The Tampa Tribune from Tampa, Florida • 28

m. 1" STATE AFTER THE BALL IS OVER Inside Report 'Southern Strategy1 Still Swaying Republican Leaders By ROWLAND EVANS and ROBERT NOVAK THE TAMPA TRIBUNE Published by THE TRIBUNE COMPANY, Kennedy Blvd. and Morgan Tampa, Fla. J. C.

COUNCIL, President and Publisher James H. Couey, Jr. James A. Clendinen V. M.

Newton, Jr. General Manager Editor Managing Editor Wednesday, January 20, 1965 i 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Page 4-B BIBLE THOUGHT Study to shew be ashamed. II Timothy 2:15. Editorial Y1 1 I I 'I JV I fc Pork Chop Loyalty lican, Thurmond could retain his old seniority on the Armed Services and Commerce Committees. A GOOD MANY Republicans balked.

Sen. Hugh Scott, the Pennsylvania liberal, denounced special treatment for Thurmond in a fire-eating speech before the caucus last week. Supporting Scott, a sufficient number of Republicans insisted that Thurmond be denied any special privileges. Hickenlooper and Curtis did not risk a showdown vote in caucus. Instead they went around the barn.

"When I saw Carl Curtis grinning like a Cheshire cat, I began to get suspicious," recalled one liberal Republican. The suspicion was justified. THURMOND'S FRIENDS opened a spot on the Armed Services Committee by shunting liberal Sen. Clifford Case of New Jersey off to a long-desired spot on the Foreign Relations Committee. Then came the bombshell.

Two other Republican members of the Armed Services Committee, John Tower of Texas and Jack Miller pf Iowa (both facing tough fights for re-election next year), yielded their seniority on the committee to Thurmond. jRjS 10 AJC MrrB fv Roscoe Drummond DancfA i f.ri LIS i AAA lit, vienml Madam jv Miss MEDpPH WASHINGTON Despite the fail of Dean Burch as national chairman, the Republican Party has not yet shrugged off the "Southern strategy" that carried it to disaster last November. That was shown last week on the opposite side of the Capitol. Anti-Eastern, anti-liberal phobia was decisive in the defeat of Rep. Peter Frelinghuysen cf New Jersey as House Republican whip.

In the Senate, Republicans or did themselves in lavishing favors on Sen. Strom Thurmond, the turncoat Dixiecrat from South Carolina who is now a Republican. THESE ACTIONS dovetail with Barry Goldwater's Southern strategy: Wean the Segregationist South away from the Democrats but write off the vote-rich Eastern Seaboard. What made the Thurmond Incident doubly ironic was the identity of his most vigorous sponsors in the Republican caucus: Bourke Hickenlooper of Iowa and Carl Curtis of Nebraska. Goldwater and the Southern strategy produced dramatic Democratic gains in traditionally Republican Nebraska and Iowa last Nov.

3. Yet Hickenlooper and Curtis acted last week as though segregationist Thurmond were a godsend for the Republicans. IN THIS SPIRIT, they obtained treatment for Thurmond unprecedented for a new Republican Senator much to the remorse of out-maneuvered liberal and moderate Republicans. Indeed, had it not been for the self-sacrifice and stubbornness of liberal Sen. Jacob Javits of New York, the affection bestowed on Thurmond would have been still more sugary.

The story really goes back to last autumn when Thurmond was ready to bolt the Democratic Party. According to word passed In the Senate cloakrooms last week, he then was given a ment by Curtis (acting in Goldwater's behalf but obviously with no sanction from the Senate Republican leadership). The commitment: If he turned Repub- Jr. REP. FRELINGHUYSEN Caught in Anti-Liberal Posh A LA Can Humphrey Survive Strain Of New Role in Vice Presidency? WASHINGTON One of the most intriguing questions right now is: Will success spoil Hubert Humphrey? Not that the Vice Presidency and its nearness to vast power will change the person of Mr.

Humphrey. He couldn't become aloof or pompous or coy or distant to his trusted friends even if he tried. He has come a long way from being Mayor of Minneapolis and has proved himself to critics as well as admirers as even brighter, nicer, always responsible and trustworthy. HUMPHREY will remain the same man in private. The question is whether he can adapt himself to his new and radically different role as Vice President of the United States, a position of little authority and very limited initiative.

The nub of the problem is right here: All his political life Humphrey has been an activist and subordinate to practically nobody. Now, for four and perhaps eight years, he must continue to be an activist and totally subordinate to one man, Lyndon Johnson. PRESIDENT JOHNSON wants Humphrey to be widely active, more active than any previous Vice President and far more active than he himself was allowed to be under President Kennedy. But a Vice President can act only when he is told to act. He can speak only when he is told to speak.

He can improvise only when he has cleared his improvisings with the White House. That's not easy for Humphrey. Will it work? Can the ebullient Hubert Humphrey, this most unsilent, rarely subordinate man of the Senate, become successfully subordinate all the time and silent for long periods? Lyndon Johnson thinks so. Hubert Humphrey thinks so. That makes it about unanimous.

They could well be right. THERE ARE two reasons why it can work. The President understands the terrible frustrations of being Vice President. He ought to, he suffered them more than most, because there never was a more restless, more would-be energetic Vice President than Lyndon Johnson. Humphrey knows the meaning of loyalty.

It is a part of his nature. And he has the intellectual discipline to observe the total subordination without which no Vice President can retain the Letters to The Tribune thyself a workman that needeth not to has been a law unto itself since 1937 with a unicameral (one-house) Legislature of 43 members. Surely somewhere under 50 Senators and 150 House members is the maximum that can be approached without unwieldiness and without making a state's legislature excessively costly. Expense in financially-straitened Florida's government should be an important consideration. The total legislative expenditure in the current budget is to triple the number of members would roughly triple the cost.

And $10 million for operations would not be the end of it. Even at their current numbers both Senate and House chambers are overcrowded, and office space for committees and individual members is at a premium. The first act of a greatly enlarged Legislature al-. most certainly would be to provide ample working space for itself, and however it did so, the cost would run into millions more dollars. Even as the legislators gathered at Sarasota, Dr.

Paul Douglass of the Center for Practical Politics at Rollins College disclosed he was working on a reapportionment plan based on a unicameral legislature such' as Nebraska's. Although we normally oppose a unicameral system because it removes the check-and-balance of the two-house debate, it might be worth consideration as an alternative to 150 Senators and, say, 500 representatives. Almost any alternative would be worth considering. LOYALTY to old cronies is rightly regarded as one of the higher virtues. But if loyalty within the ranks of the Pork Choppers seeks to foist a ludicrously large legislature upon the people of Florida, the people should, and we think will, demand priority for some other virtues.

Virtues like economy. And efficiency. And plain common sense. Sun Shines forcefully to public attention during the 11-week period that James A. Garfield lingered after being struck by the assassin's bullet, again during Woodrow Wilson's long seclusion after his stroke, and more briefly after Dwight Eisenhower's heart attack.

Yet nothing was done to provide for orderly procedure in shifting power from No. 1 to No. 2 and back again. Under the Senate bill, the President in writing could declare his disability, or the Vice President with concurrence of a majority of the Cabinet could do so and assume, for the duration of the incapacity, the executive powers. The President could take back his authority when he declared himself able to do so, unless the Vice President disagreed and two-thirds of Congress supported his position.

The weakness of the succession system was emphasized when President Kennedy's assassination left aging, inept House Speaker John McCormack next in line to President Johnson. While the possibility of two tragedies during one Presidential term is remote, it can't be ignored. And the existence of a vacancy in the Vice President's office is itself awkward. The Senate plan would meet such a situation by permitting the President to nominate a new Vice President, subject to confirmation by a majority vote of both House and Senate. This would assure a stand-in both politically compatible with the Administration and personally acceptable to the President.

We know of no proposal which strikes us as any better than that the Senate approved. As soon as Congress lays aside its inaugural dress and gets down to work under the new Administration, we hope it will take up this gloomy but unavoidable problem. The best time to deal with it, as with patching the leaky roof, is when the sun is shining. William F. Buckley Jr.

Capital Punishment Philosophy Should Be Discussed Deeply THE PLAN members of the Pork Chop Gang are reported considering to preserve their seats if not their dominance in Florida's Legislature after reapportionment is as ingeniously 'simple as it is outrageously bold. Making the rounds at the legislative weekend in Sarasota was talk of a 150-member Senate. Such a realignment would both meet the U.S. Supreme Court's "one man, one vote" principle and, by giving each Senate district about 35,000 people, keep intact almost all of the smallest of the present districts. THAT a 150-member Senate would give Florida the largest such body in the United States for very poor reason is not the worst feature of the proposal, although it is bad enough.

What is worse to contemplate is the consequence of the House of Representatives following the same reasoning. In order to retain the seat of the representatives of four counties of approximately 3,000 population each, it would have to establish a membership of 1,600 or more. So far, there's no indication that the House is seriously considering increasing its size 14-fold to preserve every present member's seat. But the lower house of any legislative body is usually from two to five times larger than the upper, and this ratio would mean a 150-member Senate would be balanced by from 300 to 750 House members. Before the Supreme Court ordered legislative reapportionment, the size of the Senates of the 49 states (excluding Nebraska) ranged from 17 (Nevada and Delaware) to 67 (Minnesota) and averaged 38 members.

The lower houses under various names (again excluding Nebraska) went from Delaware's 35 to New Hampshire's 400, and averaged 155. Nebraska While the Outwardly, it will be as gay an inauguration in Washington as it was on that cold but sunny day four years ago when John Fitzgerald Kennedy confidently assumed the Presidency. But there will be a sober reminder of the uncertainties of White House tenure. The President and his family, for the first time, will view the inaugural parade from behind a shield of bullet-resistant glass. This concession to disagreeable realities by Mr.

Johnson ought to inspire Congress to act as wisely. One of its first matters of business should be to clarify the Presidential disability and succession law. The Senate last September approved a proposed constitutional amendment to end the confusion in this area which has existed for 175 years, but the resolution died in the House. It should be revived and adopted. The problem of transferring the powers of the Presidency to the Vice President during a period of physical incapacity by the Chief Executive has never been satisfactorily resolved.

It was brought Is 'Y WOODROW WILSON When Does No. 2 Move In? Thus, Thurmond wound up keeping his old Democratic seniority after all. THURMOND was blocked off the Commerce Committee. But he advised he would love to serve on the Judiciary Committee (which considers all civil rights legislation). Sen.

James Pearson, a Kansas moderate, would have claimed the Judiciary Committee vacancy to keep out Thurmond. But Thurmond's friends replied that he then would be placed on the Labor Committee where Jacob Javits is senior Republican. Javits wanted none of that. Therefore, he regretfully claimed the Judiciary Committee seat himself, abandoning his own seat on the Banking Committee to Thurmond. But once again, Thurmond was given unprecedented treatment.

Hickenlooper stepped aside to push Thurmond up a notch on the Banking Committee seniority roster. THE DEFEAT of New Jersey's Frelinghuysen for House whip required far less hanky-panky. A whispering campaign describing him as a member of the liberal Eastern establishment was sufficient. The last straw was his association with the Wednesday Group, a band of liberal-to-moderate House Republicans who sometimes have mildly dissenting views. Solid opposition from six new freshman Republicans out of the Deep South, five from Alabama and one from Georgia, was just enough to beat Frelinghuysen.

And the same caucus that defeated him burst into standing applause when Rep. Albert Watson of South Carolina, the latest Dixiecrat-turned-Republi-can, entered the meeting. That applause alone should have sounded a warning to moderate Republicans. The Southern strategy is not nearly so dead as they may think. the executioner, of actually taking a man's life.

Some of the men who philosophize on the subject have taken the position over the years that the single gravest moral problem involved in execution lies not in taking a man's life, but in the fact that someone must be the active agent of the taking of that man's life; that this is the insoluble dilemma. TWO and one-half millennia ago the Athenians cracked that particular problem. When the death sentence was imposed on Socrates, it was assumed that his sense of civic honor would cause him to take his own life, thus relieving the authorities of the sticky detail. He did so. The Christian morality among other factors precludes such an answer to the dilemma.

Christians are not permitted to take their own lives. And anyway, there aren't many people around who are sentenced to death, whether Christians or non-Christians, who are disposed to be as obliging as Socrates was. THE QUESTION of capital punishment is not one on which I have myself taken a position in which I feel secure. But I do believe that the argument against capital punishment tends to be animated by the same spirit that has roots in the general permissiveness of an age dominated by the determinist. They are men who end up reasoning if that is the word for it that any act you or I do which is wrong is an act which we do as the result of a conjunction of pressures upon us which has nothing to do with the operation of our own free will.

Thus, no murder is an act of wickedness: it is merely a perfectly natural response, one which any sophisticated sociologist will program for you, to a group of stimuli which propelled you, ineluctably, in this unfortunate direction. THERE IS NO question that the fight against capital punishment tends to be dominated by men ofa determinist philosophical persuasionT But neither is there any doubt that those who favor the retention of capital punishment seem to have failed to keep clear the point that death is not merely a condign fate for a murderer's misdeeds, and a strong deterrent; but also a standard against the encroachments of the determinists. Since the subject Is much under discussion in varioua states of the Union, one hopes that the deepest philosophical issues will be heard. confidence of the President or do little else but wait around for calamity, PRESIDENT JOHNSON is already seeing to it that his Vice President is given more opportunity to be active than he was. He has been assigned three large areas of executive direction: Supervision of all Federal agencies dealing with civil rights, supervision of the anti-poverty and aeronautics and space programs.

Unlike the Kennedy-Johnson relationship, which began in hostility and ended in respect, the Johnson-Humphrey relationship has long been close and cordial. They worked well together In the Senate. Today the President frequently solicits Humphrey's counsel. Humphrey doesn't have to be a yes man. He would not know how.

IT WILL NOT be smooth going all the time. No strong President is easy to work with and that means LBJ is not easy for his subordinates to work with. But Humphrey is going- to work night and day for LBJ, not for HHH. Obviously Humphrey's own prospect of running for the Presidency himself rests upon Johnson's good will and this, additionally, binds them together. HUBERT HUMPHREY Can He Stay Subordinate? fits or other fringes, the non-union workers receive the increase also.

This is why the unions resent what is better known as the "free riders;" and I have yet to see one of these stand on his principals and say, "I refuse to join a but also refuse the benefits. Justice Louis D. Brandeis, in a famous dissent, put the union (shop) in its proper context as far back as 1917. "It is argued," the famous jurist said, "that a union (shop) agreement curtails liberty of the operator. Every agreement curtails the liberty of those who enter into it." THE TEST of legality is not whether an agreement curtails liberty, but whether the parties have agreed upon something which the law prohibits or declares otherwise inconsistent with the public welfare.

In closing I would like to say that, although the A.F.L.-C.I.O. have spent 10 million dollars, as you say, in fighting this law, management has spent that amount ten-fold, by trying to hold it in the books and implementing it. MANUEL ROBALDO Local 894 No Liberty Curtailed in Union Shop England has recently abolished capital punishment, after a very long period of debate during which the House of Lords, representing the traditional point of view, did everything it could to stay the execution of the death sentence. As it now stands, no one will hang again in Great Britain, not even as we understand it for those special crimes which had been exclusively designated as deserving of the ultimate penalty. The assassination of a monarch, for instance; the killing of a police officer on duty; or the murder of a prisoner in a penitentiary by another already under life sentence.

A WISE GENTLEMAN, a professor of sociology and a practising psychoanalyst in New York, demurs from the predominating position on capital punishment. His reasoning, drastically truncated here, is as follows: that whatever the statistics show in general terms about the non-deterring value of capital punishment, in fact it is impossible so to refine those statistics as to make it safe to say that the existence of capital punishment does not deter a single individual from the act of murder. It may be possible to demonstrate that State or Country had just as many murders during an average year when capital punishment was authorized, as they had during an average year after the repeal of capital punishment. That, Professor van den Haag of New York University points out, does not prove that the individual John Jones was not deterred from an act of murder as the result of the existence of the death penalty. In the absence of any such demonstration, the commonsense view must prevail, that the fear of death being what is is, at least some people however few, and however invisible in terms of the macrocosmic figures are deterred from murdering their neighbor by the vision of being strapped to an electric chair, or walking up the stairway to the hangman's trap.

UNDER THESE circumstances, the society that forbids a jury to execute a convicted murderer, in effect condemns an innocent man to die. The voice, according to his analysis, is not then between killing and not killing, but between killing a man whose guilt is established, and killing a man who is utterly innocent of crime. The analysis tends to beg, of course, the question which is apart from the matter of deterrence of the brutalizing ST. PETERSBURG BEACH Your editorial, "Let the Symbol in regard to Section 14-B of the Taft-Hartley Act, may make good reading for those willing to read only your version of this bill; but to those of us knowing the true meaning of this act we say, "it smells." And now if you really want your readers to get a full picture of this law and not how it reads in our statutes, print this letter. FOLLOWING are some of the reasons why Labor seeks repeal of the open shop section of the Taft-Hartley Act: The healthiest areas of the country are those in which trade union organization is widespread, because they elevate purchasing power.

Generally speaking, so-called "right to work" states are those which have the lowest per capita income. Supporters of so-called "right to work" laws would have us believe that union shop creates monopolistic union power. Actually, under the present law, an dividual member may have all the ffee- dom he wants, as long as he pays his dues. A member may loot the union treasury, yet remain on the job. He may cross a picket line and help break a strike of his own union.

While he pays his dues, the most a union can do is expel him from its ranks. The union cannot have the offender fired from his job. UNDER THE Taft-Hartley Act, the basic Labor-Management Relations law, a union must bargain for and represent all workers in the bargaining unit, whether they are union members or not. When obtaining wage gains, sick bene Frye in State? CHARLOTTE HARBOR After reading William R. Frye's suggestion that the way to help Malaysia in her struggle against Indonesia is to send aid to Indonesia.

I am convinced that Mr. Frye belongs In our State Department he would feel at home with the other Alice in Wonderland characters there. WILLIAM C. STEELE effect on the jury and the judge and.