I never was there. I should like to go there. I have been to Bunker Hill it is not there, I have been to Lexington it is not there. I have been to Concord it is not there.

They say that there is a land of the west, not under a republican government, yoa have to go under a monarchy to reach it, where the black man can stand, and call his soul and body his own. I went there the last winter, and I hi ash to own, that when I stood on Canadian soil, I felt that thrill of freedom I had sought for in vain at Concord, and Lexington, and Bunker Hill. I stood in a place- where I could give free vent to my impulses of freedom, and not be afraid of the Boston police while doing it. It is a strange sensation, friends. I advise yoa to go there, and try It-Do not be cheated by what men tell you.

It is not freedom to meet a man in the street, and feel that, in order to save him from the wickedest bondage on earth, there is no other way but to give him a dollar, tell him there is the railroad, and those iron tracks lead toan-adaand freedom. The underground railroad is not freedom. We boast of that boatt of it I tell yoa. sir, the underground railroad is a shame and disgrace to every except the place which is its terminus. (Cheers.) There it is honorable.

I blush to think that the fugitive slave should ever have to pass through Worcester; and I thank God one never did pass through without my doing all I could to make him stay. No, sir what we want is not to dream of a. land of freedom somewhere at the west, but to make a land of "freedom here (applause) not to send slaves to'Canada, but to make Canada on the spot where we stand. (Loud cheers.) There is some honor in that It is not to be done without danger; it is not to be done without revolution for the instant you begin to do it, a revo lution has begun in you. Where on earth we there uch materials for revolution as here We talk of the dangers of Europe.

What country of Europe has any thing to exhibit as materials for revolution compared with ours Where in Europe is there such antagonism as exists on oar soil two such powers brought in con flict, freedom on the one side, and slavery on the other I do not know where it is. It is not so in Russia, In Russia, all are slaves. The serf is a slave to the mas ter; the master is a slave to the noble; the noble is a slave to the higher noble the higher noble is a slave to the minister the minister is a slave to the Czar and the Czar is a slave to the fear of assassination. -In Russia, every body is a Blare. There is no antagonism there there is no material for a revolution.

But here, all our dreams are of freedom, and all our prac tice has to be conformed to slavery. America takes us, and brings us into a land of so-called liberty feeds us on Declarations of Independence, Fourth of July orations, and the ballot-box, and then, when she has ex hausted all her teachings, and turned us out free men in heart indeed, what does she do with us She shoots us down in the streets of Boston, if we try to put her lessons in practice There is revolution for you, and all the materials for revolution materials such as exist no where else on earth. Did you ever hear what were the last words of our Senator in Congress, that noble man, Johs Davis for I call him a noble man, because, in his instincts, he was always true to freedom. His first impulses were always for freedom. When bound down and corrupted by the atmosphere of slavery, if he was left free for one moment to forget policy, the noble impulses of his nature came up, and he was a man again.

Did you ever hear what his last words at Washington were? It is a conversation which Chares Sumner told to me, and which I should not dare repeat if Charles Sumner had ever told it in public himself; but I believe he has not. It was the last night of Mr. Davis's Congression al career. The clock was approaching the hour of twelve, and the old man sat quietly in his seat, waiting for the end of his long public life. Senators who had known him for so many years stood by watching him, to see if they could mark any change in his quiet face.

They saw none. The clock struck twelve at last, and the old man rose from his seat with the last stroke, and took his place outside the railing, no more a Senator, but a humble, private man. His successor had not been appointed there was no reason why he should resign his seat his friends urged him to retain it, simply from courtesy, if nothing more but he said, No my public life is ended, and went borne to bis hotel. Mr. Sumner followed him, wishing to present his compliments and respects on the conclusion of his long term of service.

As be entered the door of Mr. Davis's parlor, he found the old man sitting with his elbows on the tabfe, and bis face buried in his hands, absorbed in thought. Said Mr. Davis, Would you like to hear what are the thoughts passing through ray mind at the end of this, my long experience Yes, certainly, was the reply the thoughts of such a man, at such a timermustbe deeply interesting. Well, sir, said the veteran, drawing himself up, this is the consummation of the whole Here in our national government.

Slavery rules every thing, Mr. Sumner; Slavery rule every ('Hear, Yes, Charles Sum-ker did hear, and made other people hear, to some purpose. (Cheers.) Mr. Davis, of whom we had all complained, whose course we had all regarded as not being sufficiently true to freedom on great emergencies, at last came to the simple conclusion, that Mr. Garrison had been an outcast for twenty years for uttering the important truth, that Slarery rules every thin! Cheers.

Everything? No. there ia one thing that Slavery does not rule, and never can rule, and that is, the hearts of Abolitionists Loud applause. That alone is the preservation of this Union from destruction. Do not confound Disunion with destruction. Union with Slavery is destruction hear, hear Disunion from Slavery is safety Hear, hear, and loud cheers.

While Slavery is building np its power upon one band, reedom is marshalling its forces on the other and the time is surely before as, politicians are beginning to see it awasyj-t-wJiejj these two mighty forces will come together with a shock like that when those great vessels met in the Atlantic ocean, and you know what followed. God grant that the name of that hapless bark may not be prophetic, and that in this case it may not be the- North the 'Arctic that will stagger and go down Prolonged cheering. Mr. Higgissok was succeeded by Mrs. Ersestise L.

Rose, of New York, (a native of Poland,) who, on tak ing the platform, was warmly applauded. SPEECH OF MRS. ROSE. Mr. President a.x Friends It gives me unspeakable pleasure to have the oppor tunity to make my voice heard here before you in behalf of human freedom.

It gives me, indeed, great satisfaction to be able to enter my protest against that terrible scourge that afflicts, not only the colored slave, nor, indeed, the South, but which afflicts the whole United States of America. It gives me great gratification in bfiag able to do my duty in entering my protest against that eternal crime against humanity the holding of a man as a slave; and also against that great, incomprehensible inconsistency, that slavery should exist in a country that calls itself a Republic. Mr. Higginson well vindicated here the position of Russia. Truth is consistent; Error is always Truth is a unit, consistent with itself, and consistent with every other truth.

And as Truth is, so 'also is Freedom. Human freedom, also, is a unit, and -consistent with itself, and where freedom is, slavery eannot be. In comparing the two countries, Russia and America alas that we should be able to institute a comparison between such a dark aud benighted land with one that calls itself a Republic yet, sad as the fact is, it is nevertheless true, that in instituting a comparison between the two countries, Russia, dark and benighted as she is, much as she oppresses man, we at least must give her the credit of consistency, for she professes no freedom; while here, with all the glorious professions of republicanism and freedom, the whole land is cursed with the most odious system of slavery. I remember I was but a little child, hardly able to understand the import of words, that I had already lis tened to those who pronounced it the Republic of the United States of America; and even then, though entirely unable to appreciate the import, the nobility of it, yet, somehow or other, it touched a vibrating chord in my heart, and I thought, if I lived to grow np a woman, how I should like to see a Republic I (Applause.) I did grow up, and attained that great hope; and, friends. I well remember I doubt whether I shall ever forget the sensations and emotions I experienced when I first placed my foot on the soil of a Republic; nay, more, the first Fourth of July that I spent here.

Why, every thing in nature appeared to have changed and become superior. The sun shone brighter; the trees looked more beautiful the grass looked greener; the birds sang sweeter; all the beauties of nature became enhanced in my estimation for I viewed them all through the beautiful rainbow colors of human freedom. (Loud cheers.) Alas! I little knew then what I should ex perience, if I remained longer. Had I left this country on the fifth of that July, I should have gone away with the glorious emotion, that there was one spot of earth on the whole globe where a man may stand, and call nimseir rally and entirely bis own. Uut 1 remained here too long and what a change has come over the spirit of my dreams All the enchantments hare dis appeared, one by one.

Not, indeed the enchantments of what a Republic ougbt to be. or the beauties that would result from a true Republic, but the enchantments of the idea that there was such a Republio in this new world. Instead of the poor fugitive from the old world coming to this place of refuge, and calling himself a freeman, we have to send the poor fugitive from the new world to the old, to an aristocratic, monarchical government, and there, however oppressed he may be in many instances, at least, he may call himself, his wife and children except, indeed, in Russia his own. It gives me no pleasure, I assure you, my friends, to dwell upon the dark side of humanity. I wish I could always dwell upon the bright and fair side; but facts and truth always demand plain utterance.

This country has sent forth to the world a great and glorious truth that eternal truth of the equality of men upon which the Declaration of Independence's based that all men are created equal, and endowed with an inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That declaration, wafted like a bright vision of hope on the breezes of heaven to the remotest parts of the earth, to whisper freedom and equality to the downtrodden millions of men. And yet. while that declaration is thus wafted by the genius of freedom all over the earth, here, under its shadow, the children that have b.een born and up here are subjected to dark and bitter bondage. This country, therefore, stands before the moral consistency of the world, to be judged thereby.

From monarchical and despotic countries we do not expect much; but those countries have a right to hold you to your professions. The Quakers say, that according to the light you possess, is the demand made upon you. It is a true and correct saying. According to your professions, we have a right to hold you responsible; and therefore, this country Btands responsible for its false and hypocritical professions, without carrying out the great, eternal truth of the equality of man. (Cheers.) You know all about the evils of slavery.

It would be presumption, as well as folly, in roe, even to attempt to describe what slavery is. No man can place him self so entirely in the position of the slave as adequate ly to describe the horrors of that relation. He only who has experienced them, and who lias felt, at the same time, the flame of freedom burning within him, can tell what slavery is. I have heard many eloquent speeches from this platform, and from other anti-slavery platforms, but I was never so affected as I was this mora ine; bv the few simple words that fell from the lips of Anthony Bcbns. (Applause.) He stood here as a living, breathing, moving witness of the great iniquity of slavery.

Only one year ago, he was doomed to slavery once more; and were it not that a few benevo lent men were untiring and persistent in their determination to rescue him, cost what it would, An thony Burns would not haTe been here this morning to give his evidence, as he did, to the large audience, that, slave as he was, crushed and oppressed as he was, chained, not only in body, but also in mind, nevertheless, he was a man for there was the love of freedom. and the determined purpose to achieve it, whenever the opportunity was afforded. And when be told of the pleasure he felt in being able to stand here, I appreciated it, I felt it; it touched my heart as no other speech, no matter from whose eloquent lips it fell, had ever touched me, and confirmed me in my estimation or the depth of infamy involved in keeping human beings in the darkness of bondage. Who can tell what Anthony Burns might have been, had he been deemed free from the moment be drew his first breath How often do we hear the South say that slaves are not the same ns white men that they are not human beings Why, it is only as if it were yesterday that any portion of the slaveholders, and not only the slaveholders at the South, but the slaveholders at the North, acknowledged that the colored man is a human being at alL And there are many now who take that position. Even scientific men have come down from the glorious heights of science low enough to be bought by Southern gold, and endeavor to prove that the colored man is a different being from the white mm, and therefore it is right to hold him as a slave.

I will cot attempt to enter into any consideration of this subject, for there is no need of it. Like or unlike, he is a human being and I will use the same argument with regard to him that I use when pleading no, not when pleading when claiming the rights of woman Like or unlike, he is a human being, and entitled to all the rights that humanity can bestow and man can enjoy. It is worse than time lost to enter into any such consideration, because human rights do not depend on the shade of color; they do not even de pend 6tf a somewhat different construction, or some what different shape of body, or somewhat different shape of mind. I will say of the slave, as I often say when claiming the rights of woman humanity recog nizes no color, mind recognizes no color; pleasure or pain, happiness or misery, life or death, recognizes no eolor. Like the white man, the colored man comes in voluntarily into' existence.

Like him he possesses physical, mental and moral powers, upon' the proper cultiva tion of which depends his highest happiness. Like him, be is subject to all the vicissitudes of life. Like him. when he breaks the laws of his being, he has to pay the penalty. Like him, when he breaks the laws of the land, he has to endure the punishment.

Like bim, he ought to enjoy or suffer but he only suffers with the prosperity or adversity of his country; and therefore, like him, he ought to have all the rights and all the privileges that the country can bestow. (Loud applause.) Is that any more than any man ought to claim, and ought any man to be satisfied with less But if it be a fact that the color of a man, that his having been born in a certain geographical position, gives another man the right to enslave him, I would say, as I often say when advocating the equality of the sexes, why not reverse the order, and let the while man know what it is to be subject to eternal bondage? Let not this bondage remain only with the black man. I have named here none of the evils of slavery. It were Tain for me to attempt to do so. You can all understand it as well as I can, as I have never been in the position of a slave.

It not only deprives a human being of his own identity, of his own person, but it subjects bim eternally to the bitter degradation of bondage. I need not tell you of the pangs and misery caused by slavery, arising from the fact that the nearest and dearest bonds are severed and broken asunder. I need not depict before your eyes the fact that parents and children are placed alternately on the auction-block, and they are bid off and knocked down like merchandize, and then separated, never again to behold each other. I will not repeat these things, for you know them too welL As I said before, the curse of slavery is not ecanstd to the poor black victim atone; but, my friends, whole country is cursed by slavery. The Southern ktt population are cursed by it; sad so much Is sty ni of a universal tendency, that while I deprecate laverr and elaveholding, while all my sympathies gush fortj for the poor slave, I cannot withhold some pity commiseration for the slaveholder too; for it is an etrr nal principle of 'right, that the evil-doer shall be pav ished by the evil be inflicts upon others; and terribl cursed and punished is the South by the evil they iafiiet upon the poor slave, by a violation of all human rights, by a violation of the dearest principles of humanity I will not enter into an explanation here of the vs.

rious ways in which the South is cursed through slava. ry. very sou snows nence toe necessity for a constant endeavor to obtain the accession of new for without it, they cannot live. Their industry the, it, for wherever slavery exists, indastry is looked with contempt. Wherever slavery exists, labor is graded.

Wherever slavery exists, the mind, not oaly of the slave; bnt of the tyrant slaveholder, prei. trated and degraded. And this influence affects sot only the South, not only the slaveholder and the but it axtends to the North. The evil of slavery ka shown itself of late yet more distinctly 'than ever bo. fore.

I heard Mr. Foster say this morning, that he was glad when the Fugitive Slave Bill was passed, aad kt seemed to rejoice that the influence of slavery was ginning to be better understood than formerly, toa, rejoice in it- Whenever there is a disease ia the syttsta, it is al ways better to have it thrown to the surface, tkat to have it confined internally, for two reasons one kj it shows the strength of nature to throw it off; sad other. is, to give the skilful physician a better do vied bow to attack the cause of the disease, Slavery has shown itself distinctly within the Ust five years. Until that time, it was more confined to the South; at any rate, we did not so distinctly perceive it here at the North. At the time when the Fa gitive Slave Bill was enacted, it commenced showing itself out on the surface.

I was one of those who, at that time, did not understand its bearings. I deeply deplored that the disease existed here at alL I deeply deplored the fact that slavery cursed the land but I said at the time. I am clad that the disease ia enmin to the surface; I am glad it is beginning to eneroaca more and more upon the North. It seems to be the fact, that a man can never appreciate a thing so well until it is brought home to himself. That Fugitive Slave BiQ brought the subject borne to tens of thousands ia tks falsely so-called free States.

I say falsely if tbey were truly free, there would be no slavery is tbii country. If they were truly free, they could have a union or communion with slavery, for freedom aad slavery can no more exist together than truth and falsa, hood. It is all true or all false; all free or al slave; and as we are not all free, we are all slaves, and we ars all slaveholders to some extent; at any rate, in aidinr and abetting, unless we raise onr voice against it, tad use the utmost efforts in our power to disunite, to break that unholy Union for it is not a righteous Union wickedness, of crime, of sin, and of shame. A Uniot of freedom and slavery cannot exist, anymore than fin and water. AT hen the South took the second great step to ca- croach upon the North, I hailed it as the forerunner of treedom, mat was tne XNeDrasKa um.

nnaieverue Union might have been before that Bill was passed, the slender thread which held it together is now snapped asunder and who has done It Did the Abolitionist, the Disunionists. snap that thread nsunder? That slender link which once held the Union together is broken who broke it The South. The infamy, if infamy there is to bo attached to the dissolution of this Union, will be attached to the South for it was tba South, or Southern slavery, that snapped the link; and the snapping of that link is the surest forerunner ef the dissolution of that false, corrupt where there is no liberty and no humanity. (Applause.) My friends, I was not always of, this opinion. Not more than a year ago last March, I was in WssMiigtoa, and while there, I spoke on the Nebraska Whto I went to the lecture-room.

I bad no Idea that I was Disunionist I never knew it I never suspected it. But while there, in speaking of the Nebraska Bill, I endeavored to find some reasons to show why the i ar a a na vtti Union need not be dissolved, and yet slavery Le abolished for I have been anti-slavery all my lift-time. While I thus endeavored to find the reason and taggtst the means for abolishing slavery, without dissolving the Union, I convinced myself of the impossibility of it, anJ I said so at the time tor, like a true Quaker, I alwajf depend upon the moving of the Spirit for the tip being, and whatever comes into my mind, I give utterance to it and when I went home from that lac tart, I said to a friend of mine, If I have not succeeded is convincing any one else, I have succeeded, and I aa vvw rinnnv Ia bnnw St 1 Mnvinitinn mvulf T-An Yes, my friends, we often hear it siJ, bj politlcUii, Pivut CUmi a wA sk At thai jltsU a wviivi a cs sit viiivic! iuiii 1 1 jt i mm liv UCvU tv as-- sol ve the Union, because the Constitution of the Unites States is not a pro-slavery, but an anti-slavery, instrt ment. I will not enter into any discussion oa tats point. I will simply say, Take your alternative, aai abide by the consequences.

If, on the other side, UM Constitution is a pro-slavery instrument, then it is sot fit for a Republic, nnd therefore must be annulled? aaa a free Constitution formed. But of course the Soatk will not submit to this, and therefore there will dissolution of the If, on the other. side, tlM Constitution is an anti-slavery instrument, then, is the name of mercy, how dare the South call for the pre tection of the general government in the nefarious traffic in slaves This would be the surest way to dissolve the Union and, sir, I would say to those FreeSoile who insist that the Constitution is an anti-slavery is? strument, that I am glad to hear it. If it is slavery instrument, then rescue it from the hands the slaveholders, and say to them You must aboLa slavery, or you cannot come under the banner of tt Republic, which is based on this instrument the Co stitution of the country. (Cheers.) So, in either cfc whether it is a pro-slavery or an anti-slavery iaatra ment, by that instrument Disunion must coca There can be no union between freedom and slavery, unless, indeed, we are prepared to unite more fP7, we have ever gone before and then, at any rate, shall be more consistent than we have ever been btrt- tofore.

mm a in conclusion, airs, xtose said she went for bub- freedom, irrespective of sex, or sect, or color, or eon try ITnout-JVblhings to the contrary netwitbstasa'ic She said there was slavery in Massachusetts, instancI our Sabbatical laws and the law excluding eerbtin pf" sons from the witness-stand on account of their beSft as proofs of her assertion, and earnestly appealed the audienoe to labor for the abrogation of these pressive enactments, and to secure the broad eat sMaS lioerty ior au mankind. wesdeu. miLUPS, on taking the platform. wa thusiastically greeted by the expectant audience. SPEECH OF WENDELL PHILLIPS.

The speech, ladies and gentlemen, to which wi just listened, has Waldo Emerson's attribute ef quence it has a life behind it. What we have at the North is, to feel our souls our own to dare to think independently of institutions majorities, and the old associations about us. friend who has just taken her seat has taught us lesson by a life that, before some of us had to the duty of being free, was exerting its influence. on those about her. I ara glad when she comes uu-aiaicrj jiiauurni io give US msi.

insight, and her long example. They are therC" troops of reform and free thought, that form tit of every movement for the bettering of the rsos. It was a sad anecdote that Mr. Higginson.