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The Times from London, Greater London, England • Page 6

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The Timesi
Location:
London, Greater London, England
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6
Extracted Article Text (OCR)

1 TIMES. FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 13, 1885. LORD2IARIINGTON IN BOSSBNDALB. The Marquk of Hartington tAArtmA a meeting of the electors of Bossrndale at Crewthaw Booth. little village Utfcfiomd2 VlWr, Wk malaf.

A masting was beld In the Assembly iwwded to ww, about Uttpnoutelar prMBt ThoM Bwota, chairman of Lord Hartlagtoo's eswmlttee, pieeHed. The HlnQVU of HaCTIXotosT, alter son reference to his candidature for the dhrision, sakl thoogh.lt wee nc4uurTmabUaal aol fapportaw; tha tho pwykof this CMDW, end tha new electors safieclally, should bo reminded of what had beea the conduct of the twopartiea bow cntstwUag for their confidence. Tho political uiewuy of erpefteat wished to be. end It was sll the niece Bsees. ry to remind tfaon of tho nlitira eoadaet of the to mrtira, ud of tho measure, now aniversally admitted to biro bean right, which bed hero advocated by tho Liberal party; tad ireiformly opposed by tho Conservative party, they were iiot prepared to admit that in ia single instance their opposition had heat wrong a apaeca de livrml recently at Manchester, not only hia prcaaat poll tical esmdnct i'wu arraigned, hat else tho whole of hit poll tfcal Ufa, by one of tha leaden of tha Tory party.

Lord Randolph Churchill told a great meeting at Manchester that he Lord Hartington) had no political principle what, ever (laaghter), that he had admitted that he had opposed all the mearart that the liberal party bad subsequently carried. He was obliged to Lord B. Churchill for giving him an opportunity of referring a little, to what had been hit coarse of conduct in reference to these subject. (Hear, bear.) lie would remind them that la 1W6" he waa a member of a Gorernmeat which proposed large reduction of the redaction which would bare admitted avast number of the working eleaeee to political privilege. The CoDjerratire party opposed that measure, and, with the assistance ef a small number of IiberaU, it waa rejected aa being too' extreme and too democratic.

In the next year a Censerretiro Gorernmeat, with the late Lord Derby at Ita head, proposed an extension of the franchise, nominally ranch greater than the liberals pro posodin theprcriou year. They proposed hoasehold suffrage, bat they accompanied that proposal with limitations which would bar mails that nominal household rootage a sham, aad it would practically have withheld from the great balk of the working classes the political privileges which nominally it conferred apon them. (Cheers.) Althoegh the Bill went a great deal farther than the one the Liberal had proposed, the Liberals did not oppose it on that ground. They bad no fear of erea a larger extension of the franchise than they had themselves propomxL They accepted the principle of that measure, but tbey also took oare to remore those so called safeguards safeguard which were in reality checks and restrictions that made the ezleasioa which the Tories nominally proposed a reality instead of a sham. (Cheers,) He asked them whether ia that actioa which he as a member of the Liberal Government and subsequently aa a member of the Liberal Opposition took he and his friends could be truly said to hare feebly but sulkily oppoaed the measure which was ultimately passed.

The reality of that extension of the suffrages ho asserted waa due to the Liberal partr. (Cheers.) It was quite true that ia 1874. 1875, and 1876 ho was opposed to Mr. Trevelyan's motions for the extension of the household franchise in bvroughs to the counties. He exposed thee rolutieaa beeause he was ef opinion that it was not forth advantage of tha country that there should be a lief orm Bill and a general re settle meat of our political institutions at short intervals of 14 Tea years.

He also opposed the resolutions because he was convinced that such a great change.sueh a rastlehange aj was then proposed in the electoral franchise of the country, must necessarily be accompanied by an equally large measure tor the redistriouuon (dieertX. and because he did not set jnent or in the public opinion of the country an indication that Parliament or tne' public; were prepared to faea the question of the Government redistribution of seat which would be necessary on account of tha household suffrage measure. bear.) 'Bat after the subject had been more fully discussed, and after he had beea able to give to it more consideration, when, he aaw the monstrous injustice, the abxolut impossi bility.of any longer excluding from the exercise of political right me a because they happened to lire outside the limits of boroughs who were lust a well qualified aa those who lived inside the borough for the exercise of tho franchise, he withdrew his opposition and supported Mr. Trevelyan and did his best to bring the subject before the country previous to and at the last general election, and, as a member of the late liberal GoTemment.he did his best to carry Into execution the wishes of the country. (Cheers.) He yA no excuse and no apology to make for any course he bad taken in regard to these matter.

He did not think it waa the duty of the responsible leaders of the party to embrace erery proposal which might be brought forward by an irresponsible member of that party. (Hear.) It was absolutely necessary that measures such as those shoali in the first instance be brought forward by members of the party who had not the responsibility of action. It was necessary that they should be brought forward for discussion and consideration, and it waa impossible for tho responsible leaders of sny party immediately a subject was proposed to adopt it and pledge themselves to carry it into law. They must; be the judge when the time had come, when the public opinion of the country was ripe for the change proposed, and it was no imputation whatever upon their loyalty to liberal principle that subjects as these should be brought forward a few year in advance by members of the Liberal party who had not got the re sponsibility which rested upon the leaders of the party. With reference to the ballot, his lordship pointed out that when he first entered Parliament the majority, of the Liberal party were against the ballot, and be thought there were some reasons jor mcir opposition, nca ug Kuinp was confined to a small and limited class there was a good deal to be said for open voting; bat after the election of 1868, when it bad been brought to the notion of the then Government how great was the amount of bribery and corruption, and also the intimidation which prevailed, it was necessary to.

remedy the evils, and a Committee over which be bad the honour to preside decided that the only effectual remedy waa to hare secret voting (Cheers!) The Committee baring come to this conclusion, he as a member of the Government introduced a Bill for establishing the ballot, and a Bill was eventually passed in all respects similar to that he had himself introduced. (Cheers.) It wa further said that, although he was not now in favour of manhood suffrage, he had indicated that ha should be in favour of that proposal at some future time. To that assertion be gave an unqualified denial. Tha subiect had not been serious! raised bvanvresnonsibla party, and a to any indication or pledge on his part, it was absolutely non existent, (Hear, near.) opposed to those which he so eloqaeatly supported. (Cheer.) They knew, Lord B.

Churchill's minions in UWJ on the subject of chucking away precious political privilege to people who did not want net understand them, and would therefore misuae.them. What waa Lord JL Churchill doing now lie waa endeavouring to persmade the agricultural labourers of Norfolk and the artisans ef liirmingham and llancbester that he never opposed ta principle (laarhter) to the extension of the franchise (laaghter and cheers), aad that when ha was talk lag about chucking away privileges all that.be meant waa that the pcrsoos to whom these priTilecva were chucked should bare fall and equal share with their more worthy icuow cimens. uen u. wnarcmii sakt 'Concede nothing to tr. rarnelL" As to the franchise, the question waa raised in three discussions in the House of Comment on the franchise Bill ahoald the Bill be ex tended to Ireland Ue was under the impression that liora k.

uhurcnui took no in aebate or by vote, to pre rent that extension of equal electoral priTilrge to Ireland; Tnen tneT were to man no concessions oa the land, but Lord B. Church ill was tho member of a Govern a moarar largely extending the provisions of the Land lj: i. .1 Att am to pari iiiwi ui uojuiogv uj vixd unin ui ab uib penso of the them to purchase the freehold of their tenancy on a payment something leas than the one they were now paying. Lord B. Churchill said, Concede nothing to ilr.l arnell oa local govern meat," and he was a member of a Government which by the mouth of its 'chief has already declared that privileges of local self governmentgovernment most be extended to the Irish people equal to those which are extended to the people of this country.

(Hear, bear.) Tea, that might be all right, but what became of those great principles which were enunciated not two year ago in Edinburgh He thought they would agree with him that those principles Were enunciated not for the purpose of being acted apon, not as proposal which bad beea fully conshlcred or on which the speater was nrmlr determined to act, but solely in order to bring the speaker Into prominence, aad that having attained that object tbey were principle) to which he did not attach the slightest importance.but which might, in his own language. eanrlrM nr it mnmmt'a nolle. fCbeers. Lord lUndolph Churchill said that any one who had watched Lord HartbgtonU career could see that; be bad agreed to none of the measures to which he had assented because he believed in them on principle but solely that he might retain himself and a few of his "Whig friends ia office and power.The Whigs had had a bad character for jobbery, and nerhacs ia nut times there mirht hare been aomoj ground for the accusation but did the accusation come very well from his particular assailant in this caan He well remembered the existence in the House of. Commons of a party known as ua ourth party (laughter), consisting at lxird lUndolph Churchill, Mr.

Gorst, Jlr. Arthur Bali our. and Sir Henry Drummond Wolff. Lord Randolph Churchill was now Secretary for India, Mr. Gorst, now rjir John Goist, was SoUdtoMeneral, Mr.

Balfour the President of tha Local Government Board, and Sir II. Drummond Wolff special commissioner in Kgypt. (Laughter.) Ha had shown what had become of Lord Bandoluh Churchill's rolitital principles principles which ho supposed were shared by this party, and be aad shown where tne members ol tne party had gone to. (Laughter and cheers.) When they saw what had become of tha party which once advocated bat bad now abandoned those principles, he thought they would agree that the accusation that his political conduct had not been prompted entirely by principle, but only on considerations of place and power, did not come rery well from this noble lord. (Laughter.) Lord lUndolph Churchill had said that Lord Hartington had already swallowed all the articles of the advanced Radical programme, and he invited them to examine the process of digestion which he wis at present undergoing.

(Laughter.) It seemed to him that Lord Randolph Churchill nimself had swallowed already a rery considerable portion of that programme, but the proeea In hi eaaa wa mo sudden ana to easy that it was impossible for him to return the compliment of asking them to examine the process of his digestion. (Laughter and cheers.) As to free education, Lord U. Churchill swallowed it all with the exception of a penny fee (loud laughter), and DOlitical nower I .1 I penny ipe wias great ooeiacie wouia remain in uoni iv i unorumrs House of Commons maples ne nad main i TV iim it wen oqj (Hear? hea There Efe1 drlnM, by his opponent Mr. ord Tchwchni did trade bat he knew that the Lord K. Churchill further accused him of hiring opposed the abolition of flogging in the Army, but said that, after Mr.

Chamberlain bad repudiated bis leadership, he bad been at once converted to the abolition. He should like to explain how that matter stood. It was. be thought, his duty as an ex Minister of War to give hi support to the then Govern xuent in maintaining the system of discipline then in vogue, especially as the whole subject had recently been inquired into by a Parliamentary Committee. In opposition to a large body of opinion on bis own side he supported the then Government in the retention of a limited application of corporal punishment but when, in defer race not to argument and not to obstruction, the Government made concessions which gave up all that, was rain able ia that form of discipline while they reUined the odiom which it brought upon the Army, on that account, and not on account of anything that took place within the Liberal party, be changed the attitude that he bad hither to loyally taken In support or tne pi tained when be was himself in office.

wta aama other measures to which not refer and to which he (Lord Hartington had beea a party, and which he was not aware that he had erer opposed. He thoogbt some importance mast be attached to the abolition of Church rates, the admission of Jews Into Parliament, the disesUblishment of the Irish Church, the Education Act, the abolition of purchase! in the Army, and the removal of the taxes on paper. These sabjects were not mentioned in the attack which Lord B. Churchill made upon him, and he asked whether it was in the power of any one to say that be had ever "given opposition to those measures, or that when he was converted be had given to those measures anything but aa encouraging and an entire support. Cheers.) Let them next see what had happened in the political course of this severe censor himself.

lie quite admitted that Lord B. Churchill had distinguished himself as an opponent of the policy and measures of the Liberal Government, totally irrespective of any principles they might contain, bat every now end then he had come forward, not simply as a destructive critic but as the initiator of a great Conservative policy. (Laughter.) At the end of 1883 he delivered certain speeches at Edinburgh, and be then said with regard to trypt that he bad proved to bis own satisfaction that Tewflk Pasha, the then and present Khedive, was one of the most despicable wretches who erer occupied an Eastern throne. (Laughter.) He advocated the expulsion, bag and baggage, of Tewflk and of everybody con. nected with his Government.

He advocated also the recall of the exile Arabi from Ceylon and the formation of a genuine national Ooremment. In bis second speech he gave his opinion on the franchise. He said the fall of the Roman Empire was precipitated by indiscriminate, extravagant, ana uncalled for extensions of the rights of Roman ritiieuship, and be said If yon chock precious political rrivileeea amanr the mass of persons, who do not value them because they do not understand them, and who not thosesound and raining or understanding them, will undoubtedly misuse I vh them floud. laughter) you will be imitating the grievous errors of the Emperor of Boms, and the parties who are the recipients of year gifts will turn again and rendyoa." (Laughter.) As to Ireland, be said, I believe tho Tory party is not prepared to give way aa inch to the Irish party ia this matter or to concede anything more to Mr. Parneu either on the land, or on the franchise, or on local self This was agreat exposition, couched in very eloquent language, of which be only regretted be waa unable to give them larger specimens.

(Laaghter and cheers.) How much of this policy enunciated not two years ago by this great upholder of political principle survived now or was now npheld by the statesman who promulgitod it (Laaghter.) what was Lord B. CawwhUl, a member of the present ovrrament, doing about Egypt Was this abandoned wretch Tewflk going to be expelled Was Arabi going to be recalled Was a national Government going to be Were Arab! and his cause to be upheld 7 His lmtwesdoa was that the Gorenment 1 were going jg do all thWcoald to establish and consolidste the Government la Egypt of this abandoned wretch, who two years ago was to hai tLswxnter.) It was true that Lord K. Churchill mirht reply that the time for that bad passed, bat, hold teg the I G. Madeer, D.D oataions aanoanced not two years ago, how was it Lord R. had been able to act in eanatant aad dose rail.

connexion with. the. ftmsarrativa partr, the CAonnons sjvmw.o. wbosb avowaaiy eniercatata opmions digestion of free education. As to the granting a a i i 41..

i oi aueimenui uirouga sue agency oi local amuoriucr, oe had swallowed that, too, with the exception of a reference in each case to Parliament. He must know perfectly well that that was an impossible condition a condition which it would be impossible to adhere to. and therefore he thought it might be said he had pretty well swallowed that proposal also. (Cheers.) Lord II. Churchill bad said much on tha subject of taiatioa they were awaiting with interest the exposition of Lord B.

Churchill's financial ideas, bat if any one thought would stick for. a moment at the rronoaal of trrad nated incomc4ax on account of any socialistic tendccey.ef any such proposals, he wis certainly under the impression that there existed in the interview Lord B. Churchill had with a London journalist sufficient evidence that he held an ample store of socialifm and socialistic doctrines to furnish any number of procTammcs for Radicals and Tory Democratic candidates. (Cheers.) Lord R. Churchill accused him of hating the Tory democracy.

Ue was not conscious of having hated the Tory democracy, because up to the present ne had had a very naxy idea oi what it was. (Cheers.) Thar had now been supplied with a definition. and that was tliat the Tory democracy would maintain the Motive oi Lords and the Uburcn. As to these two positive articles of all knew that he did not want to disestablish either the House of Lords or the for a great political party or political organisation that was a somewhat meagre ana inadequate pro gramme. fCheers.j It did not embrace any foreign policy, any colonial policy, any Irish policy, or olal or domestic policy.

These things were to be settled for it by its leaders in any form or in any variety (cheers), and when the article required had served iU turn, it could be cast away. (Renewed laughter and cheers.) If they were to take the de scription of the Tory democracy from iU own leader, he must admit that it was a political organization which ho was not capable of hating. If it were correctly described. it seemed to him that it was more deserving of pity than of hatred. (Laughter and cheers.) But still he was some what sceptical as to its existence.

He did not believe that there existed in this country, a party with opinions so vague and indefinite a those which were represented to be the opinions of the Tory democracy, and if by some strange accident this organ nation had come into temporary and fitful existence he did not believe that in the healthy keen air of political discussion such an organisation and party could survive, but was destined early to fade away and to die. He ought to apologize for replying at length to these would not hare done so had they not afforded him the op ponuniiT oi reierneg to some portions or nis political eon duct, which he trusted would ia their judgment entitle him not to their reprobation, but confidence and support. (Cheers.) He would now refer to one or two practical issues which he thought would be before the constituencies at this election. Effort were being made by their op ponent to divert me mind or the country from the real uues which were to be decided at this election. They had raised a great cry about foreign policy, but in bis opinion there was no question of foreign policy really before the country, and the policy which was now being pursued by the present Conservative Government was very much that whi ch was pursued by their predecessors.

It was difficult to see what charge of foreign policy would be likely to bo inaae py a cnange oz Uorernment. They were aLso en deavounng to distract attention by raising the cry of the Church in danger." He was not going into that subject but they knew that in the opinion of rcryJeader of the Liberal party, however far advanced, that was not a subject that was coming up prKucu roiHricrsHim ciintr Dy tne next Parliament or oy tne liberal party in the next Parliament. There were practical questions which were imminent. There was the question of fair trade. That was a oucstion on wnica in some lorm or another it was liknlw th.

rt might have to give a decision. He language which had been used by the great bulk Of Con' cmuiuiki naa Deen extremely doubtful and hesi Uting, and doubtless the advocates of fair trade received great encouragement by the declarations on the subject of 1 tne other day. lie knew too that the 80 members Mr. Parncll expected to bring to Parliament would bo all more or less in farour of thnght it was extremely ryt "jucu jes miscnievous shape, might possibly earned in the next Parliament unless they took care that a majority of the members returned were sound on the qucs tion of free trade. (Cheers.) Trade was unquestionably depressed it was said things could not be worse, and all t5Aw.M.??eded Vi They must Uke no heed of that, things might be worse, and it was possible that by lU considered and rash changes they might convert what he believed was ia temporary into a permanent depression.

(Hear, hear.) He asked them to consider well what would be the effect not upon our trade in one isolated country, but upon the whole of our trade and industry. He advised them to compel those who propounded these new doctrines and theories for acceptance to formulate and work them out, and he appealed to them not to be led astray by what mia ht aneear to be a plausible theory. Wflpn iimtl.il that, or the other country. Let them reflect, and. in tha words of oar great whether we should not rather bear those Ills we bare, Than fly to others that we know not of." Cheers.) That was a consideration they should always bear in mind.

They ought not to forget tha great results and the great prosperity which had been brought to them by the beneficent process of free trade, and they should bcsiUte and linger long before they listened to the words of those who in any respect asked them to depart from ina estaoiiaocu aootrwes. ucma cneenng, the noble marquis resumed his seat, bavinr spoken for aa hour and a quarter.) A resolution pledging the meeting to support bis lord ship waa carried with acclamation. Mahkuo a. Yesterday afternoon, bj special licence, the marriage of Mr. Simeon, son of the Ut Sir John Simeon, with a daughter of the Bight Hon.

Hugh Child era, if. was solemnized at St. Peter's. Eaton square, with foil choral service, Canons Childers aad FremantU and the Rsv. Henry White officiating.

The bride, who was given away by her father, was preceded from the west door to the chancel step by the choir singing gracious Spirit, Dore." After a reception at 117, Piccadilly, attended by large and dis tlagelshcd company, the bride and bridegroom left later for Hen well park. Hertfordshire, Tb xatk Ootoxsx Bumabt. At St. Peter's Church, Bedford. yesterday, i a stained glass window in memory of the lata Colonel Burnaby was unveiled ia the to tave been expelled bag and baggage.

I presence of a large congregation, although the weather ras true that Lord B. Churchill might I was very unfavourable. A sermoa was preached by the WmmIm tv wft IttMnalina'i upon I eolcsuPa iUi. VUAUJiBBLAlU MBMtNGUAli. Mr.

(aambarlalB, MJM last awcnlng attexided sa ow flowing meeting la the Town ball la snpport of tbe.eandL datura of Mr H. Broadburst, MP. for the Bordesley Divi sion, where be has to meet powerful opponent in Mr. Walter ShoweH. brewer.

Alderman Hart presided. Mr. Broadhurst delivered an effective address, and met with a most anthasiastis reception. A resolution la hia waa moved br Mr. Clark, and seconded by Osborne Chamberlain.

Mr. CuasttnoAlw, who was enthusiastically re ceived, said, ia the coarse of bis speech, I have bean asked as" a stranger and laughter) and an tmtAAtLr. but as personal friend of Mr. Ttmthtinit. to support this resolution.

I feel it honour to stand beside him on this platform, and I shall feel it a greater honour to welcome him aa my colleague In the rcprescBUtion of Birmingham In tho next Parliament. To toot division there has been Intrusted a great honour, nnen von is thrown a creat responsibility. Out chair man ha told us. and told truly, that there are many constituencies (a the country that would be proud to re turn Mr. Broadhurst.

Ha has chosen liordealey, and yon have to show yourselves worthy of the choice that he has made. Mr. Broadhurst is one of two representatives of bvboar who hare dignified its cause In the present Parlia ment. It Is not an easy position for a man to be in charge of so great a trust. On the one hand, a great deal is ex.

period of him. He is constantly being pressed by his friends and supporters. It is supposed by some of them to be necessary that he should take his part in erery discus sion on every question in which they feel any; interest. On te other band, if he" abuses bis position he will become a bore in the House of Commons people will refuse to listen to him, and he would lose the influence whieh be ought to be able to exert. I venture to say that if yon will apply to either friend or foe yon will find that Mr.

Broadhurst has acquitted him.clf with a modesty, and at the same time with an ability, which has gained him the respoct. of all. (Hear, hear.) He has shown Independence without presumption he has spoken frequently, but neither too often nor tco long and he has aroused what is perhaps the most critical assembly in the whole world. (Hear, hear.) There are other claims which he has upon you. Some of them perhaps hemaynot have thought it proper to mention but I.

at all events, am under no restriction. I know for a fact that since he has been a member of Parliament he has bad two offers of imporUnt official appointments with fair salaries attached to them. I suppose you will believe that a working man who has been a working man all his life, devoted to the causa of labour, is not likely to be troubled with too long a parse, and that an offer of this kind is, therefore, great temptation to him. If Mr. Broadhurst had accepted these offers no one would hare had any right to complain.

Ue was well qualified to per form tne dunes wnicn ne was asicru to undertake ne would have deserved his remuneration better than nine tenths of those who receive the pay of the SUte. (Cheers.) .1 I v. ii of labour in the House of Commons he had a great trust imposed upon him, and was bound not to do anything which might, in any way, directly or indirectly, discredit bis cau.te. tie inougnr nis enemies mignt, li he accepted these that tho working men only went to the House of Commons in order to secure their own advance ment. (Hear, hear.) I say that this decision, whether it was right or wrong, did him honour (cheers), and that at all crenu he showed a delicacy which raanv people more highly placed would do very wcU to imitate.

(Cheers.) There are some other respects in whieh he is entitled to your sympathy and your approval. I daro say yon hare heard, as I hare heard, a good deal lately of the supposed degeneration of the Uouiw of Commons. The people who talk about the degradation of the House ol Commons apitear to think' that that will come about because in the future there will be fewer rich nion in it and fewer scions of titled families. I am not certain that their will be altogether a disadvantage. (Laughter.) Who are the' men who haro lessened the efficiency and lowered the dignity of the House of Commons (Cries of Who are tho men who have obstructed its profedings and sacrificed the ineret of the nation to their owa desire for personal display (Hear, hear.) Above all, who are those who.

in the Parliament which has just com; to an end. insulted the Prime Minister of EnglandWcries of Churchill interrupted him with brutality, lavished upon him outrage and insult without regard to. his agr, to bis experience, to his unrivalled ability, to his services to his country? Load cheers.) They were not the representatives of labour. No," and laughter.) They were not Mr. Burt and Sir.

Broadhurst. They were the wealthy and aristocrat io Tories (hisses), who think that the Hooe of Commons will be contaminated if 'there should happen to be in it more tradesmen and more working men. I say that Mr. Broadhurst as well as Mr. Burt has represented nonouraoir ana aamiramv tne causa oi inoour in tnn iinnu of Common and I think it would haro been a graceful thing in this election if the Tories at least had allowed Mr, Broadhurst' scat to go unchallenged.

(Hear, hear.) The Tories, however, wished to substitute for the representation of labour the representation of beer. (Laughter and cheers.) Just let me say. one word to our friends who are engaged in the trade one word of warning. I do not think that they are wise Hoi I aad laughter), to make this a party question, and to ally themselves with a decaying and defeated cause. (Hear, hear.) I do not see why.

tbey should not anticipate at least as fair and just a treatment from the Liberal party as from toe Tories. My friend Mr. Broadhurst is not a teetotaler, at least he used not to be, neither am (Cheers.) I differ from some of my vary best political friends in this matter, and I differ honestly. I do not see any objection whatever to the moderate use of stimulants all I object to is their abuse. (Hear, hear.) That is what I want to restrict.

I say that we, as far as I know, are prepared to treat the publicans just as we would treat any othor class of English citizens, fairly, and no more than fairly. (Hear. near. a ao not ueueve me lories will oe ante to do more. I think the publicans are very foolish to bring all the organization of their trade to bear against the popular cause for after all the Liberal cause is the popular cause (cheers), and we shall win this election as we have won so man before and I think it is very foolish of them to set themselves in this ray to resist all tho reforms which the working classes desire to see accomplished.

Mr. Chamberlain next adverted to the quotum of safety of life at sea. He said. The Tories sav that I am In. fluenced In all I do by the desire to catch votes.

They cannot say that with regard to sailors at all events. (Laughter and cheers.) As a factor in iolitics they count lor nothing. On the other hand, the shipping interest, the inti rest of the shipowners, is the most powerful, the most strictly organised, of any in the land. (Hear, hear.) Now, in a ward or two, what is the case of the sailors Every year 3,000 or more very often it is more brave men go to their graves, to a terrible and a violent death, in connexion with our sea service. I have had a eontroversr with the shipowners as to the proportion of the whole of tho men employed who are drowned every year.

I have looked into it again and again. I have seen no reason to change my opinion. I think I could prove, if necessity arose, to the conviction of any honest and impartial man that as many as one in 50 of the seamen employed, officers, men, and boys, are drowned in a single year. (Shame.) Po you know what that means I saw a calculation made the other day, the author of which estimated that the life the ordinary working life of a seaman would be 24 years, lie said that under these circumstances the average chance was that one out of every three who devoted himself to the sea service would meet in the course of his sea life ith a violent and terrible and distressing death. (Shame.) I have told vou frankly that tho shipowners dispute these figures and say that I haro over estimated the loss of life.

I do not care to argue it with them. What I rely upon is the admission of everybody who has looked into the thing at all that a groat part of this loss of life is preventable. Well, I may say that of this 3,000 or more breadwinners who go to the bottom of the sea every year, by the admission of every shipowner who came before the Royal Commission last year, by the admission of everybody who has been spoken to npon the subject, a large proportion might be saved at this moment if all the necessary precautions had been taken. Why is there is this prevenUble loss of life? Nobody can deny that it exists, because at the same time that the average is what I told you there are whole fleets which go for years without a single loss of life. Why is that What is the reason for this difference 7 li one man can do, if one feet of ships can co to sea.

year after year without an accident, why should not the others do the same Hear, hear.) In my opinion the cause of the mischief the bad Uw which permits a man to lose his Dand to make a profit bv it. or at all events to suffer no loss. Now, the principle, the simple I want to establish is this, that in erery case in which a man risks the lives and tho property of, other pcople.he shall be bound to risk some of his own property, (Cheers.) It is to the assistance which I can obtain from the trade unionists of the country and other organizations of working men that I look to be able to bring this matter to a just conclusion and to do something to make the lives of these brave men mare tolerable, more safe than they are at present. (Cheers.) Mr. Chamberlain also spoke on free trade, summarizing what he had already said apon the subject, and quiring a letter from a Frenchman in confirmation of what he had urged.

He went on, doctrine of retaliation I nut before you by the working class. WelL they have got a nice job. (Laaghter and cheers.) They ought to be well paid for it, and I have nn dmU th win Inti rHear. bear.) I know something about the Workmen's National Associa tion lor the Abolition of Smrar Bounties. (Laughter, I hare met the centlemen before, i It is a sham association (hear, hear), with precious little work man; about it, It is got up and paid by a few West India punters, who want to make a nrofit out of anfn price of sugar.

I have sympathy with any real movement on the part of the workinr classes, but 1 bare no sympathy at all with those men who sell themselves to an agiUtioa of this kind. (Loud cheers.) I bare no doubt my consti uenU will know how to deal with them when they wuw. iiut, lathe meanwhile, tney nave iwnpw wgojB to say what they are going to do. lie Sides proving that 1 am aa enemy of the workinr eiaase, they are gouu to ahow that i of the Board of Trade in the last Cabinet, championed pro posal that the workmen' wages ahoald be reduced in the competition with foreign countries u. uibw, eu, ii tney are going to prove mat tfiT a to prove a deliberate and absolute and unmitigated falsehood.

(Cheer.) I never supported any iaai anybody wages ahoald ever be (Cheers.) For the last I do not know hOW long I hmwm been abused on everv Torv pUtform because they say I haTe been dangling baiU be iuro "VKioc cusses and promising all of them that their wage shall be raised. Some time ago Mr. Glffen.a nrabIestatUtician, and one of the Seeretarie of the Board of Trade, was summoned before the Bugar Bounties Committee to give evidence. He went because be waa summoned. I waa not answerable for him; I had not the least idea beforehand what' hnxu rainir tn mv I am nnt committed directly or indirectly to any opinion that he ex pnsscu.

air. uinen gave hi evidence, and as soon as he had given it these people thesesame people charged him with harmg proposed that the1 wages of the sugar opera tives aouiuu ue rcauced. li he nv done so it would have been nothing to do with me, hut as a matter of fact Mr, Uicen nas written to the newspapers, be; has written to numbers of Parliament, be has written to these very people, this' supposed, this bogus, workmen's association KighterH and has denied in the strongest possible gUage that he ever mad anr such rHCnmmpnrf.itirni. The only argument they have not that is worth a moment's consideration is this they say that cheap sugar has thrown out of employment a number of decent, industrious working men who were engaged in the refining trade, and they aK you. the whole population of the country, to snbmit to an additional charge for your sugar, in order that these poor fellows may be sent to work again.

I made the statement the other night that there were more people employed in th. tnfA, tlNul. A I. wk kVV' iu kusu uicrocTtr were ueiorc. i maue that from memory, but now I have iratthe returns.

Just consider the condition of the working classes in other countries, i win tell you something that do not think: I erer have told in pubhe before Go a very curious incident in my commercial experience. The Americans had a duty of about 100 per cent, upon screws to protect that poor industry (a laugh), to keep it in the country for tne lkbchi oi too war King classes, in spite ot the duty or 100 per cent, we were able to send screw thp snrf wa did send Tcry large quantities. What happened? The American manufacturers came over here and they said We are making 100 per cent, upon our capital. If you continue to send screws to America we shall of eoorsa be obliged to reduce our prices. That will shut you out, bat wui reduce our proms, will not bo good for cither of OS.

Now let us make a barrain. Wewillnav von so muca a year to sit sun sad not send a screw to America." Well, they did.it. (Loud laughter and eheers.) Thev did it, and my firm received a handsome income ror years. from the American manu facturers, protected as they were by the folly and stupidity of this protectionist legislation. reeeived a very considerable income to sit still with folded hands and send no screws to America.

(Renewed laughter.) But after a little while these American manufacturers went to they said. Here is a native manufacture deserves protectionmploys a lot of the working people ia danger of being ruined by competition from abroad. You must raise the duties." And they did raise the duties to aoout juu or aoout iuu per and men, or course, our income eeased and we were shut out. lint now I want see who are the losers in this thing. Not the American manufacturers, who were able to make 100 per nnmi 1 V.

1 I 1 and net the foreign manufacturers, who received the'hand ri'L i ct i sumo suusiujr. iuo uiu pnupia wiio suuereu were tne working classes of the United btates. who had to par more for everr screw that they used, and every manufacture in which they wsre engaged. Hampered and trammelled by the additional cost that was put upon their materials.thev. and they alone, bore the burden of this tax upon their industry snd their labour.

(Cheers.) )V ell, if other people choose to cut off their tails, are you going to be so foolish I tell you that any proposal to tax commerce is a proposal to put rent in the pockets of landlords, and any proposal to tax manufactures' is a proposal to put profits in the pockets of particularly favoured manufacturers. I dq not think that you will be led away by these absurdities. Did you see the paragraph in the Standard newspaper yesterday, which stated that the Army was to be increased oy 10,000 men? To day all the newspapers hare instructions to say that that statement is inaccurate and unauthentic. I think we have heard those words before. Do you remember a certain great con vention which was published in all the papers, and as to which Lord Salisbury (groans) was questioned, when he said that it was unauthentic and inaccurate, and a short time.

afterwards it proved to have been an almost verbal transcript of the original document Unauthentic is the word which the Tories use of any publication whieh they think premature and inconvenient (hear, hear), and I have no doubt that it is inconvenient and premature to tell the electors just before the general election that the Army is to be increased by 10,000 men. But it is only prematura, sad if you working me a assist to send to Parliament another Tory majority, be sure that the eld and bitter experiences ofLord Beaconsfleld's Gorernmeat will be repeated, and not 10,000 men will be sufficient, will be at all adequate, tu carry out the policy which they are foreshadowing. (Hear, hear.) Erery body knows that Lord Randolph Churchill has not the ghost of a chance here (loud cheers), nor any of the other Tory candidates. (Renewed cheers.) Well, then, under those circumstances it would be a real cruelty to send Mr." Showell to Parliament all alone. I read a story the other day of a man on one of the trans alahtie "steamers who was noticed to be very low spirited and depressed; A kind hearted lady among the passengers went up to him one day and said, Vou seem rather downhearted what is the matter Well," ho said, I am a little below par.

You see, the fact is that I am on my wedding journey, and we had not money enough, and I was obliged to leave my wife behind." (Loud laughter.) If you send Mr. Showell to Parliament without Lord Randolph Churchill or any of the other Tory candidates he would be ia just as lamentable and wretched and pitiable a condition as the poor fellow who went on a wedding tour without his bride. (Laughter and cheers.) We shall win the day if you will do your duty, and I cannot believe that with all that you have to stimulate yon to exertion you will fail in the great task which is before you. (Prolonged cheers.) The resolution was carried DISESTABLISHMENT IN SCOTLAND. TORSION NEW Wb hare" recetred tha following tmtragfr Renter Agency CENTRAL ASIA.

TABHKEND, Hor. 12. The former British Besidcn.ln Xashgar, who ha beea for some time in Yarkand, is about to proceed to Bedak shan, in Eastern Turkestan. Mr. the Oriental traveller, has left for Bhotan.

A permanent British representative is expected to arrive shortly at Yarkand. Vs RUSSIA. ST. PETERSBURG, Nor. 13.

An order recently issned by the Minister of War directs ibat from January 1, 1886, the infantry regiments qdar terol in the military districts of Wilna, Odessa, and Kieff and several regiments in the Warsaw district shall each be strengthened by the addition of two officers, except in cer tain cases where only one officer will be added to the regimental strength. Prince Dondoukoff Korsakoff reached Askabad yesterday from Baku. THE LATIN MONxTTARY TJKION'. PARIS, Not. 12.

It is stated that Belgium has decided to again discuss the advisability of re entering the Monetary Union, and that, although tho deliberations of the Monetary Confe rence have been brought to a close, active steps are being taken with this object. BRUSSELS, NOT. 12. In well informed eircles here it is believed that negotia tions will still continue between Belgium and France on the question of the Monetary Union. CHINESE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA.

NEW YORK, Not. 12. The Knights of Labour at Victoria, British Columbia, have resolved to ask the. employers of Chinese te dismiss them upon the condition that the Knights of Labour supply white men to replace them. MR.

G0SCEEN ON STATISTICS. Last night Mr. Goscben, M.P., delivered the inaugural address for the ensuing session at the Institute of Bankers in Scotland in the Queen street hall, Edinburgh. The subject waa Is it true that, figures will prove any thing or, the Use and Abuse of Statistics." There occupied by Mr. The The executive of the Scottish Disestablishment Associa tion yesterday issued a statement in regard to disestablish' ment, in which they say Mr.

Gladstone has spoken on the subject of disestablishment. He has not only declined to undertake any present responsibility in connexion with disestablishment in Scotland, but he has endeavoured to postpone that question to an indefinite future. He has deprecated its being made a test question at this election, many constituency 'as we understand him. He has indicated that he cannot accord value as a clear indication of Scottish feeling even to a resolution in Parliament supported by a majority of Scottish members. He appears to leave no channel by which from the present Scottish opinion on this subject 'can obtain a hearing, and while he is still of opinion that the question in Scotland should be decided, when it is dceidedcconling to the verdict of Scotland, he does not conceal that it is a regard for the state of parties and of feeling on this question ia England which has led him so to deal with the Scottish question.

Whatcyer disappointment may be felt in connexion with these statements, nothing will affect our admiration for Mr. Gladstone, and oar readiness to follow him as leader of the Liberal party whenever the welfare of our country permits us so to do. But this declaration of Mr. Gladstone's views plainly creates a crisis in the advancing history of the question. In face of that crisis we respect fully call upon all in Scotland with whom disestablishment is a matter of conviction and conscience to meet the new situation with unflinching firmness and resolution.

Mr. Gladstone's refusal to lead cannot relieve us from the obligation to do justice to our own convictions. It is not unlikely that advantage may be taken of Mr. Gladstone's declaration to endeavour to deprive the cause of some of the ground which year by year it has gained through the determination and devotion of its friends in all parts of Scotland. On the other hand, if the situation is now met with that determination which ought to attend conscientious conviction, it may become he means of advancing the question far beyond any point it has however yet attained.

Our present duty is not to speculate upon what any Government may henceforward do, but to stand on the fact that disestablishment has grown people wno are altogether ignorant of the character of our to be an article of Scottish Liberalism and to press It for tradc. (Hear, hear.) They say to you, Foreign countries ward in the field of general polities and opinion, making PUt dntT tiTVm Xrnw tnannfajtlnM vsrTisif fan hsta illfti than that you should put a duty upon theirs Well, if u' 1 snouia agree wiin them mat mere is no in jh? We owe nothing to these foreign countries, and if we could Injure them without injuring ourselves, and wanted to do it. the proposH would be reasonable enough. But. we cannot retaliate upon them without running the risk of retaliation upon ourselves, which would be rerr much im.

r. ii da for them. It' an v.n. tion I am inclined to sav in mnuLnM nr WnWim, end more i r.t erantrieft thin tw o.L.a M. leMlSi nLZ' wise, if they re SS, Vtget.

they 'would be inch more serious competitor 1 i will are now. ixxear, near. nnmwh.VhrV1? Hltta fttrtler. The one question thl l.irt7IM importation of sugar, and lVrWmVl7aoa strong question as any we can have. I would as soon fight this fair trade find fhft apony otneV thfagTl wf flntLSS oSyi'lSES (Laughter.) FrLd'thh due use for this purpose of Parliament when it meets." the coming election and of was a i ii.i iZZ7i: mvl ''M i am, bit, your obedient as tSSS rfBochan.Baq r.

I .1 ot U. AUOBsVs sVeaLrsi 11 liUIII DI CliAlUUINUff I i ii rrn i inr i iitit TaiM. nfi JkUsrtccary CWlaga, wterbury, TM inenwriai tne i a numiw and tbey decided thlt ther wonld result ef a ponuc sunaonpuoti, and taxes me rorm or a ena a aepuuuoa cown to Blraiigham. rlanirhtee VThw wiadew in th parish church ia eccsaqaence of the UU will be coming bere Jaza? IwTdWti. mmm mmm ww swfvw a i to the The following letters from the Marquis of Salisbury and Mr.

Gladstone bare been received by Mr. William Bachan, 6, Bothesay place, Edinburgh, in reply to a memorial signed by 224 influential members ef the Free Chnreh in Scotland in opposition to disestablishment i Foreign Office, Nov, 7th, .1885. Dear Sir, I am rery much obliged to you for your letter and for the address issued by elders and offise bearers and other members of tha Free Church of Scotland. It is a great satisfaction to me to receive from them In this present juncture a recognition of Establishment in Scotland and the expret tion of their belief that the leaning of the Free Churchmen towards disestablishment has been grossly overstated. Yours very truly (Signed) SausbCET.

William Bachan, Esq." Hawaxdea Castle. Chester. Nor. 7 ,1885. Sear Sir, I am desired by Mr.

Gladstone to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, and to thank yon for communicating the memorial signed by laymen of the Free Chnreh of Scot land. I am. Sir, your obedient' sexsant, (Signed) H. W. rOWl "Wllli.m Rn.V,n "Wa was a large attendance.

The chair J. Wealey. Mr. GoscHxx, who was received with load cheers. began by stating that the distinguished French economist Monsieur Wolowski, who lived no more, once told him that he delivered one of lectures upon the currency question at Pans while the shells oi the enemy were falling around the institute in which he was speaking.

That night be was address bis audience upon statis: tics, and whether he should be able to maintain the same composure as Monsieur Wolowski while the electioneer ing shells were falling about Mm in the city ofEdin burgh he did not know, bat at all erents he would do his best. He recognized, as Mr. Wenley bad great and the engrossing interest of the subject on whieh be proposed to address them. That subiect was Is it trae that figures will prove anything He wondered what would be the first answer that the 'majority of those. present would give' to the question.

Figures would prove anything if they loosely bandied and blindly ac cepted. (Cheers.) Ii they took their totals and rattled thocn about at their own discretion, without aaalyzinjr. ithout taking care to see of what details ther were com posed, it was very likely that they could suit their figures to prove almost any theory they might put. forward. There were many whooTended in the direction of a loose and reck less method of dealing with figures.

Enthusiasts often pro duced statistics that would not stand the test of examina tion. Theorists offended in the same way, and he would not be trenching on the delicate province of party politics if he said that he had never yet seen an electioneering table of statistic that could, possibly be accepted by an impartial man as giving a correct idea of the subject at alL (Cheers.) Both parties o.Tended almost equally in that respect, and he would en Jeiroar to explain how that. happened, and how it was that men conscientious enough still stumbled fearfully in the use of statistics in fact. he was not sure that statistics were not Uke firearms, ex tremely dangerous in the hands of anybody who did not know now to employ them. (Cheers.) He wished to address himself to the various rules that ought to be ob served, in tho employment and use of statistics, and to point but some of the many pitfalls which surrounded the study of figures.

One of the rules that ought to be laid down was that they mast be suspicious of totals. They must analyze their totals.anJ must always endeavour to compare like "with like. They must not take figures that suited any preconceived idea as conclusive till ther had made a searching examination of the figures that told against them. Every sound and honest and impartial statistician must examine the figures on both side in equal anxiety to And out the truth. (Cheers.) This did not apply to politicians only, but to every man who had got a theory.

Xhere was nothing that was more misleading than gigantic totals, and if there was one recom mendatioa which he would wish to give to statisticians it would be to analyze and decompose totals otherwise tha most splendid totals would mislead the public, would mislead the students themselves, and would simply degrade the whole science of statistics which, if honestly pursued. was an in calculable advantage to tha human race One of the great errors, in his judgment, was to neglect the question of tho difference between quantities and value, and they would find that some of the ordinary arguments addressed by economists, or rather by politicians, to each other, entirely this question of quantity, and still spoke of the decline of our exports aad imports, looking only to value without examining the lk. (Cheers.) Now, quantity was of as great importance as value in this matter, or at all events they must always draw a distinc tion and compare exports and imports as they were now with what they were ud years ago. To point to the decline of trade simply tho sterling value of exports and imports was to ignore one of the fundamental facts of the problem and mislead themselves. He would point to another instance.

In the depression of trade certain circumstances were omitted from consideration by those who spoke upon the question. They must in the examination "of tjjese problems look to see at all time what were the normal conditions and what were the exceptional and the abnormal if they pointed simply to a falling off or aa increase of trade without looking somewhat into the details they might eo entirely upon a false track. For example, the iron industry might be displaced in this country or might be suffering from two causes, either from exceptional cause or from competition with other countries. If ther looked into the special circumstances they would find that, as compared with the state of things ascertained a number of years ago when an enormous extension of railway enterprise took place, there Was no longer the same demand for iron in this country. That was an exceptional circumstance, and it would be entirely wrong to say that because there was a falling off in the export of iron to the United States therefore there must be something wrong with the iron industry of this Again, the iron industry had suffered greatly in consequence ot the substitution of steel for iron.

This depression, however, was not due to this eountrv having been beaten continental neighbours, but because of changes which affected that particular industry. Another thing to ba kept in view by statisticians was, that they must not in their examination of our trade with ether countries and with the colonies be alarmed aad frightened beyond what was due to phenomena which were, perfectly intelligible ami natural, and tbey must not be misled intothe. belief that there was something so radically wrong in trade uia. musj oe ucait wua oy aruncui means, xho lesson he wanted to drawfrem all these things was that statistical calculations constantly omitted tume of the most important I actors. air.

Goschen then went on to advert to the question of the depreciation of silver and the kmmn having quoted a number of statistics said that some bi metallisms nad advocated the raising of the price of silver by legislative arrangement. A greater fallacy wa never "awi auu. icsnuu ut wisaea mi incuicate was to nothing for granted, but to analyze all details and look out for peculiar circumstances. (Cheers.) the motion of Iajnu IUltocr, the right hon. fen tie LixraABT jlsd OzBxs Nona.

Mr. Forster, M.P., will contribute a preface to a work which Messrs. CasseU and Company are; about to publish, en uuea xne witizen Aeaacr." This hnnV. aniUn use oi tne upper standards of elementary schools. the 'Comaxxct Mosrr.

The Chaneellor of the Ex chequer acknowledges the receipt from of 60 in acxetv ana or. as. tn stamps, received ancnrmoual. both will contain an account ia simple and popular language of the legislative and admiaistrativa arrangement of our country, and give clear instructions In regard to the duties, sad pririlege of English citizens. It will be fully 'illustrated wtih wood engravings.

The Athtiunn states that Professor Massoa's seventh volume of "The Register of the Priry Council of Scotland." whieh has lust been issued under the direction of the Deputy Clerk Register, be draws attention (p. 490) to the discorery, througha Boyal letter in this register, of some new information with retard to the PoetDrnmraond of Hawthornden. Th? wry earliest known letter of tho poet is one dated June 1, 1606," la whieh be describes the preparaUcasat the Court of Greenwich tea pageant la honour'of Christian IV. of Denmark. There are other letters proving that tha poet; was.

still at Greenwich from June to August. The suppoeitioB. however, has hitherto been "that be resided, while in London or i Greenwich, With hiS mother's hmihr WilKara IkvIm mhn was In thai household of the Queen, and bad gone to England in her train, and that it. was through this uncle Fowler that the TOnac Scot had such easr smmi fa the Cemrt Tbe letter of James Vl now first printed. Is dated May 2.

1606, aad "mwu num. viwawica juss mree oays oeiccw soa Drummond above alluded to it refers to the fees of the poet's father. Sir John, as one of the King's nshers. From this it is evident that tho poet wa livinir in his father's rooms at the Court, aad not with Fowler; at this' precise period. He was thus enabled to write the letters to Scot" land dessnptirej ef Qreenwlea festmties, whieh, it mar be mntrA.

mrm mrmm nt thm rfUrf TUB DUKB OF ARGYLL ONGSOLOQJ Last night the Duka ol Arnllopened the ArnJWaad course of lecture In Duadoa by delivering an address on The Connexion between Scenery of Beotlaad and it Geoogy." His Grace was accompanied to the platform br many leading citizens, sod the Kinaainl hill was crowded by tha'eYttrf of the towta and ncighbourhool, about 2,060 person being present. BaBiagall presided. TheDuxx of Acqtxl, who was acoorded a hearty re. ception, said that the qnestioo to which be wished ia direct atteation was one of great interest and of gre. difficulty a'a matter of science.

It wss the question how the surface features or our country Of Scotland bad bree?" made, what were the physical causes which brought about the existing configuration of $hm cbnntry. Jlesald gcet, land because tbey would at oacoaee that the qoesUoa of the causes whieh had dclorminol the configuration of th ground was essentially local question. No one doubted hewthe deltas of great rivers bad been formed, fat countries Which were marked by bills and valleys the question immodUMy arose bow these bills and valleys Lad been formed. He was so mocha HigMaader and a Scotchman that for himself ha waa disposed to say that no country was worth living in that bad not hills aad ralleyt, and certain it was that alt the greatest races ia the World, the greatest in history, the greatest In military fame, the greatest in literary fame, and the greatest in arts, had always been people who lived in countries more or less mountainous and hilly, aad wherever these peoples had lived and nourished their history bad. been intimately associated with their beloved hills aad moon tain.

Even in this country of Scotland some of the most memorable events la their history were intimately connected with their mountains! Mia would mention three sights which had ways to him a special interest. There wa the island of lona, on the western coast, where St. Colamba first landed and brought Christianity to this country. From that little island of lona there was one of the most heantf ful mountain views which he knew In any part of the world. There was another sight which could not be re garded by any Scotchman without emotion, and thai waa the field of Baanockborn, the grand mountain view from which had immensely impressed him.

The third sight wm Canlrossoa the Clyde, where Robert the Bruce, after ha bad secured the independence of his country, built his residonce aad spent the last years of his life, and from that point they saw the whole range of the. Argyllshire mountains down to the Firth of Clyde, and the southara face of Ben Lomond. Bat whan; they came to look at these features with the eye of the geologist, they had rery different feelings ia their mind. The Bible talked of the everlasting hills, of the hill of Zion, that could 'not be moved for they knew now in the Bght ef science. that although this poetie language was literally true as re garded the history of the human species, yet looking be yo ad that to the long ages during which this world was being prepared far.

the residence of man nose of it hillt existed. They all bad an origin at a certain time, aad some of the highest mountain In the world, they had reason to believe, bad an origin in comparatively recent geological times. One of the two theoriee as to the orlgia of the mountains In Scotland was that they bad beea cat aad aearved eat ef the swrfiuee the grooad with the knives of Nature, the frosts, the snows, and the rains the other was that they had been raised by what were called earth movements of raribus kinds, and that tbey Mimmrri the forms which they naw saw in consequence of these subterranean movements. After resulting that be thought all geologists now admitted that both these agencies bad been at work in the matter, the Duka of Argyll went on to say that he bad been led to address the meeting and to present his views as best he could upas that occasion in conaequenoo of tha publication of a very interesting article" by Professor Geikie, the Profeaaor of Geology ia the University of Edinburgh, la the Jooraal of the Geographical Society of Scotland. In that article Pro fessor Geikie gave an account oi the physical geography of Scotland, and adopted a vie with which; be by no meuu agreed as regarded the nature) of tho structure of their Highland mountains.

Professor Geikie said the mountain ranges in the proper sense of tHe term were such moun tains as tha Alps, the Apennines, the Pyrenees, or tha Himalayas. In all these cases Prof csaor Geikie fully admitted that the mountains ware "due to earth movements and subsequent cutting and carving by the rains, the, frosts, and the snow but he said that ia Scotland they bad no true mountain ranges at all, that the hills were nothing but the remains of tha great tablelands which were originally raised above the water in some form Uke a hog's back, and that the catting and earring into hills and. mountains had beea due entirely to the denuding agencies of the atmospheric changes, sin example of which in miniature tbey might find on railway embankments after a rain storm. This theory of Professor Geikie he called the eat gutter theory. (Load laaghter.) His view, oa the contrary, was that, so far as the Highlands were concerned, earth movements had had the principal effect, and that the guttering, although rery great, bad not contributed ia the main to the configuration of the country.

If they looked at the map of Scotland before them they would see at a glance one rery remarkable fast, and that was that tha predominant lines ran from the north east to the south west. They might depend upon it that the cause was not atmospheric the winds sad the snows snd the rains did not always blow from the north east to the south west. These predominant outlines most be due to earth movements, and not to superficial causes, and so far as the Highlands were concerned he thought this wa admitted by FroTassor Geikie himself. He thought physical philosopher were now pretty much agreed that this globe was at one time rery much hotter than it was now, and in the pro cess of cooling there hsd been a contraction of the surface, and wherever a surface contracted ther found that rery of ten hills and valley were formed. His contention was that their Highland mountains were due to to tha same cause.

There wa evidence of rocky masses having been shoved horizontally over other rocks to the distance of, ten miles yet Professor Geikie had chosen to say that there were no moan tains doe to earth movements. (A laugh.) The Duka of Argyll proceeded to say that about 25 years ago he was fortunate enough to discover "a great number of fossil leaves beantif ally preserved in rocks in the island ef MalL The beds which contained those leaves were lying at the bottom of those basaltic columns which were closely similar to the basaltic columns of the far famed island of Staffs, He explained that the discorery was made by a man bunt ing otters, who in falling took hold of a piece of rock, which gave way, and he was astonished to find the impression of beautiful large leaf, something like the leaf of the plane tree. Ha got some specimens and had them examined by one of themost eminent, geologists who said the discovery gave at once a due to the geological age of the volcanic rocks. Thb discovery had been followed up this year by a committee of the Royal Society prosecuting explorations, and they went drawing for the Royal Society a vast series of specimen oi the most beautiful vegetation his hearers had erer seen. One of the beds was so full of leaves that it could not be split with a hammer without some of them being discovered.

There were arancarias, immense leaves like those of the plane tree, and a great quantity of specimens of a tree known as a native of Japan, whose leaf was like that of the maidenhair fern. The conclusion draws from this was that in tho forest, which had flourished at Mali there seemed to have been magnificent vegetation ia close analogy to tha vegetation" of Japan'at the present moment. What did this reveal The whole of Mall sad Skye were covered with these volcanic rocks, and the sane rocks recurred again in Greenland, and it was impossible to look at the matter geologically without seeing that the whole of the country ne had referred to had been destroyed by earth movements. Steffa and all the group of islets of the Highlands were nothing but little bits remaining froat the overflow of great volcanoes. What was the.

lesson to be inferred from that? That denudation, the mere work of rain and snow and of glaciersv was perfectly inadequate to account for the destruction of the whole of that country. Itcould only be properly accounted for by great earth morenients. At the conclusion of his address the Duka of Argyll enthusiastically cheered and was accorded a hearty vote of thanks. WHAT WOULD DISESTABLISHMENT D0 wssassssssw.sss TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. Sir, Your correspondent "3." answers this question thnsi (1) The bishops would not sit in the House of Lord.

(2) the foundation of the Eccleaistriral Courts would cease in point of all law for compelling attendance at church would repealed." Then "What else?" I venture to thirdc there a good deal else c. (a) Convocation would be free to meet and to act without the Crown's (I) the bishops and siehbisbopi wouldno longer be nominated by the Crown, (ej the Sovereign, would cease to be the risitcr "of the Chorea of England (1 see. the sanction of Parliament to changes in either the liturgy, formularies, or ritual of the Chnreh would: not be necessary, () the Sovereign ought no longer to be crowned by a bishop () tbeSorereiga wonld no longer be required to join ia communion with the Chnreh ol England as by established" (13 and 13 WilL ILL chap. sec J)i to swear at his'ecronatioa to maintain the Establishment (1 WBL ILL, chap. fl).

AU "these resalta, toother with these enumerated by it seems to me, be Involved fa point of law in disestablishment wrtboot diseadowmeat. I aho like to add that the lawe eejapeJenng attendance church were practically aboHsicd lee age, Btwabetb'i Acta and an Act of aea I. enacting peaaltiea for noa attendance were repealed 40 years, ago. At the same ttee the earlier Act of Edward YL, was restricted In Its apaKca. Uon to professed Churchmen, and a prorisowa added that po peenmiary penalty wa to be Imposed est aay yersea disoberatct You obedient servant.

UMA'XAsV JHlkAJe i.

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Pages Available:
525,116
Years Available:
1785-1921