The Washington Union from Washington, District of Columbia • 3

lion of lh? difficult and yet easy question. There I is not one prince (net hue not a direct iniwest, to far hit crown it concerned, to give an ewerd unfit rum bit to our progress. Though they may all fcar England, they fear the republic more wide France! I That the Oregon question may still be settled whh- f. out the interference of a tl trd party, the Timet itself tl admits There ate so many causes "of tl it says: and yet a statesman of targe mind ami Iriouc views might discern in the present "Condition of England and the United Statse powerful means of meriting the good Understanding and the pacific in- 'I tercsts of the two countries." This, by-the-by, is whst I wrote to you on the Wth SeptcitttiCr last. On hulk sides there are most important commercial changes and concessions to nude.

If Mr. l'olk lie anxious to conciliate Oe States of the West, their interests woultl mom promoted by it ing a channel for the exportation of their great arti- si cle of agiicultnral Itritain than bvthe annexation of boundleaa acres fr on the the Pacific; and if ths commercial 81 policy is xendily to advance in the direction which has of years been given to it, rnn kkduvtiuN or American tariff will infali iri.y lhao ft) 81 rnB MODIFICATION or OUR RKSTRtCTtVR DUTlKS ON (( Amlrican producr." Is it necerssry here to say that (i the wish was father to the thought, and that Eng- 'I laud is willing to sell her claims on Oregon on such conditions? 1 have said so from the commencement of my correspondence, und I now adhere more firm- Ul ly than ever to my Opinion. The countless acres ol a wiluerness, 11 inojr mo ...7 all British psfiers agree,) are assuredly no objecl to fight for; if they are of no consequence to hs, who I are contiguous, of what consequence can they posai- My be to England as a colony! "On the other hand," concludes the Times, "Eng- land has to offer to the UniUd States all the advan- wiges of a commerce proportioned to the rapid 11 growth of hen great and cognati end extend- lug itself under the beneficent influence of peace and ficedonv, on the other hand, if the most distant and unpeopled tracts of the British empire, dispar- ngement of the territory never be assailed by fores and just right be invaded if a 0 British suhiect be has an Arm to l' resist and redrew the injury, am really glad the climax is over, and the render arrived on Ine other side of the and she has the firm, unani- tnous resolution of nef btatesmen and how she comes down upou mold uttt This is almost as terrible as a Mexican proclamation, or Spanish pronunciamentoi On the one side, England is willing to take Our cotton and corn, without whtch she can neither work nor 8 live; on the other, she has the firm resolution of her statesmen and hold her oxen! 'l The Globe, (whig,) after much rigmarole, bluster, and abuse, is compelled to admit, "we can jierceive the inevitable miseries and loss attendant upon a t( war with one of our principal commercial custom- 8 ere. We shrink fVom these, and are prepared to sacrifice much to avoid Then comes, as usual, the disparagement of the territory. commercial value of the share of this territory j' claimed by Great Britain haa now become one of the smallest considerations affecting the question at issue." Then come same disparaging epithets, show- JJ nig the writhing of the whig party in England at our firmness.

For it is the danger of war which will keep' the Peel administration in ambitious warlike propensities of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Itursell being too well known for Cl the men of property in England to trust their fate to them at this juncture. Our government, accord- l' ing to the Globe, it one "of fierce ignorant rab- government of the "ignorant, reckless, end turbulent portion of our people." I presume that our "fierce rabble" is as ignorant as the Eng- ai lish were at the battle of Waterloo, where, according to the best Frenoh testimony, thev were beaten long before the Duke of Wellington made the great chaise, and never knew it until the enemy was fast 'c quitting the field of battle. The Globe is decidedly for leaving the question to puts its faith in Mr. Calhoun. The Morning Chronicle, the bastard brother of the Globe, is less enraged nt us than at Sir Robert Peel.

The trouble it more than Oregon; and in this, I believe the'Chronicle is sincere "The ft American Executive," it says, "may imitate our J1 sullenness. And certainly if pride and success can turn a statesman's head, and prompt him to be ar- rogant, Mr. Polk has hnd incentives enough to in- 11 science and defiance. That immense question, the 8 annexation of Texas, which seemed so difficult to solve that it affrighted the boldest of men and par- 'J ties, has been achieved by Mr. Polk in a trice.

The activity ef English envoys, the svppletiess of the FVench, the efforts of the most able and most eloquent partisans home, all pointed at and working against annexation! 81 .111 these obstacles have betn overcome. European P' interference has given color of reason to the act of aanrsraiton which it wanted before, since the me nuiCH ssriftTtb and annsleed Echortan intervention. Then the great objection was that it will produce war. Annexation, however do- 11 irable, argued the whigs, is not worth a drop of blood; but, lo! it has not casta drop of blood: the 'f Mexicans are paralyzed." The Chronicle then describes the condition of Mexico, showing her utter disorganization, and how the United States have already formed a party in the interior of the republic, and how the different 10 provinces evince a disposition to eel up for theres selves. "Mexico," it says, the poor victim, fascinated by the gaxe of tha boa, waits in stupor to be an- a nexed In regard to Oregon, the Chronicle observes: "The policy of the democratic party is, we fear, to keep up a wordy strife with us, to assume a warlike atti- 1 I tude, and to maintain it as the best fitted for that Cl popular stage on which American statesmen play their parts.

Sir Robert Peel indulged this spirit, by 0 responding in a similar style of dramatic attitude and ex- 8 I wresiion." It was not in a "similar" stvlet ihtt dra- 81 malic attitude was altogether original with 8ir Robert Peel. Ho made his declaration in the British Parliament, assuming almost the attitude of a gladi- ator, and looking round fiercely as if to say: Et I nunc speclatores Eh! and the members, and the whigs especially, did applaud, and the Chroni- it clc the following morning wus quite eloquent on the subject. But, at that time, the Chronicle little fore- saw the failure of the potato crop and the down- tl ward tendency of stocks; or perhaps it had no idea a but that the threat of the British premier would It strike terror into the cabinet of Washington. "We shall have big words," opines the Chroni- cle, "and words may bring strife; as cowards some- times find forced to combat when wordy a defiance may reach its limits." And then it con- it eludes by showing how absurd it is that England cl and America should be mutual enemies on the banks of a great river, "where, ns yet, little more can be done than hunt and exist." As I always 8 told you, the disparagement of the territory never fails to accompany the picture drawn by English 1 writers of the awful calamity of a war in regaid to a it. The ministerial Morning Herald, which is merely fool, and grows more foolish as it grows bigger, (it has'just been enlarged,) laments over "the total absence of all reference to the question of moral aj right," but does not omit to state that the territory a is worthless, nnd not deairnblr.

even for the United States. England's conduct in China, Spain, Greece, t( ig no doubt calculated to be referred to when speaking of the moral right of public transactions. rl Yett England is willing to treat with us, as the Herald hints in saying that all the difficulties op- t( pnsed to an early and rcusnnablc adjustment of the Oregon claim are suggested on the side." Yet, does it not nfler any more threats, but merely rejoices in the reflection that America, which is now held together by the common opposition to England, ill at last be dirided by the extension of her commerce. Hatred to England, it avers, "is the bond of the American Union." "On the Oregon question, it is true, there is an agreement; because I it really interests nobody, except a few land-jobbers, and because it feeds the hatred of England which is I the great bond of union. But wait till the exten- sion of commerce shall, as it must, create powerful I rival and adverse interests in the commonwealth it- the end will be seen, and that, we fear, neither a peaceful, happy, nor honorable end.

Such, however, is the fate of all great democracies!" This last remark Jets the cat out of the bag; but we are, nevertheless, satisfied, with the Herald, to wait for our intrrnal dissolution, and cannot help thinking that England would aliow her good sense by not apB flying aify external screws to keep us honorably a and happily together. The Standard, which is the organ of the govern- ment, is full of fire and fury against us, and happily fl re joices that in case of a however, it asB cures its renders is not at all likely to African blacks will lie the allies of England We 1 must ndmire the Christian principles of the English administration pnper; of its courtesy, lining the esB tabhshed tory paper, the following may serve apecimen: "The noise about the Oregon territory is plainly increasing in the United States; but, notwilnslnnJ- tng the swell of clamor, there will be no serious conse- ii quences from it. readers will, no doubt, feelcnm- tnrtable altbia news from one of the They who will ultimately deride the question will know that the slightest even one twelve months' bring ruin and speedy dissolu- lion to the commonwealth, and this danger they it not incur for the sake of the Oregon territory, tckirli (U liltu worth la the trans.Illantic re- tj at lo ourselves. It is, indeed, strange that no uiglrnh paper can allude to the territory without peaking of tie little Valu'e. thia subject, they all I greet hut While the Herald is of the opinion that I ear would keep us together, the Standard, also an i dintnislration believes, or rather feigns to be- leva, thai war will have a contrary effect on us.

i tn.l yet who dottbts but that England would wage I lint wAr if She Were Auitfc As certmh of its result as I lie writer in thfc Standard? But the Standard's rea- nltlng on the subject is somewhat similar to Fal- lull 's soliloquy on honor. "And what is to be the pries nf war? A Tew lour and square mllvl of snow Not so much; ottte thousands of milea of (trra incognita. Demo- i falic abaurdily will go a great way; but it will not I quite as far as encountering risks so great for an bject so contemptible." Very well; and jf drum- I rotic absurdity will not go so far, we must certainly Ifler thnt royul lory nonsense will, fmlioii, eschew I jch a folly. Indeed, we may infer as much from i te conclusion: "It is useless, and perhaps miichiekouS, to be- ii low many words upon A contingency which almost ERTAiNtv Will ttevtr from absolute inliiily at the olhtr side of the Atlantic; for at this de of that broad ocean men have grown wiser than go to war for the sake of indeed, tan to squander their wealth and their blood when ley can possibly avoid it." Very well; that's i.icuicicu mi aiong. cmgiunu, when Uie oral shall come to the worst, will take no notice of anil of the "contemptible" territory which la orth nothing.

She is itbove Ditch paltrV consider- ti lionet and, rejoiced at this new method of solving a le great problem, the Standard exclaims: "Let the ii tbble of the American democracy howl their fill, 'e shall not go to war until they force us into it." I have purposely given you so many extracts, tl ecause they all serve td collaborate the opinion 1 aye expressed from the start, that England will ii tther commence war with any country than with s. Hud she had a disposition to go to war, she roald have taken advantage of Texas. England is ol the power to be embarrassed for a csitia belli, rovided the war promises to pay the e.Xpente of it. The French papers arc very calm on the subject 1 Oregon! some df khfem being actually convinced tat FVance has enough to do with Algeria, without Hiking for influence and conquest to the North I imenran continent. But England, you may rest tl ssured, will not engage in a war without know- ig the disposition of France, ed as to be sure ithcr of her aid or her neutrality.

Mean- 1 thi'c, Mr. Guizot himself is anything but tl ure of his position, and it is rumored on the ii 'aris Bourse, that he is resolved, should the anwer to the speech from the throne not meet his ex- eolations, to dissolve the chambers, and trust his I ite to a general election, lit will be another Pitt spite of himself. While writing the above, Lord John Russet's letter the electors of London has made i la appearance, I liadowing forth most impoitant events. He is, as ou see, for an unconditional repeal of the corn-laws, a 'ity his lordship did not think of the corn laws dur- a ig the first twelve years succeeding the passage of le reform billl Lord John has just discovered that has been mistaken for the lust twenty years, and rtfms to see reasons for his blunder. We accept is confession as a token of his earnest to do well ereaftcr.

Lord John saysi ti I confess lhat on the general subject my have, a i the eottVje of firmly years, undergone a great altera- on. 1 used to be of opinion that corn was an ex- fi epiion to the general rules of political economy! ut observation and experience have convinced me mt we ought to abstain from all interference with le supply of food. Neither a government nor a igislalure can ever regulate the corn market with ti le beneficial effect which the entire freedom of sals od purchase are sure of themselves to produce." a Thus reads the ministerial programme of Lord ohn which will have the effect either of ti ireing Sir Robert Peel to hold power under whig aders in Parliament, or resign liis place to a whig He will, In all probability, when le worst comes to the worst, be urged by his menus nd supporters to do the former; while Lord John lussel's letter seems to him as a complete over- irow of the present cabinet. One thing, in particu- ir, is deserving our notice in this renewal of the rur between the two leading factions of Great iritain, viz: the declaration of the London Globe, John Russel's organ, in regard io Oregon, 'he whigs, it is well those who doubt need only look back As fat as evinced strong disposition for war arid foreign conquest, 'he reputation which they have acquired in Egypt, ndi.i, and China, may the the means of keeping ti lem out of power; for 1 repeat it. the people of want no war, and, least of all, a war with a le United States.

The whigs, therefore, are re- lived in making a virtue of necessity, and, to court opular faver, go as fur in their conciliatory spirit as ti uy tory is willing to go. With this -view, the a lobe, in a leading article, following that vt bich an- ounces Lord John's letter, proclaims its peaceable itenlion in regard to America. The Globe goes in rather, in its willingness to make than all its contemporaries; for is willing to relinquish the whole territory, provided it le United Stales will do the handsome thing in rc- trd to the tariff, I quote the identical words of it te Globet "Oregon is a legacy to the present rulers of Amcr- a a and England from the indolence of their prede- sssors. In litis respect it is analogous to the Maine oundary, of which the settlement was delayed till te question could only be solved by considerable a batemcnt of the pretensions of England. Oregbn oes not so nearly concern any portion of our empire; et national susceptibilities and the sense of honor a snder it even more difficult of adjustment.

But all ucstions involving external relations of state are Dmplex; and the interests concerned (however un' I and selfishly exacting they may be) do dually blend with or dttvetail into other interests, nd must bb Viewed by enlightened statesmen in 1 wtnearfoti tcilh Ihem." What these interests are, we shall presently see; 8 ut I here take the liberty, bv wnv of nrrfare in sfer for moment lo my letter of September 30th. 6 tftet quoting from the Economist, 1 observed: 11 Now what is the meaning of this remark, unless it a hint that England trilling to sell out on fnanuicturesJ With both parties, Oregon in a mere mat- sr of national feeling. Cement the interest, and le heart of England will become soft, and ready for amicable adjustment of the tftuslio vtxata by mu- tal concession or arbitration." Some of the New 8 'oi and Baltimore papers thrn believed that I was peaking from hints 1 had received from Washing- but this is a mistake. 1 only saw the hand rhicb was dealt to England, and felt convinced that could be played but one way The Globe conludes its remarks as follows: "This enlarged view of tho Oregon question as a art of the tohole policy of the United States in re- tl pect to England, may suggest a greater probability a satisfactory settlement of the point at issue. 'he present President is the representative of the jmbined influences of a free-trade parly and of that union me unucu ounce wincn wmlica to puah irritorial aggrandizement to the furthest limit at 'hich it will be loleruted by foreign powers.

The atus quo which Mr. Polk finds on entering office is dispute pending with England concerning territo- al claims of a very delicate nature, and a restrictive iriff hostile to our manufacturing interests. tin olicy of the parly he represents go on ssult would be an settlement of our claims Oregon, and considerable modification of the i iriff in our fuvor." The "American settlement" of the British claims Oregon, (the italics arc the Globe's,) it is easy to erceive, refrrs to the last news from the United 1 tales, namely, that the President is unwilling to a urrender rod" of the territory in dispute; and le English paper is quite right in calling this "the 1 hncrienn settlement" of the British claims, since very other would assuredly be more or less Eng- sh. And England, I repeat it, is willing to accept ii be bonus, in the shape of reduced ol by the treaty, (here the New York Commercial Ii Idvertiaer and the Baltimore American have mis- mderstood my meaning,) but by an act of the na- innal legislature, to which England is welcome to nake the most of, as it suits her purpose. Lord 1 ohn Russel on one side, and Monsieur Thiers on Ii he other, are striving hard "to render themselves tossible;" for in spite of their unquestionable tal- its, their warlike propensities did in 1840 arrest heir ministerial rnreer.

The French ministerial papers continue bh silent I a the grave on the Oregon question. They have een taught a lesson in Texas; and their officious in- srference with the settlement of that question will ertainly be made the means of a powerful attack on he part of the opposition during the next session of he chambers. Uuizot must husband his resources, hit 1 will endeavor to write you my next letter li rom the battle-field itself. In reference to one of my letters which drew an ditorial declaration from you, and led to other re- narks in the public prints, in regard to the private labile of the King of Prussia, I offer, and expect I roni your candor that you will publish, the fohowng apology. 1 am deeply mortified that my ubser- ations on his Majesty the King of Prussia should i avc given offence to his excellency Baron deGirolt, I is Majesty's envoy exiraoidinnry and minister a lenipotentlary in Washington.

Yet have 1 the onor to assure him, yourself, and the public, that I I'was not malice which prompted my statement, My remarks were fnanded on various publiva- ons, and more especially on one entitled "the Em- erot of China," contained in a late publication of Heine's Poema, which have aince passed throng four or Ave Heine ia the moat gtfke 3erman poet of the present day. My fault ronsisi in believing what I published, trilling fn that if it were nril trite it Would Hot ihierence which 1 now admit waa nti ogical. I cannot boaat of any intimacy wit! tings, and rely, consequently, implicitly on th itaiement contained in the ''Union," which prove hit I waa mistaken. Indeed, I tin ft I.id 1 waa a iXapiplh df, for hive no douut but that hencefortl he Prussian State Gazette, the official paper publiahei it Berlin, will exercise the same strict impartiality regard to tiiose communications which are mad it front time to time touching the peculiarities a lur Presidents, and the people of the United Stairs am only rejoiced that my inadvertence has not lei nan interruption of the friendly relations so happi subsisting between his Majesty the king 'ruasia and the republic of the United 8tatrS, th hoetn home of so nultiy thousands of once nis moa aluable subjects. A LONUbN COIlRESPONDENT OF THE UNION.

New York, Dec. 29, 1845. Editor qf the Union: It ia admitted on all hands, that it would be he highest possible importance to every section he United Stales, and especially to those State vhose soil and climate are peculiarly adapted to tin iroduclion of wheat and muita, for ureut Britain ti educe her corn-laws to a low fixed duty, or evei admit maize at a mere nominal duty. dvantageous to the people of Great Britain, except ng an omnibus load of her land-owning aristocracy vould be the same reduction of duty upon corn Ind on the other side of the question, it is admittei hat the reduction of our tariff to a revenue staiidart ipon all articles, with certain discriminations below would be mutually profitable to the people of tlui the exception of a corresponding om libus loud of equally advan ageutts to the people of Great Britain. NoW, thfen, we may never hope for a more auspicioui ieriod of time to bring both these events to pass They are events worthy of the of iht annuo uiai auiucvc ilium wurmy ui me eniigiiien progress of civilized and Christianized humanity leaven would seem even now to be rebuking he landed aristocracy of Great Britain for not dis barging a palpable duty; and the people of thii ountry, in the issues presented before them at thi iultimore convention, fully expressed their will a he succeeding presidential election upon the poin nueetion.

Clearly, a great duty rests heavj esponsibility rests upon somebody's shoulders )oubllcs8 part of it rests upon cabinets, administra ions, and negotiations, and part of it upon legisla ion. Secretary Walker has most ably and admi ably discharged his duty. But not so has Si lobert Peel. 1 hope his prospects of a peerage di lot stand in the way. What are Messrs.

Buchunni nd Aberdeen doing' What are Messrs. McLam nd Pakenhnm And what are Parliament am Congress likely to do? The people are deeply in crested in these matters, and do expfcet something be done by somebody. As to the quo morfo, i rill hardly do to say, as it was said of the V.oW ferein treaty, "It cannot be na ions" are in the way, and all that. The pcoph re apt to think that when there is a will, there is i ray. For one, I should be pleased to hear a wort rom the "Union" upon thfc subject.

1 cannot bu hink the present is the time to settle the Oregon, tu iff, and corn questions on a solid and perinanen usis; and that they may be so grouped and com ined as to be mutually advantageous to both, na ions, and insure uninterrupted peace. These ari uiuvu vuuiuva migiiiy reSUHS nil the people certainly ilo expect much from at nlightened democratic administration and legisla ion. Yours, truly, ESBE. new Dec. 29, 1845.

Our monay ar.d ock markets dosed heavily 01 Saturday, and at a considerable reduction in tin rices of the earlier of the week. This fulling IT in their value is be attributed to the obtaining any loans whatever on aving become very scarce, ad trluth ao that om er cent, pfer month is readily given to have gooe ommerctal bills discounted which hove more thar ixty days to run. This sudden demand for mo ey has its origin in the fact that serious fears art ntertained by bankers, brokers, speculators of al inds, and monopolists in general, that a constitu lonal treasury, with a specie clause, or some olhei tringent one, will be established, during the present ession of Congress. Nothing can more conclusively rove the necessity of such a measure than the sal tary effect the idea of it even has produced, by put ng a stop to the wild find ruinous speculationi rhtch have been going on in our markets. Thi lock and flour markets, in particular, have beer lonted up by means of facilities from the banks rilhout reason.

It is not in this country alone, however, that aoney panic exists. England and France are boll it. i ii CU.IIV A CAITBCl IOIIOWm? rom a letter dated Paris, November 2b: "The pan. to-day wns great. In the share market nothing ould be done.

Shares were offered in all oompanie; a reduction of price', but purchasers were not tc had. No other cause is assigned for thia new de iression but the scarcity of money in Paris, and iht rders for sales from the money ii aid to be more scarce even than here." Later ad' ices give still more disheartening accounts. In London, the pressure on the money market has Iso been severe, and still continues to be so. Conols were, when the Acadia left, lower hy 7 per ent. than they were at the opening of the year.

A jondon correspondent writes thus: "The market ii hiefly attefcted by the necessity of making good the epositcs where bills arc intended to be applied for. foreign stocks are entirely neglected, and what' ver little speculation is afloat, is directed to the coools market." It will, I think, be pretty plain, from the above xtracts, that a mania for getting rich with an clccro-magnclic velocity has induced crazy speculaions in Europe to the ruin of thousands, and which, 9 a certain extent, have been practised here. In France, the Bank of Frnnce stopped the mania; in England, the Bank of of them by easing to discount speculative paper of any kind, nd advancing the rates of interest. Here, the contiiutionul treasury bill, although not yet in existnee, has had the same happy effect by causing the auks not only to cease loaning on stocks, but tc all in the loans already out. Legitimate commerce, to whatever extent it may carried, benefits every nntion engaged therein rhile wild speculations are injurious, because they ostraci poruon ot mo capital irom lis propel hanncl, and thereby cripple both commerce and rade; for it is impossible for them to flourish for any cngth of time without they are based upon a prolortionate specie capital.

No speculations of irild kind can, however, long exist; indeed, they annot have a being, without a puper currency Icntiful. It is true that in. England the paper curency has been greatly contracted, but credit, bv neans of domestic bills of exchange, has increased bills, by means of having a bank endorselent on them, while they could be discounted at rate, passed nearly as currently as bank notes fow, however, the interest on those that can comnand a discount, which arc comparatively few, is parly doubled; distress prevails and credit perishes rhe same cause haa produced the same effects ir France. I have said that every nation ought to have a ape ie capital proportionate to her trade commerce This is as true of nations as it is of individuals. I individual trades too much beyond his capital ie is almost sure to get into pecuniary difficulties The same is the case with nations.

It behoovei very nation, therefore, to adopt such measures ai trill enable her to keep a proper amount of specie it t. Too large a paper currency is sure to drive spe ie out of any nation, and is therefore most particu irly to be guarded against. No measure can st fTsctually guard against it in this country as onslitulional treasury with a specie clause. The amount of gold and silver in circulation ir in as Mated by Neckar, was 91J mil ion? sterling. In England, about the same time Ar.

Chalmers, from the returns of the English mini tates that the quantity of money in England, in luding Scotlnnd and Ireland, to be 20 millioni terling. These statements make it apparent tha "ranee possessed more than 7JI millions sterling nore thnn the national quantity of England. Thii nay easily be accounted for. Thrrt teas no papet ttrrrncy in Prance before the revolution; and thi revenue, tvhich teat nearly tiernly-four million terling, trot collected rpon gold and silver. The reve lue, it will be seen, was then about one-fourth ler circulation, which was also uboul the same pro mrtion the revenue of England bore to her circula ion prior to the reign of King William is lefore the establishment of a paper currency; fo icr circulation in gold and silver was then 20 mil ions, nnd her revenue about 5 millions.

It seems, then, that from the period of the com nencement of the reign qf King William to tin rear 1786, no increase in the gold nnd silver capita ad taken place, while a national debt by means i currency had been created, which has wollen lo such an enormous amount, lhat it presaei ike an incubus upon the energies and industry he people. Such a state of things must sooner ster end in a revolution. Beware, therefore, of i oo expanded paper currency. Yours, WOOTTEN. 5 THE UNION.

t- CITY of Washington. a WEDNESDAY NIGIIT, DEC. 31, 1845. CONGRESSIONAL, i Thfe proceeding, in Congress to-day do not posI seas any special public interest. In the Stnate, the aeasion was occupied by the presentation or petitions and the introduction of i.

bills and resolutions. After a short session, the Senate adjourned till oaujruny. In the Hoiiu, the reports of the standing committ tees Were called for, and presented. Several unimportant debates took place on points of order; and at three o'clock the House adjourned till Friday. RESOLUTIONS BEFORE THE SENATE? COURSE OF CONGRESS.

The debate which took place in the Senate yes, terday called forth aeveral speakers, and interested a large and respectable audience. We have given a i sketch of it in last evening's "Union." It was elici' ted by Mr. Hannegan's resolution, which went for the line of Oregon to the 34th deg. 40 min. par.

allel of north latitude, and by the amendment of Mr. Calhoun, embracing a series of resolutions, which approved of the President's having proposed the compromise on the 49lh degree as calculated to promote the honor and "the best interests of the American republic." These resolutions were finally laid upon the table. We concur fully with the decision; and we cannot forbear congratulating the country on a disposition of the subject which seems to have met with the general concurrence of the Senate. They will repose for some time on the table. These are abstract propositions about which it is not so easy to agree, and it is somewhat difficult to mature and reduce them to practice.

It is perhaps more advisable for Congress to proceed to act upon the practical measures which the President, in the discharge of his constitutional functions, has thought it his duty to recommend to their consideration. message seems to have obtained the decided sanction of the people, and of their representatives. None has ever been hailed morn general enthusiasm, or ailenced more completely the criticism of his opponents, or. commanded more warmly the confidence of his friends. Many' of the whigs have been induced first to pause, and then to approve his propositions; and the confidence of the country has Ireen increased by the success of his past measures, I and the firmness and discretion with which our 1 foreign relations have been hitherto conducted.

(n. the exercise of his constitutional responsibility, the President comes before Congress to give an account of his state the past course of his to recommend to the consideration of Congress "such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." Who will say that he has flinched from the execution of this duty Who will not admit that he has been bold and decided in the propositions which he has sub) milted? Who will deny that his country has 5 warmly approved his message, and that he has not 'f deserved her confidence for the course which he has pursued He has come forward to recommend the best I LI. consideration of Congress. He has frankly laid all the facts before them. He has specified the measures which he considers the best calculated to advance "the best interests of the American people." He has recommended measures of a practical character.

It is not to be doubted that Congress, in the free and full exercise ef their constitutional powers, will give them all the consideration to which they are entitled. "All attempts at compromise having failed," he regards it as the "duty of Congress to consider what measures it may be proper to adopt for the security and protedtidrt of our citizens, now inhabiting, or who may hereafter inhabit, Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just title to that territory." He is for scrupulously observing the faith of treaties, and all the obligations of the convention of 1827. "Under that convention, a year's notice is required to be given by either party to the other, before the joint occupancy shall terminate, and before either can rightfully assert or exercise exclusive jurisdiction over any portion of the territory. This notice it would, in my judgment, (says the President,) be proper to give, ffitl I recommend that provision be made by taw for giving it accordingly, and terminating in this manner the convention of the 6th August, 1827." The President thinks, "beyond all question, the protection of our laws and our ju risdiction, civil and criminal, ought to be immediately extended over our citizens in Oregon," just as the British government has already, and for along time, extended their laws to their subjects by the i act of 1821. He also recommends that our laws "regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes cast of the Rocky mountains should be extended to such tribes as dwell beyond them." He advises, also, that protection be extended to emiJ grants, by means of stockades and block-houses on the eastof the Rocky mountains, and "an adequate force of mounted riflemen be raised to guard and protect them on their journey." The President has recommended these various measures with great ueierence, ana nr.

pieages nu nearly concurrence and support to any other mode" which Congress may in their wisdom devise "better calculated to accomplish the same object." These measures recommended by the message, as far as we can gather the public sentiment from every source, from the press, popular and conversation in all quarters, have received the approbation of the people. With this additional sanction, they come before the Congress of the United States for their consideration. What serious objection is there to their adoption Can gentlemen apprehend war? Can any American be afraid of war who is prepared to support the rights and honor of the country? We entertain no doubt that the President desires peace; but it must lie an honorable peace. In his very last letter to i the British plenipotentiary, the Secretary of State, whilst he withdraws the compromise proposition, 1 expresses the hope, in the name of the Preai. dent, that our differences may yet be finally adjusted in such a manner as not to disturb happily subsisting between the two nationa." The iaiue now really reals with Oreat Britain.

It the duty of our atateamen, then, who deeire peace, to be linn and decided, whilat they are cool and unimpaaaioned. The New York Albion thinka that the notice ia only calculated to accelerate the adjuatment of the queation. Beaidea, the notice is not war. It may even bring peace nearer tcf ua. It will eauae the statesmen of England to be more atudioua and active about the beat of preserving it.

"The Oregon question (as Mr. Buchanan writes) presents the only intervening cloud that the prospect of a long career of mutual friendship and beneficial commerce between the two nations; and that cloud he (the President) desired to remove." We cannot doubt that he atili desires it; but he will never sacrifice, even to that object, the rights and honor of his country. Falter he will never, in the execution of his duty. Decision was never more necessary than it has become at this moment! We conclude this general article with the following extract from the late letter of the 19th December, from Mr W. B.

Maclay, member of the House of Representatives, from Naw York, ad dressed to the Chairman of the Committee Ol" Arrangements for the meeting at Tammany Hall: "We have waived our claims too Ion? already, Si and the policy recommended by the President is the surest way of so recording our title. 1 shall, there- fore, whenever the bill ie submitted to the House of Representatives, vote fur giving the year's notice th required by the subsisting treaty fur the termina- lion of the joint occupancy, and for every measure calculated to place the nation in a suitable slate of defence. "Those who are disposed to cavil at any proposition which emanates from the democratic side of Congress, profess to And great cause for censure in the resolutions of that distinguished man, who, as well in war as in peace, haa earned the gratitude of the nation. Will they answer for what have been the unusual and extraordinary preparations of England during the past year? Why the construction of new repairs of old of moulding of cannon and the notes of war? All this, too, in a time of profound peace, with hardly a upon the face of the civilized globe; and yet American patriots can find no cause for apprehension, no epithet of reproach, until we ask the extent of our effective force. Let ua tell England in our own plain Norman-Saxon, that these inquiries and preparations are intended to prevent aggression.

Nations, like men, understand each other beat when the simplest terms are employed, and Great Britain should no longer misapprehend our purpose. "The firmness evinced by the President in regard to our rights to the territory of Oregon, and the sug- geations contained in his message are those of a patriot, and the democracy of the nation may indeed rejoice in the representative of their principles." On closing this article, we receive a letter from an enlightened riliren nf rrieeemher UK 1 frnm which we make ihe following extract: "The message has been received in this part of the world with applause. The democrats are de- jighted, and the wnigs are unable to find fault with fn it. If British pretensions should drive the country into a war for the defence of its rights and honor, the South will fight it through unflinchingly. We fought the late war for a principle in which we were ar not directly and practically freedom of the seas to New England commerce and naviga- (0 lion; and we will do the same for 'far-otT Oregon, although the heaviest burdens of the contest will fall upon us as producers of the great export staple.

The message has convinced the people here, that our foreign relations are in safe, prudent, and firm hands, and they are ready to support their government." lei THE PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. he It is right for the people, at all times, to obtain a full knowledge of the acts of their executive oflicera. The members of Congress, therefore, very properly desire to circulate the President's message St and the accompanying documents among their con- stituents, as soon us possible, as well as to obtain copies for their own use. The public printers have la always felt a wish to gratify this desire, as well as of discharge their own duties. The present printers to Congress feel this motive as strongly as any of their predecessors.

But the extraordinary size of an the volume the present 900 pages,) has jj" contributed to make the duty heavier than usual. The House document has been printed several days, and is note only awaiting the diagram, which lie forms part of it, to enable us to transmit the whole number ordered. We procured, however, a cj, sufficient number of copies to send to the House on Ci Monday last 300, and on Tuesday to the Senate 70, ot tne whole volumfnuun number which would supply each member of both houses f0 with one copy. The Senate document is also pro- of greasing with great rapidity to completion, and We hope to have it in our power to finish it in the early part of ifext week. Certainly, nothing is at pres- ent apprehended to retard its delivery but the slow ah progress which necessarily attends the engraving c'' and copperplate printing of the drawing above men- tioned.

St No pains or expense will be spared to expedite the public work to rapid completion; and we a may confidently say, that the whole machinery is under the immediate auspices of one who is inferior to no other person in the United States in any of the qualities which important duty requires. of If anything could surprise us which comes from that source, we should be surprised by the insidious attempt made through a correspondent of the "New York Courier and Enquirer," to circulate some etj doubts of the President's sincerity in regard to the of recommendations ol his message, the iNew York ni correspondent refers to the "notice," and says that "the Committee on Foreign Relations (of the House) ar is opposed to giving it, and would so report." He gS also insinuates a doubt, whether the President 'a and his friends desire the passage of any very decided measures. The writer will permit us to say, that he entirely mistakes the President's character and views. He has laid down his chart plainly and boldly )in his message. Who can seriously doubt an whether he does not firmly adhere to his recom- id mendntions? The President advises, among other St measures to be adopted, the notice to be given.

He says, without the slightest equivocation, that "this or notice it would, in my judgment, be proper to give; and I recommend that provision be made by law 'a for giving it accordingly." Who suspects him of ve insincerity? No man who knows him. Who tj, doubts his change of mind and infirmity of purpose? No man "who knows J. K. Polk." The Committee on Foreign Relations may pause, if they please. They have a right to think and act for themselves.

Congress must act for themselves. But it was also the constitutional duty of the President to recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge "necessary and proper." His recommends- tions are before Congress and before his country, and no man has a right to go behind his declarations and charge him with duplicity or with fal- tering. For the Union. To the Postmaster General and Members of Congress: I sec by the President's message that the Post .1 Office Department has fallen considerably short of its own support, and an increase of postage recom- ar mended. Could not the post-office receipts be ren- at dered very near, if not quite, sufficient for its own support, if the transportation of the mail was let out to the lowest bidder, regardless of whether the mail was carried in four-horse coaches, mail-carts, or horseback All the people care about is to have their correspondence conveyed with as much speed and safety as possible, and as little expense.

Coaches arc run, not because necessary to carry the mail, but for profits to the contractor in passengers; tQ and is it fair that the corresponding public should Qf be taxed with heavy postage for the convenience of a travelling public and the of a contractor I h. think this ought to looked to, nnd not put upon jq the people on unnetMary increase of pottage. With railroads, it it of course different. No contractor can compete with it in ita speedy transportation of the mail. A PLAIN FARMER.

We insert the foregoing, in compliance with the at with of our correspondent. He appears to be en- in lirely unaware of the fact that the law now is pre- citely as he desires it; and that the Postmaster Gen- nl era! is carrying it most flilly and faithfully into exe- tl cution. Of course, he has no right to interfere with the existing contracts made under the former law; but as fast as they expire, by their own limitation or otherwise, the Postmaster General substitutes a tc new contract for the transportation of the mail, at the lowest terms received, without any regard to the mode of conveyance whatever, further than what is necessary (as in the case of railroad and steamboat routes, and on routes where the weight and bulk of mail are too great for horseback conveyance,) to give the requisite speed, and insure the despatch of the whole mail. A reference ui inc ui me i uBvinnHici vrciiciai win snow with what firmneea he haa adhered to the law in ai thia rrapert, against the remonstrances and proteata of conlractora and others. The new law waa passed ei on the 3d of March last.

The Poet Office Depart- a ment haa already realised a saving from its opera- it lions of a quarter of a million of dollars annually, In the nature of things, it cannot obtain full effect throughout the Union until the 1st of July, 1848. 1 It willbe in full operation in the section of country from which our correspondent writes, after the lat of July, TEXAS. The following resolutions and lawa of the United tales have been passed during the present session Congress, duly signed, and transmitted, 011 Monty last, by the President of the United States, to te President of Texas, by Captain Todd, of llie exan navy: December J2, IS4o EVOLUTIONS for the admission of the State of Texas into the Union. Whereas the Congress of the United Stales, by a joint resolution," approved March the 1st, 1843, consent that the territory properly included ithin, and rightfully belonging to, the republic of exas, might be erected into a new State, to be died the State of Texas, with a republican form 01 ivernment, to be adopted by the people of said re- iblic, by deputies in convention assembled, wiih tuiiacni ui iiic government, in oracr tnat (tame might be admitted as one of the of Union; which coneent of Congreaa was given ton certain conditions specified in the 1st and 3d ctiont of said joint resolutions: and whereas the sople of the said republic of Texas, by deputies in invention assembled, with the consent of the exting government, did adopt a constitution, and eel anew Siate, with a republican form of governent, and in the name of the people of Texas, and I their authority, did ordain and dfeclare that they isented to and accepted the proposals, conditions, id guarantees contained in said 1st and 3d sections 'said resolution; and whereas the said with the proper evidence of its adoption by the lople of the republic of Texas, has been transmitd to the President of the United Stales, and laid Congress, in conformity to the provisions of id joint resolutions: Therefore, Be it resolved by the Senate and Home of of the United States of America in Congress assented, That the Stale of Texas shall be one, and ia ireby declared to be one, of the United States of merica, and admitted into the Union on an equal oting with the original States, in all respects hatever. Be it further resolved.

That until the representees in Congress shall be apportioned according 10 i actual enumeration of llie inhabitants of the nited States, the State of Texas shall be entitled choose two representatives. December 27. IMA ACT extending the laws of the United Stairs over the State of Texas. Bt it enacted by the Senate and House of Represenlines of the United Slates of Jlmerica in Congress asnbled, That all the laws of the United States are declared to extend to and over, and to have II force and effect within, the Slate of Texas, ad- itted at the present session of Congress into the nfederacy and Union of the Uniled States. i Sec.

2. -Inil be it further enacted, That the said ate of Texas shall constitute one judicial district, i be called the district of Texas, for which one i dge shall be appointed, who shall reside therein, id who iliall receive a salary of two thousand dolts per annum, and who shall hold the first term said court at Galveston on the first Monday of sbruary next, and at such other times and places said district as may be provided by law, or as id judge may order; and that said court shall have id exercise the same powers and jurisdiction as tve been conferred by law on the district courts of United States; and also shall have and exercise powers and jurisdiction of a circuit court of the niled States; and appeals and writs of error shall i from the decisions of said district and circuit urts for the district of Texas to the Supreme Court the United States, in the same cases as from a rcuit court of the United States to said Supreme ourt, and under the same regulations. See. 3. And be it further tnachd, That there shall appointed in and for said district a person learnI in the law, to act as attorney of the United States said atsnrc', ana also a person to act as marshal the United States for saiu district, each of mil receive an annual salary of two hundred dolrs, and also such compensation and fees for odial services as have been or may be provided by for United States district attorneys and marals; and the judge of court shall appoint a irk therefor, who shall receive like compensation id fees as have been or may be allowed by law to irks of the district and circuit courts of the United ates.

December 29, ACT to establish a collection district in the State or Texas, and for other purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and Houee of Reprteent ices the United States of America in Congress oamhled, That the Slate ofTexas shall be one codeo district, and the city of Oalveston the only port entry, to which shall be annexed Sabine, Ve sco, Matagorda, Cavallo, La Vaca, and Corpus hriati, as ports of delivery only. Sec. S. And be it further enacted, That a collector the district of Texas aforesaid shall be appointI by the President, with the advice and consent the Senate of the United States, who shall hold office upon the terms, and for the time prescribed law, for the like offices in other districts.

The id collector shall reside at the city of Oalveston, id he shall be entitled to a salary not exceeding 1,000, including in that sum the fees allowed by and the amount he shall collect in any one tar for fees exceeding the said sum of 52,000, all be accounted for, and paid into the treasury of United States. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That a surveyor each of the aforesaid ports of delivery, to wit: tbine, Velasco, Matagorda, Cavallo, La Vaca, id Corpus Christi, shall be appointed by the Present, with the consent of the Senate of the United ales, who shall hold their offices respectively upon terms, and for the time prescribed by law, for like offices in other districts. The said surveys shall be entitled each to a salary not exceeding ,000, including in that sum the fees allowed by and the amount collected by any of said suryors in any one year for fees exceeding the said im of 5I1OOO, shall be accounted for, ana paid into treasury of the United Stales.

According to the "New York Newa," the able I ng of the French, Louie Philippe, had sent a copy the recent work of Mofrae on Oregon, (strongly to the American aide of the dispute,) as a escnt to the king of Sweden, with a letter recomending its perusal. Mr. Qreenhow declares in his eface, that "the errors and mistakes of M. de Mo- is are innumerable, particularly in all that relates the United States, towards which he appears to 1 itertain feelings of aversion even stronger than srds Great Editor iff Iht Union Representatives' Hall, Dec. 31,1845.

Dear sir: My attention has been called to a res- ution published in the Union of the 39th inst in ference to my note on the joint resolutions for the inexation of Texas. This resolution was adopted convention assembled in the county of Albany, the purpose of recommending to the governor of a State of New York suitable persons to 1111 cer- in vacancies, and by vote of thirty out of a dele- ition usually consisting of seventy members. In insequence of the previous question, several of my illeagues, besides myself, were debarred of an op- irtunity of assigning our Tor our vote on Texaa resolutions. Mine have been forwarded Albany for publication, and for the information those most concerned. The annexation of Texas as one thing, and its annexation with a clause in constitution perpetuating slavery, quite another.

or could I sanction by my vote the form in which was accomplished. On this subject my views ere well known during the congressional my district, concealed froth no one who wished know them, (and there were many such,) and all ho knew me knew as well then, as now, what ray would be on this question. Its annexation, i the manner it was effected, never was presented a democratic measure in my district, nor in any manner that I am aware of. Unquestionably any were in favor of the annexation; but neither ten nor now, as 1 believe, do they constitute a mairity. It is well known that numbers of the democratic irty in my State who sustained the Baltimore tmtnations, and who have given a cordial support i the President since his election, voted under pro- at; and when the politics of New York are as ell understood here as they are there, all who take interest in them and the state of her parties, will now why the resolution in question was adopted a bare quorum, or why it was adopted at all.

I remain, very respectfully, yours, I BRADFORD R. WOOD. I 8UPREME COURT UNITED STATES. i Wednesday, Dec. 31, 1845.

Harvey H. Allen, of Texas, was admitted 1 attorney and counsellor of this court. No. of George Zeller el af. plaintiff in 1 rror, es.

Jacob K. Eckert. The argument of this lose was'continued by Mr. Scott for the defendant i error, and concluded by Mr. Ingeraoll for the laintifT in error.

No. Stimpson plaintiff1 in error vs. "he Westchester Railroad Company. The argulent of this cause was commenced by Mr. C.

Inersoll, for the plaintiff in error. Adjourned till Friday morning 11 o'clock. CHEROKEE Tht treaty qf 1896. fraudulent, if not ptrvtrleu ranted assumption in the treaty of 1B35? of western Cherokees to others consulting measures taken for lection. In my last 1 showed that in the treaty of system ot voluntary emigration was re ogmsed, that which passes from Europe to the United while the western Chentkci 11 into no'TH stipulation whatever impairing in the least exclusive title to their country, they expressed Jesire that such of their eastern brethren as induced to come over with good ui'lundgH loin them in the west, should be aided in doing But did they recognise any right in the States to t(fl up the whole Vhcrokte nation east, throw it in upon them Did they invite the eastern Cherokees over IfOf I lukrerf their government, seize ore their country, and' I nake them outcasts and outlaws in their own land I Such has been their fute.

That they should have intended to authorise such results by the treaty of I 1896, no man will venture to assert; and if such I lave been the legitimate offspring of its provisions, I io man will deny that it was a gross fruud upon I hem. I Be that as it may, in 1834, the government of the I United Stales, in treating with the Cherokees east, I issumed the ground, notwithstanding the treaties I 1817, 1819, 1838, and 1833, (which recognised he exclusive title of die western Cherokees to their I muniry.) that the Cherokee country west belonged I io the Cherokees east, whom it was proposed to send I iinre. even without enneuhinar rioUtTnl nm.u.iu.ii? )f the soil, who had bought and paid for it! Leaning that the United Stnlea proponed making a treaty with the eaatern Cherokeeaon thia bar in, the western Jherokees oppoaed it from the beginning. It eecmed them but reasonable, if country waa to be considered common properly, that the Cherokee country east should lie ao considered also, nnd tho noney to be received for it should be shared in dike by them and their eastern brethren. Tho Jiuted States, however, persisted in the ground they lad assumed, and in 1835, made a treaty with the Jherokees east, providing for their removal in nass into the Cherokee country west; while the vealern Cherokees were denied all right to intcrcre in the negotiation, and any sharo in the funds vhich were to be dirtributed from thu jiurchascnoney of the Cherokee country cast.

1 hoy were rested as if they had no interest whatever in the irrangemenl! They very naturally looked upon it in uiirensuuauie uim unjust 10 give 10 inc eastern Cherokees, wilhout indemnity, and without consultng them, the lands which had been sold to them or a full equivalent, and solemnly guarantied in the rentien of 1828 and 1833. This waathe first wrong committed by the United States against the western Cherokees. The next was in neglecting to inuke any provition in the treaty of 1835, or otherwise, for the inlemnity of the western Cherokees, or the protecion of their political or personal rights. From 1824, those people had a regular governneut. With the representatives of that government, 'July authorized," the treaties of 1828 and 1833 were negotiated.

Was there anything in thosu res lies which authorised or justified the United jutes in treating as a nonentity, or in orerllirvtcing, he very authorities with which they treated? Ifet such was their practical course. In their eager? less to get rid of the eastern Cherokees, the United 5ta.es seemed to forget there was already a "Cherokee nation of Indians west the Mississippi," with whom they had made two treaties by that name and itJe, purchasing lands from that "nation," and ccling them other lands, without consulting the eastern Cherokees. They seemed to forget that this nation west," had its government, its constilit- on, its laws, its property, and its rights, which hey were bound to recognise and respect. They teemed to looked upon the Cherokee country aa a territory without inhabitants, into which he Cherokees east might removed without vrong to any other people. The treaty of 1835 accordingly provided for the removal ol the eastern Cherokees into the country of the Cherokees west, tot only wilhout indemnity, but without uuy provision whatever to protect the government of the veetern Cherokees or their individual rights.

They vere treated as if they had no rights, either to a counry or to a government, although their rights to both lad been recognised by the moit solemn acts on the of the United States! In 1839 "the Cherokee nation west" found nnoher "nation" on their soil, under the lead of John loss. Instead of coming in as voluntary cmigiuuin ind settling down under the constitution and lav. a he "Cherokee nation west," they driven there compulsion, and declared that il.ty migrated as nation. The Ross party among the Cnrrokces act never claimed an interest in the Cherokee eourvry west until they were forced into it. One of the rejections made by them to the treaty of 1835, was hat the United States proposed sending them into i country which had already been ceded to another 'nation." Befote they set out for the west, he eastern Clterokees, at Aquohee camp, on the 1st August, 1838.

passed sundry declaratory resoutions, among which was the following, viz: "And whereas the Cherokee people have existed i distinct national community, in the possession tnd exercise of the appropriate and essential atlrirnlcs of sovereignty, for a period extending into inliquity beyond the dates and records and memory if man: "And whereas these attributes, with the rights ind franchises which they involve, have never been elinauiehed by the Cherokee people, but are now full force ana virtue: "And whereas the natural, political, and moral wlationa subsisting atqong the citizens of the Che okce nation towards each other and towards the tody politic, cannot, in reason and justice, be dislolved bu the expulsion of ths nation from ITS OWN rERRlTORY by ttie potcer of the United States gotirnmcnt: "Resolved, therefore, by the national committee and it and people of the Cherokee nation in gintral ouncit assembled. That the inherent sovereignty of the Cherokee nation, together with the constitution, 1. ity aforesaid is hereby declared in full force and rirtue, and shall continue so to be in perpetuity, lubject to such alterations as the general welfare nay render expedient." What is meant by "ill oion ItrrUsru," is shown )y a preceding resolution declaring the treaty of 1835 void, and "That the whole Cherokee territory as described in the first article of the treaty of 1819 between the United States and the Cherokee lation, still remains the rightful and undoubted of the Cherokee nation." This resolution, claiming the character of a immunity for the eastern was reaffirmed on the soil ofthe western Cherokees, in June', 1639. rhus, though driven "from Us oirn territory," upon he territory of a people whom Ross and his party idmitted to be independent of them; yet, on this oreign soil, the eastern Cherokees claimed the right a set upsnd enforce the constitution and laws by vhich ihey had been governed iti the east. The old settlers denied this pretension, and intisted that by coming into their country, the eastern Cherokees came under their constitution and laws, riie soundness of this conclusion cannot be denied, ind the United States were bound to sustain the of the old settlers, until it could be eacefully changed.

But not a step was taken to lerform that duty. Having murdered the Ridges ind Boudinot, and induced (as Captain Armstrong, vho was present, said) "perhaps a dozen old settlers, either of whom was a chief or lcadine man." to ict with them, the eastern Cherokees declared a reinion of the two put down the governnent of the old settlers, adopted new constituion, and organized a military force to sustain it. More than warriors then stood ready at a noment's warning in the adjacent tribes tn sustain the ild settlers in their government and rights, and John ioss and his followers might hare been exterminated in a week. But the old chiefs, relying on the uatice of the United States, declined the proffered issistance, and appealed to our government for preaction. The results of this appeal, I must reserve for inothar number.

BOUDINOT. LIGHT-HOUSES ON THE UPPER LAKES. Treasury Department, Fifth Auditor's Office, 3H December 31, Gentlemen: Complaint having been made in a Buffalo paper that all the lights on Lake Huron were extenguished during a stormy night in Novcm- HU ier, in consequence of which result and liven terra lost, and that the keepers ascrilied it to bad oil fur- its bed by ths government, I instructed Mr. McRey- Ml aolds, the general inspector of lights on lakes Eric, Huron, and Michigan, residing nt Detroit, to inves- ligate the subject, and inform me of the result. 9M His reply is contained in the enclosed paper, which 1 request the favor of you to insert in the Union.

-mgr. To the statement of Mr. McReynolda it is proper mi to ndd another from the inspector of the oil at New Bedford, under instructions from this office, show- a ing that every precaution was taken which the rune was susceptible of, tn procure the best oil for the light-houses on ths lakes as well as on the.