The Des Moines Register from Des Moines, Iowa • 8

July 12, 1972 8 LKTTEKS to the EDITOR legator DAVID S. BRODER- Forecast of Race That a Close McGovern-Nixon President Might Lose An Independent Gardner Co lis. Chairman of ike Board Decline of Labor's Power Ml Everybody is commenting on the differences between this national convention of the Democratic Party and" all other conventions of that party or of the Republican Party. The differences are many more women, young, blacks, Chicanos, amateur politicians, etc. Overriding these differences is the atmosphere of newness, change, replacing the old guard.

What seems to us most striking in this change is the loss of influence of organized labor. For at least 40 years labor unions have been identified with the liberal political philosophy of the United States. They were part of the New Deal coalition of Franklin Roosevelt. Now we find, dramatically in this Democratic convention, the labor bosses on the side of conservatism, resistance to change. It may be an exaggeration to say, as Walter E.

Fauntroy, nonvoting delegate of the District of Columbia, did, that "if Senator McGovern wins, he will be the first Democratic nominee in 40 years who will not have been selected by big labor." But there is no doubt that labor has had a powerful voice in such choices. The AFL-CIO leaders are almost all opposed to McGovern and were among the prominent backers of the attempt to deny McGovern the full California delegation. They lost on cacli maneuver. The mention by the McGovern camp that Leonard Woodcock, president of the United Auto Workers Union, might be a choice for the vice-presidential nomination on a McGovern ticket did not weaken the labor opposition to the South Dakota senator. The change in the Democratic party not presumed to be a truth-teller, nor one concerned about the everyday problems of working folks, nor one who puts the needs of the many ahead of the wealthy and powerful few, McGovern, on the other hand, is regarded by those who know' him (and it's important to remember that many do rot) as a man whose main drawbacks are his inexperience in large governmental matters and the impracticality (or idealism) of some of his proposals.

He has yet to establish the sense of authority people want to see in a president. On the other hand, despite all the talk about abortion, marijuana and amnesty, the only people so far who think of him as a "radical" are hard-core Republican voters, and his whole political history in South Dakota indicates that it will he tough for Republican propagandists to hang the radical tag on this soft-spoken son of a small-town Methodist minister. Considered Honest Among the voters who know him, McGovern has the considerable advantage of being thought of as honest, outspoken, warm, concerned and most important different from the mine-run of politicians in Washington, including the President. He is seen as an advocate of change which most people want, without being able to define it and yet as one who embodies the old virtues of trustworthiness and character, to which many of those seeking change say America must return. Neither man fully meets the voters' supreme desire for a president who can heal America's internal wounds and unite its people, but McGovern may well come as close to it as Nixon.

In any case, the argument holds, the voters are looking for something beyond what they see in the White House today, and they are likely to wait until late in the campaign to decide if McGovern or Nixon comes closer to the idealized president of their dreams. That is why the coming contest could be interesting, increasingly competitive and finally very close, says this McGovern man. If you are inclined to dismiss it as nonsense, you might note that the victory being won here this week did not come to George McGovern because his people are the stupidest politicians in America. Washington Post News Service MIAMI BEACH, FLA. VMONG the many dire predictions of calamity for the Democrats if George McGovern is their nominee, there is heard one quiet voice of dissent worth heeding.

It belongs to a McGovern man, but this man is neither a propagandist nor a personal publicity-seeker, and his private advice to lvsr' to 8 ovcrbard in Prc I y'tH i i a Republican I landslide is being noted DAVID S. BROOER man, in a year of magnificent political mis calculations, has been right far more often than most. Whatever one's personal judgment, his views are worth recording because they contrast so sharply with most of what is being said and written here. Re believes that a Nixon-McGovern contest would prove to be a very close one. The Democrat might not win; the historical odds against unseating an incumbent president are formidable.

But a severe embarrassment for McGovern and his party is unlikely, and victory is not out of the question. Relieves Polls Misleading This remarkable conclusion rests on three main propositions, the first being that the current public opinion polls exaggerate Nixon's lead. The 15-point gap they are reporting is, in part, a recognition gap, with Nixon far better known than McGovern. Almost one-third of the gap closes, for example, if any well-known Democrat's name is added as the McGovern running-mate. As the campaign develops and McGovern becomes better-known, his standing should improve.

Also; the 10-12 per cent of the voters now undecided in a Nixon-McGovern race are not likely to split the same way the committed electorate divides. Looked at as a separate group, the unde-cideds are more unhappy with the current political situation, more inclined by. habit to vote Democratic, than any other group in the electorate. McGovern would have a chance to. gain the lion's share of the undecided.

RICHARD WILSON- i Vietnam Peace Hopes Says Delegate Reform Hurt Democrats Different Times and Different Remedies lo the Editor: In your July 6 editorial, "Neighborli-ness in Korea," you say, "If the two Koreas can talk about peaceful reunion and promise no use of force why did America have to fight in the Korean War? Why does it fight on now in the Vietnam war?" This is almost like saying if the United States and England can get along so well today, why did wc have to fight the Revolutionary war? What would be practical today may not necessarily have been practical 20-odd years ago. As I recall it, the United States and the United Nations went to the defense of South Korea after North Korea had invaded them, which I wouldn't exactly call a "peaceful reunion." Wc can't say today what would have been the situation now if we had not come to the defense of South Korea, but under the existing circumstances of that time the free world apparently thought it was the most expedient thing to do; and probably was. There was more involved than the two Koreas, and if South Korea had not been defended, would it be here to negotiate peace today? Vietnam is an entirely different situation. It will be up to the future historians to determine whether President Kennedy was right in starting the military action under the circumstances of his time. Times are different now than when we became involved and demand different remedies.

C. M. Simon, Box 1053, University Station, Ames, la. 50010. Sees Hazards in Overpopulaton lo the Editor: In her letter to the editor of July 6, "Says Population Curbs Unnecessary," Jean M.

Gould of West Des Moines, expresses both evil and dangerously irresponsible thinking. Because our planet is comparatively small and its resources very limited, overpopulation has become the world's most deadly problem. National and international tensions, crime increase, water, air, and noise pollution, and a great reduction in the quality of life compared with what it was not long ago, are some of the results of the population explosion. The world without population curbs, advocated by Ms. Gould, would be a sickening, violent, depressing, congested, overpopulatcd hell, with the complete destruction of the human race, all animals, and the world's natural environment.

Once again, let it be made clear, the anti-life citizens are those who would bring about an overpopulatcd hell on earth where no "population curbs" exist. L. E. Marshall, Estherville, la. 51231.

'Fischer Will Win Where It Counts' lo the Editor: Regarding the recent articles on the Fischer-Spassky protocol fiasco in Reykjavik: Certainly the personality game the Icelanders (and others) expect from the two contenders will hardly affect the outcome for the world chess title. Spassky can arrive on time for the ceremonial puppet shows, swap trinkets with the local heads-that-be, and further his public image (and Russia's) with smiles of mock sincerity. And it's obvious that Fischer's concern as an unofficial agent of U.S. diplomacy well, Bobby could give a barf. But Spassky is playing the wrong game.

Unlike most public (sports) events where crowd attitudes can easily push one player or team to unequaled heights of performance or augment the slide to defeat, the quiet isolation that surrounds chess play holds no truck with the influences gained from image-building, and, for realizing this, Fischer should get credit. Fischer's eccentric mind is direct, short-cutting its way to the best immediate solution and ahead to the ultimate move that gains him the deciding advantage. Thus, public image or no, where it counts Bobby will win. And Boris can retire to the Steppes with everlasting (haunting) memories. Bob Gctchell, 130 N.

Dubuque, Iowa City, la. 52210. Advanced engineering promises engines with only two or three moving parts. We have seen cold mornings when our car didn't have any at all. Denver Post.

ana if- IA1 PQI i as, What hope for a negotiated peace in Vietnam now, as the Paris peace talks resume after more than two months' suspension? Xuan Thuy, chief North Vietnamese delegate to the peace talks, has visited Peking and Moscow as well as Hanoi during the recess, and Americans hope he has got the word to make peace now. But North Vietnamese spokesmen deny he has any new instructions and say their terms are still the same. Their terms are not what President Nixon and Henry Kissinger say they arc, however. Nixon and Kissinger say the North Vietnamese demand that the United States overthrow the Thieu government and get out, permitting the other side to impose a Communist government against the will of the people. This, says President Nixon, "I will never do." The Communists demand that Thieu resign or be ousted before they will talk to Saigon.

But they don't care who does the ousting, and if Nixon got that straight, it might lead to a settlement. The Communists obviously think Thieu's regime will fall like a house of cards once U.S. military and financial support arc withdrawn. Is Thieu so fragile? He has one of the largest armies in Asia, and one of the largest air forces. His men far outnumber all the forces North Vietnam can throw against him, plus all the Viet IS'euspaper DVD Kl IDFMIR.

Prttidrnt and Publuhrr KENMTH tcDo.NALD, Editor A. to kneHuss. Managing tditor Ll tfi SOTH. Editorial Page Editor Loll H. NORMS.

Bum new Manager rules, the wave of new delegates and the i 1 1 ul organization of the McGovern campaign all have played a part in the decline of labor influence. But the change in labor union political philosophy is also a major factor. Organized labor represents the status quo or status quo ante these days much more than big business does. George Meany, head of AFL-CIO, remains a hardline anti-Communist. He is opposed to President Nixon's overtures to China and Russia let alone George McGovcrn's policy of ending U.S.

participation in the Indochina war. He opposes the McGovern cuts in the defense budget. Leading labor executives are against strong civil rights activism, including busing for school desegregation. Many labor unions still arc the chief barriers to fair employment. They are opposed to foreign economic aid; they want protective quotas on imports and curbing of foreign investment by business.

So it should be no surprise that the labor unions oppose McGovern and are especially unhappy with the reforms in the Democratic party. They prefer the old-time bosses of the party and their dependable deference to labor union power. What is surprising is that the McGovern crowd was able to dislodge the labor leaders, who now face a terrible dilemma. They don't like President Nixon and arc traditionally allied with the Democrats, but they can't stand a McGovern nomination. We can expect that McGovern will try to mend his fences with labor leaders, but he is in a strong position not to make many compromises with them.

Ceng can raise in his own country, lie has political opponents, but they have never been able to unite against him. Withdrawal of U.S. air support and U.S. money would be a blow, but if Thieu has any kind of support among his own officers and civilian ofificials, it should not be a fatal blow. He should be able to bargain on more than even terms with his Vietnamese foes or hold his own if they refuse to bargain with him.

President Nixon intends to let him "hack it alone" sooner or later. Why not now? One faint hope for peace lies in President Nixon's cease-lire offer. The other side has for years refused a cease-fire ot more than a few days. It fears this would be a license for the Saigon government to hunt down the hidden Vict Cong guerrillas, untroubled by the North Vietnamese regulars. But now North Vietnam holds some "liberated areas" on both the northern and western frontiers of Vietnam.

The Viet Cong also hold the northern half of Binh Dinh Province, on the central coast. How long they can hang on is a question. A cease-fire would take the pressure off. In spite of all their "no change" talk, getting American and South Vietnamese firepower off their backs might be very attractive now. Those arc the hopes slim but palpable.

Public service television could perform a true service by turning its camel as on the podium and floor and providing continuing coverage of what is happening in the convention hall. Those interested in what Senator McGovern ate for dinner or Senator Smith's reaction to the rumor that Governor Jones is calling a caucus for 11 p.m. would have a choice of three channels for such tidbits. Others interested in the Iowa vote on an issue or the full debate on a certain platform plank could turn to the public broadcasting channel in order to get convention instead of comment. Clean Air five-and-a-half months instead of nine months after receiving the guidelines to prepare their plans.

The delay resulted from a review and considerable weakening of the guidelines by the White House Office of Management and Budget. The resources council charges that the Administration is "gelding" the clean air amendments and that the resulting state plans are "little more than weak-kneed apologies for each state's present program." The council says its review of state plans shows a majority of them would not meet the clean air standards by 1975 as they are required to do, have no provisions for maintaining the standards and do not include source-by-source compliance schedules. The litigation should take the cover off federal implementation of the clean air amendments. If the White House has intervened to soften enforcement of the act, as the environmentalists charge, then this needs to be revealed and the administration of the act strengthened. its At this point, ho doubt, many believe that an ounce of convention is worth a pound of primary Minneapolis Star.

The national debt limit is now $450 billion or, for all practical purposes, the sky. Boston Globe. Llederman, Lonf Island Press (Ben Roih Agency) George McGovern Second, this argument contends that this year there is even more advantage than usual in being the underdog. At a time when a large majority of the voters feel that they are riding in the caboose on the American gravy train, there's no better place for a candidate to be than back there with them. Third, and most important, the McGovern man argues that Nixon carries as many liabilities into the campaign as does his likely challenger and may have more trouble than McGovern in erasing them.

The critical assumption here is that, overriding all of the specific, major issues of the campaign the war, the defense budget, tax reform, welfare, busing, unemployment, inflation and the rest will be the single question most of the millions of largely skeptical, cynical, alienated voters will ask: Which of these men cares about me and my family and will look out for our interests? Nixon Not Trusted In these terms, neither McGovern nor Nixon is the ideal candidate for 1972. The President is seen as a competent, strong, even bold leader, particularly in international affairs. But a political motive is ascribed to almost every action he takes, including his summitry; he is sociological groups in the proper mix represent the will of the people. There were some delegations to the national convention with higher than their proportionate share of women and blacks. Theoretically, under the quota system, their numbers should have been trimmed down to make room for more males or more whites.

The quota system doesn't work any better in politics than it does in education or employment in the building trades. Realization of this evident fact at the Democratic national convention ought to help clear the air of the sociological fog interfering with vision on such issues as busing and equal employment opportunities, as well as politics. But that isn't all that is bothering discontented Democrats. They all know that the state-by-state primary system is not only unrepresentative but productive of potentially disastrous results in selecting a presidential candidate. A "front runner" for the nomination, it is discovered, may, as a result of the primary system, be projected into his leading position by small fractions of the electorate.

This was the case with Senator George McGovern, the result of whose nomination for President has been contemplated with the gravest misgivings by elected Democratic officials who would have to run on the same ticket. The Democratic national convention thus found itself faced with choosing break the "action counteraction" cycle. This, the study said, would effect a big economy of means and would accord with the interests of the United States. The U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A.

have now undertaken to limit sharply the possibility of building up ABM systems. According to the treaty, the parties are allowed to deploy no more than two ABM systems each one around the national capital and the other for the defense of a deployment area containing ICBM silo launchers. Means of Verification For the purpose of providing assurance of compliance with the provisions of the treaty, each party will use the national technical means of verification at its disposal in a manner consistent with generally recognized principles of international law. Both the U.S.S.R. and the United States possess such national means.

They also undertake not to interfere with these means and not to use deliberate concealment measures. To deal with questions relating to the observance of commitments, as well as other questions relating to the treaty, a standing consultative commission is to be be established. The ABM limitation treaty is of unlimited duration. The interim agreement signed at the same time as the treaty is aimed at preventing increase in the numbers of offensive strategic missiles. To this end, the two sides undertake not to start MIAMI BEACH, FLA.

Mffi discontented Democrats are in a mood now to re-examine once again the way they present their presidential nominee to the voting public. The old way did not work too well, and the new way is not much better. At the root of the problem, so far as the national convention is concerned, is the idealistic but fallacious con- that quotas of blacks, the young and the poor produce a democratic profile rep- resen'ative of the nation! at large. Like most sociological RICHARD WILSON formulae, the new democratic profile is found wanting in many important respects. In the first place, it is not democratic.

In the second place, it fails to develop the leadership qualities essential in politics. Quota Syslein Doesn't Work Choosing a delegate because she is a 19-year-old black girl from a family on relief to the exclusion of a white boy whose family is not on relief illustrates the fallacy. Neither, in fact, represents anything except adherence to the faulty idea that certain fixed percentages of Surplus of Comment on TV from a list of candidates a nominee who probably could not command popular support from as much as one-third of the party, according to the Gallup Poll. I'npular Support Reform has thus proved to be an imperfect instrument for the selection of a candidate who would represent the will of the whole Democratic Party. In the end, power polities had to reassert itself in the nominating process if complete chaos was to be avoided.

The result is that the reforms will have to be reformed before the Democratic Party can approach a state of perfection, if there is one, in the selection of its nominee in the future. In perspective, the old ways of organized politics were better suited to picking a nominee who could enthusiastically be supported by the broad spectrum of Democrats. Even Hubert Humphrey, after the debacle of 1968, retained a solider base of support than is likely lo underpin the Democratic nominee of 1972. The success of politics is better measured in terms of results than In this respect the old politics has a fairly good record in bringing to the top leaders who were generally recognized as the best or strongest their party had to offer. The old politicians had one sure guide.

They tried to find a candidate who could win. construction of additional fixed land-based intercontinental ballistic missile launchers after July 1, 1972. The interim agreement also limits the number of submarines. The agreement will remain in force for a period of five years unless replaced earlier by an agreement on more complete measures limiting strategic offensive arms. The Moscow agreements hold significant promise for slowing clown the arms race and ultimately ending it completely, and this not only in the sphere of strategic arms.

For the U.S.S.R. and the U.S. undertake "to continue active negotiations for limitations of strategic offensive arms," and declare their intention "to achieve at the earliest possible date the cessation of the nuclear arms race and to take effective measures toward reductions in strategic arms, nuclear disarmament, and general and complete disarmament." Of course, the reaching of agreement is not yet disarmament. Nor can one expect so formidable a problem to be resolved overnight. But if the treaty and interim agreement signed in Moscow are regarded in the light of both the immediate tasks and the long-term objective it will be seen that they might well prove to be epoch-making.

Their significance consists not only in what they provide for but also in what they rule out. They may well become a turning point in the struggle to curb and eventually end the arms race. Favorable Soviet Review of Nuclear Arms Pacts Television viewers of the Democratic National Convention are seeing much more of Walter Cronkitc, David Brink-lcy, John Chancellor, Harry Rcasoner, et al, than of the convention. The person who wanted to hear the pros and cons of the challenge of the South Carolina delegation as debated on the podium Monday evening was forgotten. So was the person who wanted to follow, state by state, some of the voting.

Instead, networks treated the viewer to the reminiscences ot the anchor men and the pursuit of rumors from hotel headquarters to convention floor and back again by reporters. Push for A lawsuit that claims Iowa's air pollution control rules are not strict enough should produce a significant test of the 1970 amendments to the U.S. Clean Air Act. The legal action was filed in the U.S. Court of Appeals in St.

Louis by the Iowa Confederation of Environmental Organizations and the National Resources Defense Council, Inc. The major target of the lawsuit is not the Iowa rules. Iowa's rules are about the same as those adopted by other states. The target is the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), which administers the federal' law. The 1970 clean air amendments called for an aggressive attack on air pollution.

The EPA administrator was given a tight schedule for issuing air quality standards. States were given nine months to adopt plans for meeting these standards. The EPA was directed to approve or disapprove these stale plans within four months. The EPA has failed to meet any of these deadlines. New air pollution source standards were issued weeks late.

Hazardous substances standards were two months late. Aircraft emission standards were more than four months late. In the most critical delay, the EPA's guidelines to states, scheduled to be completed April 30, 1971, weren't released until Aug. 17, giving states only Commentanj by Nikolai Arkadyev in the Soviet news magazine, New Times. rpiIE PROBLEM of reducing the dan-1 ger of a nuclear missile war occupied a special place in the Soviet-American summit talks in Moscow.

It was accorded prime attention because what is at stake is the future of the present and future generations, the future of all humanity. Limitation of the build-up of the most destructive armaments which swallow up enormous material and intellectual resources was regarded as an effective contribution to strengthening world peace. If the deployment of anti-ballistic missile systems and this to all intents and purposes has already begun could not be stopped now, the immediate future would witness a chain reaction between offensive and defensive weapons, as was the case at one time between armor and artillery projectiles. What such a race could lead to is difficult to visualize. Will Check On Each Oilier It is not by chance that many leading military experts and scientists have warned against the disastrous consequences of a race between "shield and sword." For instance, a study by the Federation of American Scientists, published in late 1970, noted that discontinuation of the deployment of ABM systems would remove the stimulus to the inclusion in national armories of many offensive weapons and would.