The New York Age from New York, New York • Page 4

The National Negro Weekly SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 120 published on Thursday of livery Weak. Vainta S3, Ma. 11 i Office of Publication, No. 230 West 135th KUnvl, Kew lor. Bubaertotlona by Mall.

Postpaid. 1 OWE TEAR II tttlX UUNTHB 1.00 THREE MONTHS 0 i BINGU-3 COPY 06 CANADA FOR ONE YEAR t.M IVOtUUiiN COUNTRIES, 1 a. Oil Enteral aa Second Claaa Matter Sen- tember 18, 1913. at Post Offlco at Now York. N.

under Ina act o( match UJ. Telephone, Morninsalde 85M. I FTtED R. MOORE. and Editor LL'CIEN H.

Editor JAMES W. JOU.NhON, rHnr LESTER A. Dramatic Editor IDA MAY DUDLEY laanuir KIK1KNK L. MOORE. Advertising Manager GILBERT S.

MOORE, Mansurer Printing Dept. London Office. 47 Urten Street, Chmlna Croaa lloads. E. C.

i Addrea all lettera and make all checks nd money orders payable to THE rvt-vv YORK AGE. UNWISE SEGREGATION. In the insistence and emphasis upon the term of "Negro there is danger of invit-'itigi and encouraging a form of that does not exist at 'Virpnf nnrl nerd never come into 'existence unless invited and en- itouraged. The Negro residents of Harlem much upon which to congratulate themselves in the im-portant factor they have become iin the greatest city in the world. TTbey should be proud of the fact that they are property owners and in one of the most eligible sections of the greater city, all the resources of modern "civilization at their command.

JThey should emphasize the fact -hat they are American citizens 'possessing and exercising all the cxights of American citizenship, and also citizens of the Kmpire JState with equal rights and privi leges as all other classes ot ttt-3zens. Above all they are citizens rof no mean city, as their surroundings in the way of improved housing, police and tire protection. public scnoois ami ampis mor- oughfares go to show. All these advantages are theirs -as citizens of the great city of JKew York. They have free access to the courts, both as peti tioner and practiiioncrs, prose cutors and defendants, aim equal and exact justice is accorded them.

They are represented by men of their own race in the local and state legislative bodies and the ballot box is ocn for their suffrages. In view of all the advantages afforded the race in the metropolis and the gradual diminishing of the disadvantages, it is not good policy to lay too much stress on the issue of segregation. Racial segregation along certain lines will continue to exist in a cosmopolitan city like New York for a long time, but it will be along voluntary lines, drawn and defined by the various groups interested. There will probably be a. Jewish section on the liast Side, a Negro section in Harlem, an (Italian section in the neighbor-jiood of Cleecker street for years 'to come.

Hut there need not of necessity be a "Negro Harlem," unless Negroes themselves invite 'it. Let them continue their efforts to make themselves a pcr-'manent and potential factor in the development of the upper part of (New York City, without surrcn- dering their title to racial identity or lo civic equality. Segregation will probably continue in the church and social work for a long time, but in the matter of public schools and conveyances it has no place and no place should be afforded it. The i of Harlem have an unex- 'ample'd opportunity to show their capacity for good citizenship by exerting their influence in behalf of the growth and improvement of the community in which they are so important a factor. Let them work for better and more sanitary school buildings, for public baths and for whatever improvement Harlem needs of a public But do not let them work solely for a "Negro Harlem," but for a Harlem that shall include all classes of the community.

The Negroes of Harlem should emphasize the fact of 'their citizenship and make it a living reality. Good citizens are a necessary element in the upbuilding and maintenance of the city and the State. Let those who come from foreign shores to make this country their new home avail themselves of the benefits of the naturalization laws and become citi-s-ms and voters. their thrift and enterprise they have a stake in the material interests of the community. Let thctn supplement this by taking an active part in building up the moral and civic status of the community; To do this they must exercise a voice.

in the making and enforcing of the laws, by Helping to cnoo.se me lawmakers and those entrusted to carry out the laws. I By working in harmony with the other elements of the com-' jnunity to this end, we may not i have a "Negro Harlem," but we will have the Negroes of Harlem a progressive factor of the greater city, deserving and receiving the respect of their neighbors. REVERSE FOR LILYWIIITEISM. Recent developments among the Republicans of Texas indicate that the movement to restrict participation party policies to white men only, as inaugurated by the Republican Council of that State, has meei with a setback. A conference was held at Waco the early part of this month, lo support the policy of the E.

H. R. Green Campaign Commits. Itn object wa announced the election of two white men and two Negroes as delegates from the State at large to the Republican National convention. The slogan adopted by the followers of this movement is "return to the traditions of the party," which is a direct blow to any sort of "Lilywhitcism," as will be realized by those who recall the days when Norris Wright Cuney dominated the Republican politics of Texas, with his powerful and magnetic personality.

The composition of the delegation Is Chicago under the plan proposed, in pursuance of this traditional policy, as far as the four delegates at large are concerned, is to be on a fifty-fifty basis, with Col. E. H. R. Green of Terrell and Edward McCarthy, a banker of Galveston, lo represent the white end of the deal.

Among the representatives of the Negro Republicans enlisted in the movement are A. G. Perkins, a lawyer of Galveston, and secretary of the Royal Arch Masons of Texan, and R. I. Evans, lawyer of Waco, and a convention candidate from the eleventh district.

The equity and fairness of such a combination of Republicans as this should commend itself as an acceptable working agreement for the Texas supporters of the party to get together on and unite to make their strength felt at Chicago. Lilywhiteism should have no place in the policies of Republicanism. Its advocates in that section should find their proper place in the ranks of the enemy, where white domination is the watchword. With the recent surrender of the Lily-whites in Louisiana, and this aggressive movement against them in Texas, we trust to see the extinction of this anachronism among Southern Republicans. The warfare against this poisonous excrescence in Southern politics should continue until it is stamped rut of existence.

It has no place in Republican policies and it should receive comfort no." recognition in the national councils of the parly. Incidentally, we would inquire where is the Hon. "Gooseneck Hill" McDonald in this Texas proposition? GETTING A FOCUS. Evidences continue to multiply that a portion of the white South is beginning to see itself as others see it. Thoughtful men of the white race arc beginning to get a true focus on the determined policy of the South to keep "ihc Negro down," even if that policy necessitates the whites getting down in the mud, with the victim of their hatred and jealousy.

Kor instance, the Birmingham, Alabama, Ane-ilernld recently printed an editorial headed "Give the Black Man his Day in Court." In it reference was made to the fact that a new trial had been granted Henry Chishnlm, who was condemned to death in Jefferson County for trying to snatch a white woman's purse. The editorial continues: The state failed to produce evidence that a note alleged to have been written by the Negro, which figured largely in the trial, had been compared with his own. handwriting. The note in question contained a threat against white people, which any half-educated and irresponsible Negro might write after being subjected to some of the petty abuses that a ceriain class of whites delight in. probably on the theory that they are showing their superiority over their victims.

The convicted man gets a new trial on a technicality, but the death sentence was much too severe a penalty for the crime with which he was charged. It seems that at the time the verdict was brought in by a Jefferson count jury, the Age-Herald commented on the trial as "a miscarriage of justice." The result of this comment, as lold by the Aye-Herald, was: Twti members of the jury, typical Negro-bailers, the kind of men who are chiefly responsible for the continuation of race friction in the South, were highly incensed and even threatened to "get even" with the man who wrote the offending paragraph. The ignorant. narr6w minded juror, blinded by race prejudice, is a curse to the south. True enough, but it must be remembered that the white press of the South, especially in the smaller places, such incendiary sheets a sthe Oklnlona Sltiles ami the Spartanburg Scimitar and their imitators, have done much to foster the spirit, that breeds such ignorant and narrow-minded jurors.

It will require the best efforts of such papers as thei Aur-Herald to dreate and stimulate a broader spirit of tolerance and fairplay.l The decent white man of the South, with a heart and a conscience, bus a great task before him in the effort to redeem his section from ignorance anil intolerance. CHILDREN IN THE COURTS. While humanitarians contend that no one is born a criminal, ct heredity and environment are admitted to have much influence on the moral and physical de velopment of the human species. When young offenders against the law in many parts of the country must face the same treatment in courts and in prisons, as is accorded professional criminals, it is THE NEW YORK AGE, 5ATURDAY, FEBRUARY 21 VIEWS' and REVIEWS By Jamca Weldon Johnson, Contributing Editor THE WILSON-LANSING SENSATION. The exchange of letters between President ilson and Secretary of State Lansing is unprecedented in the history of the1 country.

Never has the resignation of a cabinet 'officer been forced in such harsh language. The President in plain, blunt words accuses Mr. Lansing of the assumption of presidential authority, the usurpation of presidential prerogatives. The President wrote as though the know ledge of the cabinet conferences which were called by Secretary Lansing had only just come to him. The country had taken it for granted all along that the President was fully aware that these conferences were being held.

It is unexplainable, unbelievable that the President, who has been reported by his physician and those close to him as strong enough to transact an increasing volume of government business for a number of weeks back, was not informed as to the meeting of the cabinet officers. The President charges the Secretary of State with a violation of the Constitution. No one seems to be clear on the point of con-stitutionalitv. because it is a question which has never been raised; and it is rendered more difficult because the cabinet is not a creature of the Constitution. However, Mr.

Lansing has precedent on his side. Several times before various Secretaries of State have convened the cabinet in the absence or incapacity of the President. But even if there were no precedents, the country will no doubt approve Mr. Lansing's action; it will feel that there was nothing else to do under the circumstances. There are niany pressing questions which could not wait on Mr.

Wilson's problematical recovery. Mr. Marshall refused to act, except by the President's request, yet the machinery of the Government had to be kept in motion. 'I he plan of the cabinet seemed the only practical plan that could be carried out. On second thought, one cannot but feel that the reason put forward by the President in his letters is not the main reason for his wanting the resignation of his chief aide.

It may have been differences over the terms of the Treaty and League of Nations; it may have' been Mr. Lansing's testimony before the, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations: it may have hern Mr. Lansing's refusal to deny or refute the testimony of Mr. Bullitt before the same committee. The real reason will be brought out sooner or later.

But whatever the real reason tor the President's action, the manner in which he took it cannot be explained by any reason except that he is still a very sick man, too sick-W undertake the strain of the duties of the presidency. H. L. MENCKEN ON LYNCHING. Readers of "The Age" are familiar with our opinion of Mr.

H. L. Mencken as a writer. Wc have more than once said in thcset columns that he is the brightest and cleverest of all contemporary American writers. Bui Mr.

Mencken is a great deal more' than bright and clever. He is sincere nnd honest, And he is sincere and honest because he is not afraid of anything; not even of the, truth. It is a rare thing to find an American writer who is afraid of nothing. In fact, the most of them are afraid of everything; they are afraid of American conventions, of the moral code, of American sentimentality, American mob opiniortK. When the average' American writer sits down to write he conteious1y or unconsciously determines to do nothing that would violate tW "American credo." But above all he fears to Write the truth.

He realizes that it is among the American pruderies to object to the truth because it is naked. Occasionally an American writer does, perhaps accidentally, hit on the truth; but generally he makes it so solemn and dull that it appeals otilv to those who arc about through with this world and ready to die. Mr. Mencken always him is never dull Mr. Mencken's favorite method attack falsehood with ridicule.

the wjjlls of foolish pride and prejudice, and hypocrisy merely by laughing at tnem, and nets more effective against them than most writers are who hurl heavily loaded shells of protest and imprecation. What could be more disconcerting and overwhelming to a man posing a everybody's superior than to find that everybody wa9 laughing at his pretensions? Protest would only swell up his self importance. There is a lesson in Mr. Mencken's method for Negro writers. Take the subject of lynching, for example; when the average Negro writer tackles the subject he loudly and solemnly protests in the name of justice and righteousness.

'By this method he may reach every one. except the lyncher. So far as this method reaches the Ivncher at all. it makes him take himself more seriously. Instead of allowing the lyncher to feel that he is one to whom appeals for justice r.hmtM be addressed, he should be made to feel that he is just what he is, a low-browed, under-civilized, degenerate criminal.

Mr. Mencken' frequently refers to himself as a Southerner. Of he is no more a Southerner because he was 'born in a Southern state than writer is a Hottentot because some of his ancestors were Africans. Several times Mr. Mencken has written on the race question, and although he has no special interest in the Negro's rights or wrongs, he always writes on the Negro's side, because he sees that on'tiiat idc.

lies the truth. In writing on the race question Mr. Mencken uses his favorite method of attacking what is false and wrong; ht ridicules Southern prejudices and pretentions. Nobody ho reads his article I translate the title from its original Latin "Cyi the Ethiopian Change His will forget how absurd he made some of those prejudices and pretensions appear. In the current number of "The Smart Set Magazine" he writes on lynching under the title of "The Confederate There is sufficient satire in just the title to squelch the pride that the proudest only to be expected that they will be confirmed in the tendency to evil This state of affairs is brought out in a bulletin issued by the Children's of the I'.

S. Department of I.aborj on "Courts in the Hearing Chil-rlren's Cases." It s'ales that of the children's caes before thY courts in 1'JIS, approximately came before courts not adapted to the! handling of children's cases. At least! one court in every state reported that, children awaiting tri ll were detained in jails; courts in IS stale declared that no effort was made to separate children detained in jails from old and hardened offenders, though such separa tion is required by law in many of these states. The bulletin continued Only 321 courts out of more than had special organization for trying children's cases. Such as separate hearings, probation service and a system of legal and social records.

Twenty-one of these were does it cleverly; the truth from of showing people the truth is to juvenile courts created by special lmv and independent of other court systems. Almost half of them were in only 5 slate. Although every state in the I'nion except Wyoming had legislation providing for juvenile probation, 1- than half the courts trying children's cases actually had probation service and les than one-filth had regular full-time probation officers paid for by the court. Even wheu; the regular judicial proceedings liad been so modified that they were more humane and effective in dealing with children, the organization was frequently defective in some essential. Many courts, for instance, had arranged for private hearings, but still through fines and punishments maintained the old attitude that the offender was a law breaker rather than a child in neel of special care and protection.

Many courts, had failed to secure adequate information regarding the child's home condition, family circumstances, physical and mental conditions and personal characteristics. A large number of children Southern lyncher might have in with the toiiowing paragTapn: "A good part of the enormoui literature of lynching is devoted to a discission of its causes, but most of that discussion is ignorant and ome of it is deliberately mendacious. The majority of Southern commentator's argue that the motive of the lynchers a laudable yearning to "protect Southern womanhoor," despite the plain fact that only a very small proportion of the blackamoors hanged and burned are even so much as accuked of molesting Southern womanhood." 'He then takes up the other causes generally assigned, race pre judtce, political animosity, aucr win.n analyze the causes of lynching as follows "All of these notions seem to be to be fanciful. Ljfnching is popular in the South simply beeaues the Southern populace, like any other populace, likes a thrilling show, and because no other sort of show is provided by the backward culture of the region. The introduction of prue-fijrhting down there, or baseball on a large scale, or amusement places like Coney Island, or amateur athletic contests, or picnics like those held by the more trucuHnt Irish fraternal organizations, or any such wholesale devices for shocking and diverting the proletariat would undoubtedly cause a great decline in lynching.

The art is practised, in the overwhelming main, in remote and Godforsaken regions, in which the rtily rival entertainment is afforded by one-sided political campaigns, third-rate chautauquas and idiotic religious "revivals." When it is imitated the North, it is always in some drab factory or mining town. Genuine race riots, of course, sometimes occur in the larger cities, but these are always economic in origin, and have nothing to do with lynching properly so-called. One could not imagine an actual lynching at, say Atlantic City, with ten or fifteen bauds playing, speak-easies in operation up every alley, a theatre in every block or two, and the boardwalk swarming with ladies of joy. Evi.i a Mississippian, transported to such scenes, succumbs to the atmosphere of pleasure, and so has no seizures of moral rage against the poor darkey. "Lynching, in brief, is a phenomenon of isolated and stupid communities, a mark of imperfect civilization; it shows itself in inverse proportion to the number of shoot-the-chutes.

symphony orchestras, roof gardens, theatres, horse races, yellow journals and automatic pianos. No one ever heard of a lynching in Paris, in Munich, in Rome or in London. But there are Incessant lynching! in the remoter parts of Russia, in the backwoods of Serbia. Bulgaria and Herzogovina, in Mexico and Nicaragua, and in such barbarous American states as Alabama. Georgia and South Carolina.

"It would be quite easy, I believe, for any Southern community to get rid of lynching by establishing a good brass band and having concerts every eveuing. "Tbey know nothing of music or drama, and view a public library as something to be rigorously censored. I am convinced that their ignorant moral enthusiasm is largely to blame for the prevalence of lynching. No doubt they themselves are sneakingly conscious of the fact, or at least aware of it subconsciously, for lynching mihlie amusement that they never denounce." 19 ttl. tu: tbat in fip Ilia rv v.

i greater use should be made of the lowing the Ivncher of pregnant women, me ourncr i.uu.-.. at the stake to feel that he is the proud product of civilization, the chivalrous protector of womeninooa. one wno miouiu uc feel that he is regarded by others, to iur in; especially by the Negro, as a low I iroduct of semi-civiltzatton, as a pproaches nearer to 'that of the luman. SMOKING R-ird nf the alarmed over the increase in the use of tobacco among women, and appeals to them to refrain from it in the name of the country's The Board utters the warning mat unuorn uiuuicii Irugged by tobacco in the blood of the smoking mother. tu.

tr he rreneral that smoking is a vice or-a habit of the "new but is that really the fact? It is not. Any one who is familiar with the rural at least of the South, knows that the older women have smoked for generations, t. there to see an old woman comfortably seated mnl-i Th difference is that the new woman sits -of. in boudoir and smokes scented cigarettes, while the old woman sits on the front porch a clay pipe. The women of South America.

pronaDiy, nave always smoKcu. The women of the classes smoke cigarette in their homes, and the women of the masses smoke everywhere at work, at play, in their homes and on the streets. They do not smoke cigarettes; they smoke little, black cigars; and they smoke one after another, all day long. In the matter of smoking, the new woman cannot be blamed with introducing a new vice; the worse that can be said of her is that she is introducing an old habit and making it fashionable. There is no question of morals involved.

If it is morally wrong for a woman to smoke, it is morally wrong for a man to smoke. Of course, there is a question of health still it is just as foolish for a man to smoke when he knows it is injurious to his health as it is for a woman. matter is one of food form, of rood taste. A man 1 llw 1 rs objects to his women folks smoking because he feels it is not good taste that it is vulgar. Some women object to smoking by women because they themselves would not It remains to be seen whether smoking by women can United States.

who are brought before the courts have been handicapped by heredity, faulty ho-ne training or bad influences' in the community. These children can be helped only bv a sympathetic iudee who rcalires that the purpose of juvenile courts is education and discipline rather than punishment. Of the 2.000 courts only 145 reported special provision for mental examination, and many of these ex- amined only cases presenting special In manv places a physi cal examination was made merely in connection with commitment. In manv others no children were examined except those who gave evidence of abnormal condition. In 13 courts clinics were maintained as a part of the court organization.

All of these were in cities of 100,000 or more population. Children in small towns and rural districts had the poorest chance for an adequate hearing, as the courts in less populous places were generally ill equipped for children's work. The bulletin recommends for these communities a county system, providing a unified probation service, a detention home and a clinic for child study. Considerable has been done in the larger cities like New York, through the special children's courts with the aid of probation officers, and such organized efforts as the Big Brother and the Big Sister movements to reclaim and guide aright the errant youth of both sexes. There is need for more workers ot this sort, both among the professional probation officers and the volunteers.

It is an emergency work, where the pro his work. He begins the art icle to htin? the obstacles before the race 1 I 1 weapon ot same, ms.ic.iu oi al browed, loose-jawed, uncultured Dcing wnusc wim.u w.UUv.v orangoutang than to that of a WOMEN. Methodist Church is very much or by the fireplace and smokes ever become gooa torm in tne verbial ounce of prevention is worth more than the pound of cure. GOVERNMENT' INSURANCE The Colored Service Men's Unit is a branch of the Bureau of War Risk Insurance, the function of which is to aid the bureau in taking care of the cases of colored soldiers. The valuable part that war risk insurance has played in the history of many a soldier's family-is illustrated by the following example, taken from the records of the Unit: In the far southland which gave us a very considerable number of our colored troops, there was one colored family that contributed its only three bread earners to the cause of democracy.

Cheerfully those brave men went out upon that journey from which no traveler returns. Two of those three sons died in battle. Mother and sisters lie- gan to urge the returned soldier of the family to have his war policy reinstated. The young mans insurance had only been reinstated two months when he was thrown from a horse and killed. Today all three erstwhile bread earners of the family are gone.

It is easy to realize the suffering and deprivation that would have befallen their survivors had those men nejlected the opportunity to take out Government Life Insurance policies. Because the three bread earners of this family sought Government Life Insurance protection their dependents are now receiving $175.50 each month, which represents the aggregate amount of their Government Life Insurance. It is claimed in behalf of thfc Unit it that the work that it has done in taking care of the cases of colored soldiers and sailors has not only justified its but furnishes good reason for its continuance. It is hoped by tlio responsible for its conduct that the colored War Veterans and their dependents will take full advantage of this Unit which has been provided for their convenience, and that they will not only find it possible to adjust their allotmen', allowance and compensation claims with the Government, but that they will reclaim a very considerable amount ct (iovernment Life Insurance. All colored veterans of the Greit World War, their dependents and friends should address their enmmunicj.

tions to Lieut. J. Williams Clifford, War Risk Bureau, Washington, D. C. Commenting on the fact that Buffalo is fast becoming one of Uie centres of America, the Amtritan of that city says: "Members of the race, the past fw cars, have been able to secure employment in all branches of industry and have fhown those that understand them that they are good workers.

It is the duty of the rare to make good." And it is to the credit of the vast majority of those that have entered rhe industrial fields opening in the North that they have fulfilled this duty manfully. 'Uplift work Is the popular vocation during this era," says the Savannah Journal. Well, it cannot be denied that the field for it is wide and affords room for many laborers. The St. Louis devotes over a column of space tn set forth the claims of St.

Louis as "The city of opportunity tor investment. Among some of its advantages set fonh are the following: It is the central convention city of the United Slates. Fourth in population among the cities of America, with at leait 80,000 Negroe. The best colored schools in the world, so it is claimed, with the best church buildings of any city of its and a new.Y. M.

A. building is an added attraction. The Business League is now working for the establishment of a National bank. Good for St. Louis and its boosters.

In discussing the political situation, which it pronounces so muddled that the proverbial Philadelphia lawyer cannot clarify it, the Norfolk Journal and Guide thinks that Governor Frank O. Lowden of Illinois" struck the Republi can keynote for the campaign in his advocacy of "Law and Order." It continues: "Tliis miseovernmcnt which has char acterized the administration of affairs in the Southern States during the past half century, with lawlessness unchecked and often approved by those elected to administer tlie laws and ith class legislation repugnant to every sense ot justice and equity, together with the social unrest and organized movements to discredit and undermine the foundations of the Government, all give point and force to the sound position taken lv (iovernor Lowden and hailed by leadin? Republicans as the slogan, in 'Law and upon which the Presidential campaign is to be fought and won next year. 'What this country most needs and must have is a government of law and order. A slogan with that for rallying point should sweep the country." This conclusion is shared by many thoughtful Republicans throughout the country and is bound to be reflected in the action of the delegates who will meet at Chicago next June. The outstanding need of the British protectorate of Nigeria, according to tin Lagos Weekly Record, is the reorganiza tion and expansion of the medical service.

In showing the situation on the African West Coast, it says: "At oresent there are just about 100 doctors, fours of whom are black men, engaged to fight the forces of and death among a superstitious population of about 17 million souls. "1 hi next rrvinir need is good roail. rnnciiVrino' rsneeiallv the great raft motor will play as a feeder to the rail way. Miles and miles or railway m.w be built, but unless the main line is ma-le easily accessible to the producing districts, it is as good as useless." The British governor is urged to take steps to save the. lives of the native people and to give them the transport facilities essential to the commercial de velopment of the colony.

The crudft sort -of colonial statesmanship should give a favorable hearing to this pica fur Under the caption "Down with PiSe, ith Truth," the Denver Star argui at "One of the biggest obstacles in promoting the caure of race adjustment the unending, relentless, amount of Piffle used by both sides discussing the issues at hand." It speci fics in this wise: "Some of the chief assortment of rifile expressed by the whites is thij: IV TUi i u-lttt man'c eoitntrv. I -) The Negroes want social quality. Do vou want vour daughter to marrv a Negro? (4) The Negro must be kept out of politics. (5) The Negro must be segregated. (6) There is only one lor the unmentionanle crime.

"Some of the chief assortment of Piffle expressed by our group is this: ti; All tne wnue peopic arc ui. I hate the sight of a white face. Th is is a bJ ot a country, had my way I O) i ne wu.n rotten. (6) Africa is nothing to me. The conclusion that such expressions as Uie above farfetched and prejudicial to good judgment will be concurred in by all thoughtful people of both races.

The chief difficulty is to move the multitude to think before speaking. "Chickens" Cost Mora Hare. How mrch ia a wife worth Here are aome In Vrtranrta a wi' coats four bulla, a box of an.t alx aewing needles. A KaMr lady. eordina- to the aueinl aiatun of her family, worth from two to ten cows.

Navajo girl ta expensive: ahe eanni. bought for laoa than ten hoi so. xchanga..