The Washington Union from Washington, District of Columbia • 2

CITY OF WASHINGTON. SUNDAY MORNING, NOT. V. M. Palmib, ib? Aniericu Ised to make for us in the cities of a' itud rhlUtdelphia, aud in duly vmpuwtritd to take at the required by Mw wl" regarded pay menu.

offices art Bosiuii, 8 Congress streai, New York, Tribuue building, Philadelphia, uorl.1w?m corner Third Cliaiutuutreeu. VVe Uun that at a meeting evening of the democratic members of CongreM. assembled under the notice of the previous morning? Mr. Boyd, of Kentucky, received the nomination for Speaker; Mr Fohnky, of Pennsylvania', received the nomination for Clerk; Mr. GlossshicnnivM, of I'eiinsylvaiiia, the nomination for Sergeantat-Arms; Mr.

the District, the nomination for Doorkeeper; and Mr. Johnson, of Virginia, the nomination for Postmaster. The following additional senators and representatives arrived in this city last evening, and have taken lodgings as follows: At the National Hotel? Hon. J. X.

McLanahan, of Pennsylvania; lion. Humphrey Marshall, of Kentucky; Hon. Presley Ewinu, of Kentucky; Hon. S. W.

Parker, of Indiana; Hon. H. Bell, Hon. J. L.Taylor, Hon.

Nelson Barere, Hon. J. Welsh, and Hon. Charles Sweetser, of Ohio; Hon. Isaac WiLDRicK.of New Jersey; Hon.

John Letcher, of Virginia; Hon. O. S. Seymour, of Connecticut; Hon. C.

Chapman, of Connecticut; Hon. Armistead Burt, of South Carolina; Hon. John S. of Virginia; Hon. H.

of Virginia; Hon Thomas S. Bocock, of Virginia Hon. O. Bownk, of New York; Hon. James Gamble, of Pennsylvania; Hon.

Amos Tuck, of New Hampshire; Hon. G. T. Davis, of Massachusetts. At the United States James Johnson, of Geoigik; Hon.

H. Bennett, of New York Hon Fayette McMullen, of Virginia; Hon. Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee; Hon. A. White, of Alabama.

At Gadsby's B. Henn, of Iowa; Hon A. G. Penh, of Louisiana; Hon. G.

VV. Jones, of Iowa; Hon. D. Outlaw, of North Carolina Hon. T.

Ross, of Pennsylvania; Hon. H. S. Walbridue, of New York Hon. T.

Y. Walsh, of Maryland Hon. A. C. Dodge, of Iowa.

At Brown't D. R. Atchison, of Missouri; Hon. George S. Houston, of Alabama; Hon.

James L. Orr, of South Carolina; Hon. John A. Morrison, of Pennsylvania; Hon. John McNair, of Pennsylvania; Hon.

A. G. Watkins, of Tennessee. At Irving Hotel? Hons. Wm.

Upham, Wm. Hebard, and A. L. Miner, of Vermont. At Wtllard's Thomas A.

Hendricks, of Indiana; Hon. J. W. Miller, of New Jersey. Hons.

Lewis Cass and Alpheus Felch, senators from the State of Michigan, also arrived yesterday evening, and put up at the St. Charles Hotel. publishing the name of Colonel Churchwell, representative from the third congressional district of Tennessee, we inadvertently gave the name Hon. G. W.

Churchwell. It should be Hon Wm. M. Churchwell. We understand (hat the Hon.

AlfredGilmoke, member of Congress from Pennsylvania, is detained at llallowell, Maine, by sickness in his family, and may not reach Washington for several days Our are particularly referred to a communication in another column, from a gentleman of tbe highest character and respectability, refuting the charge fabricated against Governor Johnson, of Virginia, that he was once a supporter of J. Q. Adams. This communication ia dated at Clarksburg, and ia signed by the gentleman referred to, whose name is at the service of any one who may to see the authority for the slatements made. We consider these statements incontestably true.

Tke Prtacul it is gratifying to contemplate the assembling of the members who compose our Congress There is no pompous display called out by tbe vain and unthinking? no apprehensions excited by the excesses which tbe depositaries of power may fear of the dangers which belong to those forms of government where tbe personal views of tbe sovereign are often more potent than the highest interests of the Tbe A men an legislator approaches his constitutional duty with no other desire than that of carrying into execution the wishes of the people from whom he derives his chart of action, and without whose support and approbation he feels that he has no claim to public respect Me is in fact nothing but tbe aervant of the people, and he can reach to no honor or distinction but by service which connects him usefully with the steady improvement of his country in the means of its social intercourse, and in the development of its genius and laws There may be agitations in this country as in others; but whilst in others they constantly excite, and often produce, organic changes in tbe structure of society which are marked by revolution and civil war, it is our blessing thus far to have witnessed none that interrupt tbe confidence with which we repose upon the supremacy of the laws, and the love of order which disarmi ail difference of opinion of the power to render insecure any established right. A remarkable exemplification of this feature in the energies of our public opinion has been afforded by the excitement growing out of the measures adjusting tbe slavery and territorial questions At one period it was feared that tbe bonds of our Union would bs snspped ssunder by the repulsion existing between opinion at the North and opinion at the South on tbe subject of slavery; but the voice of the people his interposed, ami made this apparent exception to the harmony of our political prospect only a new occasion for verifying the safety with which our institutions repose on the popular virtue and intelligence. Excitement on this subject has in no manner weakened the faith of our country in tbe wisdom of our fathers, who felt it safer to reler inevitable diversities in our system to the jealous care of State sovereignty, than to that of consolidation which would have brought them ur.der the control of the federal government. Standing thus exclu-ively within the sphere of the sovereignty which has not been delega ted by the Slates, the question of slavery has exerted a powerful agency in fostering Ihe spirit of conciliation and patriotism and, instea I of destroying our Union, we may now entertain the hope that it in destined to constitute a new motive for the cultivation of thos? fraternal affec. tions which sre essential to the onward progress of our coontry We congratulate especially the democratic portion of Congress on the noble part they have acted in the discussions of the past year The imposing spectacle of their preaence in the Capitol of the republic ia associated with nothing which can create a doubt as to the good effect of their deliberations on the welfare of tbe country Guided by doctrines which are as ancient as the government, it was not new to them to take such a part in the recent excitements as would restrain the tendency to overact ion.

whether in gnarilinii the South against unjust assault, or in rebuking the spirit at the North of a lawless disregard of constitutional compacts. The same dortrir.ee have often saved us in times past, and never before have they attracted their disciple. with a more animating assurance of their adaptation to the wants of our country than now. Inculcating as they do a adberence to the constitution, a careful abstinence from all power not clearly (ranted, and the exercise of the greatcft vigilance in arresting all which may have a tendency to alarm any portion of our confederacy, these doctrines are connected with the preservation of our institutions. They li us that the States must be protected in all the sovereignty winch they have not yielded, or that our local diversities of interest and feeling wili cease to be the expressions of our individual liberty that the federal Union must be upheld in order to guard us against foreign encroachments, and that there may be a national power dtrong enough to defend the common interest of all our people in the freedom of intercourse and the enjoyment of those general rights which might not be safe against sectional prejudice, or against those exigences which sometimes unite the strong to oppress the weak.

We trust that the friends of these doctrines will continue to be united in the application which may be made of them to the questions about to be submitted to their legislative discretion, and that the records of this Congress will prove that the spirit of democracy is equal to every task which may be imposed by the expansive influence and growth of our national interests. Lord Elgin's Uto Visit to Boston, We are indebted to the Secretary of State for tke very interesting correspondence, published below, which took place between the English government and our own, growing out of the reception given to Lord Elgin at the recent railroad celebration at Boston. Our readers will remember that that celebration, intended to commemorate the completion of the great railroad which connects Boston with Canada, was attended by the President, Mr. Webster, and other members of the cabinet, who united with the authorities of Boston on that occasion in paying the attentions which were due to Lord Elgin as the representative of the British government, who had honored the occasion with his presence. The event called out a vast throng of people, and furnished an opportunity to the people of Boston for a which has perhaps never been excelled in any country for its splendor, taste, and variety.

The railroad was justly regarded as one of those great triumphs of art and peace which are honorable to the spirit of the age, and which will exert a powerful influence in preserving peace between the two countries which it unites by new commercial ties. In this point of view it is gratifying to see that the governments of both of these countries recognised its importance, and exchanged those pledges of friendship and kindness which are so much in unison with their true interests, and, as we believe, with the wishes of the people of both. Correspondence between the Department of State and the British chargt d'affaires, respecting t'te Visit of Lord Elgin to Boston. Washington, November 22, 1851 Sib: la reference to our late conversation, I have the honor to enclose the copy of a despatch which has been ad to me by her Majesty's principal Sdcretary of State for Foreign Affairs, by which I am instructed to express the gratification lelt by her Majesty's government on being apprized of the cordial reception which was given to the Karl of Klgin during the ceremonies which took place at Boston on the 17th, 18th, and 19th of September last, in celebration of the completion of a line of railroad connecting the Canada? with New England and in expressing the grateful rense which Lord klgin entertains of the courtesy and hospitality which he experienced during his visit to Boston, to convey to the President of the United States ami the citizens of Boston the cordial of her Majesty's government for this proof ol their kindly feelings towards her Mnjeity's government and the British nation. 1 avail myself of this opportunity to renew to you, sir, the I assurance of my highest consideration JOHN F.

CRAMPTON. The lion Dahiki. See. Fokkiox Orriia, Oct. 31, 1851.

Sib With reference to your despatch No. 23, of ihe 20th of September, reporting the cordial reception which was given to the Karl of Elgin during the ceremonies which took place at Boston on the 17th, 18th, and 19th of September, In celebration of the completion of the line of railroad connecting the with New England, 1 have to acquaint you that her Msjsaty's Secretary of Stale for the Colonial Department has received from Lord Klgin a despatch to the same effect respecting his visit to Boston and, in compliance with Karl (irey's request, 1 have to in struct you to state to the government of the United States that her Majesty's government have read with great pleasare the accounts which have reached tliem of the distinguished reception which was given to Lord Elgin by ihe President of the United States and by the citizens of Bos ton on the occasion in question and that her Majesty's government are more especially gratified by It, inasmuch as they look upon it as a proof of the prevalence and ex'en sion of that good and friendly feeling between the people of the two countries which her Majesty's government are so desirous to encourage and confirm. You will also say that Elgin entertains the most grateful tense of the courtesy and hospitality which ha experienced during his nut to Boston, arid that her Msj-sty's I government alao beg most cordially to thank the President of the United States and the citizens of Boston for this proof of their kindly feelings tcwards her Msjesty and the Britiah nation. 1 am, PALMKRSTON. Johs CiuMrroa, esq DsPAtTMCKT or Stats, Washington, November 26, 1851.

Sia 1 have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the SJhl Instant, accompanied by a copy of a despatch addressed to you by her Majesty's principal Serre- I tary of Htaie for oreign Affairs, directing you to express ro the President of the United and the citizens ol Boiton the cordial thanks of her Majesty's government (ot the reception given to the Karl of l.igin during the ceremonies which look place at Koston on the 17th, and 19th of September las', in celebration of tin eompletion of a line of railroad connecting the with New England Your communication has been laid before the President, who has directed me to express, in reply, his gratidi atiori that her Majesty's government should have been favorably impressed with the reception gi van to Lord Elgin on the occasion referred to. I avail myself of this opportunity, sir, to offer to you a renewed assurauce of my very distinguished contiderAtlon DANIEL WKBSTKR Johi 1 Srr. See. Pardon of Mr. Ttsraahrr.

The Baltimore Daily of yesterday has, by tele- graph from Charleston, the following statement in rela-1 lion to Ihe of Mr. Thraaher. We Iruaf that it may prove authentic Charleston, November brig (iulnare has arrived from Havana, bringing dates five days later than thoae previously received at New York. The captain of ihe (iulnare brings the gratifying intel ligence thai the captain general had indicated his intention of pardoning Mr Tbraeher in the courae of a few daya but the pardon is fo be accompanied with a proviso that he must consent lo leave Ihe island forever, though twenty daya were to be given him to settle hia private affairs There much rejoicing among the American resi- dents even at thin tardy anil uneven justice, aa it ia Ihe general belief there thai Mr Thraaher is a persecuted man, free from all semblance of guilt in relation to the charges made against him His business has already been hroken down to such an extent that he will requifr hut a few daya to make the settlement, and he will scarcely risk a further residence of twenty daya among his persecutors, who might find some additional excuse for Ins further detention. The Queen's birth-day, Oil thelwih instant, waa cele hrated with great pomp and circumstance, with lireworks and illuminations at night, the Cuhana taking it as a fit to make a show of their loyally to the Wueen after the recent diatnrbanees, and in view of the anticipated hirth of an heir to the throne The captain reviewed and addressed the troopa on the occasion Th? Ohio ei kction majority of Rreslm (dem for State treasurer in Ohio is over the whig anil free soil nominee for supreme court, Judge Caldwell, the highest democratic candidate, has 4U.150 minority over on the whig ticket 1 The vofe was from 1.1,000, to but that did noigive the free the balance of by as much us yon Wi rather think Ohio may be set down an a democratic IStats after this Hvrlington I'M Sentinel Mr IkrUnllm In UK (bat hH' uio? wu Ihtu ''Known Abolltloulat The following record on tins subject, which (onM the leading editorial article of the Ohio Statesman of the U4th ir.fUnt, explains itself, 4ml supersedes the usees sity ol further comment.

The citations from the Republic and from lilts journal, which the Statesman at the head of its article, explain fully the issue between ourselves and the Republic. By the seventh and eighth paragraphs of the Statesman's our readers will perceive that the editor of that journal, speaking from his own personal knowl edge as an eye-and-eur witness, distinctly testifies that Mr. Corwin did, in the canvass of 181S, at Ripley, io Ohio, proclaim Mr. Fillmore then to be "a known abolitionist and that, in proof of his assertion, he referred to Mr. Fillmore's "correspondence, conduct, professions, and standing prior to his nomination for Vice President." With these grounds of Mr.

declaration, however, we have at this time and in this controversy nothing lo do. Our single point is, that, at the time in question, Mr. Corwin publicly deiltrtd Mr. Fillmore to be "a known abolitionist," and that the President himself impliedly sanctioned that declaration by inakiugMr Corwin a member of his cabinet. As to Mr.

Corwin's right to make such a to his ability to sustain it? all that is a matter quite personal to the President and his Secretary of the Treasury. It is strictly a cabinet matter, and in this issue no business of ours. But we must request the Republic to note that, in its quality of special organ" of the President and cabinet, it has peremptorily and positively denied a fact of much public and personal interest, which is not only now proved by direct testimony, but also proved to be a matter of public notoriety. We must request the Republic to note the "uospeakable astonishment" at that denial with which the Statesman opens its testimony upon the subject. It becomes our duty to suggest to our neighbor in these premises that its unqualified denial, to say the least of it, is inconsiderate.

VVe cannot doubt that the Republic will see the imperative necessity of clearing up its own part in this business without delay and, in order to facilitate so desirable a result, we a.k the "special organ" to state I upon what ground.1, un by what authority, it ventured to deny a public declaration of the Secretary of the Treas I ury in regard to the President which now turns out to be as notorious as it is important and remarkable. We shall be glad to see the Republic extricate itself from this predicament in a manner not discreditable to its character aa an official public journal. From tbc Wsuhington 13. THE PRESIDENT, MR. CORWIN, AND THE REPUBLIC.

"And in this connexion wo may well notice another matter. Ttm Union lias staled irpentedly that Mr Corwin hud declared on the slump that Mr Fillmore was a known We rannot turn to the precise paragraphs in the Union to this eirect but when that journal says it is infamous' in us to make such un assertion, we will give chapter and verse. It is not true that Mr. Corwin ever made the assertion attributed to him and we beg ihe sole organ ol the democratic paity to take note of this lact." From the Washington L'njos, Nor, 16. About six or eight weeks ago, as nearly as we remember.

we referred to the fact that Mr. Corwin, in the canvass of 1S43, in Ohio, in a public speech, hid spoken ot Mr. Fillmore as a known abolitionist It was, as we understand, the same sfieech in which Mr. Corwin spoke of kimnlf as the lather" of the Ohio abolitionists, and of thein as his children." We have repeatedly, during the six or eight weeks, anil in the most terms, called the Republic's attention to Mr. Corwin's alleged language as to Mr.

Fillmore; and now, for the first lime, do we find the Republic denying it, and we at once transfer that denial entire to our columns. We have never seen or heard of any denial ol it in any other journal. Believing the Republic to be wholly in error in its present denial, and hoping soon to see an explicit and authorized statement on the subject, we inform the Republic that in July last the statement, in the very words which we have used, appeared editorially in the Ohio Statesman, in an article eivmg the time and place at which the speech was made. About the time when the Statesman's article as we recollect, Mr Corwin was himself in Ohio yet, so far as we know and believe, no denial of the statement was made by the Ojjio State Journal, or any other whig press, or in any other form. The statement was copied from the Statesman into the Nashville Union, anil pointedly commended day after day to the attention of the whig press of Tennessee, and was, to our knowledge, never questioned or denied.

Under these circumstances, we have assumed and believed, and itill believe, it to be not only true, but notorious Hat we promptly give all whom it may concern the benefit of the Republic's denial. Remarki of the Ohio State'man. It is a matter of unspeakable astonishment that the Republic could deny so boldly, or in any manner, the statement that Mr. Corwin recommended ('resident Fill more in 1S43 as a known abolitionist. Prior to when required by the state of the weather, the whigs of Ohio had always professed to be the abolition party par excellence.

Whan the small coterie of northern anti-slavery men, in rallied around Hirney in preference to General Harrison, arid when the same parly, in augmented strength and numbers, nominated a ticket separate from the in because they preferred doing that to supporting Mr. Clay, the whigs mads it a sjierial burden ol those campaigns to dissuade them from their organizations into the support of the Harrison and Clay tickets respec, tively. And no man ever labored with more apparent zeal, or with more fervent professions of honesty in any cauae, s'nre the days ol I'eier the Hermit, than did Mr. Corwin at those times, in order to convince Ihe anti-slavery men of their.error and of the groundlessness of their distrust toward the whig party as an anti-slavery party! He was always the special missionary of the whig party to the abolitionists upon those occasions. We have heard him make apfieals to Heaven of the most fearful solemnity, in altesialion of his sincerity as an abolitionist, while exhorting the anti-slavery men of Ohio to abandon their organizations ami return to the embraces of the which they had, to use his phrase, so incontinently deserted, without inst or provocation!" Why.

an Ohio whig will laugh in derision at this tintimely and groundless denial of the Republic's' The facts we assert are as notorious as any other events ol those most eventful campaigns Mr would no more dare deny them in Ohio than he would dare deny God. And now to the direct point when Taylor and Fillmore were nominated, there was a Isrge detection of the anti-slavery men of Ohio from the wing party, because General Taylor, as then asserted, owning a large number of slaves, and connected wilh the slavery interesn by many other influences, was not worthy of their suppori The whigs, after some time elapsed, induced Mr Corwin again lo take the stump in advocacy of the Taylor ticket It was I at first that Mr Corwin would not swallow the pill himself, and we heard scores of those who then regarded Mr Corwin as the "father of abo litionism" of Ohio rejoicing that he had not bowed the knee to final When ha was, by the whig State central committee of Ohio as about to make a lour of Ihe for the purjiose of advocating the claims of Taylor and Fillmore, the (ree soil men were astounded. There was among them, as among all clashes, a general anxiety to hear Mr. Corwin's reasons for supporting a candidate so thoroughly identified wilh the slavery interest as (len Taylor. when he ha in 1141 held up his hands and 1 el 1 veil, before thmisands pioplc, against 1 lie peculiar horror of annexing Texas on account of its being a slave Mr.

Corwin slatted on his mission He was amenable abolitionism for an explanation "I his change He knew tie occupied a isitmn which those for whom he had always protested a yiecial affection regarded with Iitlle less than disgust. To thai class of men he addressed himsell most especglly; for the main hope rested upon his labors was thst he would be I able to persuade the anti slavery vote (the third party) into the support of Taylor and Fillmore He was lain to make use of abolition arguments He went first to the Reserve, and strove his utmost with thai strong anti slavery region not to convert them from their laith, but to convince ihem thai, holding that faith, success could only lie hoped for by ths election of and Fillmore in the course of his tour, he spoke at Ripley, Brown county, Ohio. In that const) there is a large anlislavery Mi Corwin before had gone upon similar occasions. There, too, he used "abolition" ar for there he was addressing abolitionists. He argued that Taylor and Fillmore demsnde I their confidence and support, because Mr Fillmore was a "known to Mr Fillmore's coadiicl, professions, and to his standing prior to his nomination for Vice President, as evidence of the fact This was Mr Corwin's guarantee of Ihe soundness and salety of the whig nomination on the proviso, which was made ilie turning-point of (lie eUvery issue during that canuwiKn by the wbigs themsel ves on the stump! Wr have heretofore alluded to thiH particular of Mr.

Corwin's, because the writer of this aiticle was piesent at the time, ami listened to the whole of it during the four and a half of ita delivery We know personally anti-slavery men of Brown county who had aloof from Taylor and Fillmore, and adhered to Mr Van Bnren until they heard Mr Coiwin on this occasion, when tbev returned to the and voted their ticket, because they professed to he satisfied wnli that ticket by that same address of Mr. Corwin. We are aware that that speech increased the whig vote of that county considerably over what it would have been, as themselves asserted, had the speech not been made There is an easy way to test this point between the Republic and the Union. Mr. Corwin himself will not deny having urtced Taylor and Fillmore upon the free noil men of '4H as peculiarly worthy their confidence He has too inuch regard for truth to Jo ho.

lie will not deny having alluded to Mr. Fillmore's and views an well calculated to satisfy the most strenuous fret-toil man in Ohio of the safety of the whole whig ticket to free (toilers. We have no ipology to offer for the length of this article. it enables us to jot down another feature of the infamous cheat palmed upen the country by the Taylor and Fillmore movement. It enables us to place upon record the declarations and the tergiversations, not to say the downright falsehood, of the special Argan at Washington, i-i order to bolster up the President and cabinet of its national party for use in 1902.

Suppose the Republic succeeds in assuring the South that Mr Corwin? who attested his own standing with the "abolitionists" of Ohio by telling them "lam your he be palmed off by the Republic upon the South opposed to the abolitionism whose paternity he claimed: will not the money-Secretary of Mr. Fillmore cut a pretty figure in again using his influence 111 1S5'2 to secure anti-slavery support to the whig ticketHat of that at the proper time. Ttu Errors or tb? Whig Press. A recent number of the Missouri Statesman falls into most grievous touching the Compromise. It affirms that the present whig administration exerted all its influence to secure the passage of the compromise measures; that Mr Fillmore promptly approved them; and that the whig party is committed to their support.

We luve never enjoyed the confidence of Mr. Fillmore nor of the members of his cabinet. Mr. Fillmore may, for aught we know to the contrary, have aided in procuring the passage of some of the compromise measures, although the party which elected him pretend to regard such interference as one of the gravest breaches of propriety. But if Mr.

Fillmore, or the members of his cabinet, exerted themselves in favor of all the measures of compromise, they succeeded most perfectly in concealing the fact from the public. Ilia well known that General Taylor's administration was resolutely opposed to the compromise measures. It is notorious that it desired to stop short with the serrate admission of California, leaving the other points of difficulty uncared for. Leading whig statesmen and leading whig journals sustained General Taylor's recommendations. If our memory serves us rijjht, neither of the organs of whig opinion in this city repudiated those dangerous recommendations.

When Mr. Fillmore first took up the reins of government, it was not thought that he would fail to follow in the footsteps of his predecessor. He had showed no disrelish to General Taylor's policy. Indeed, his first official act of importance was in tbe direction which General Taylor had taken- It was after the inconsiderate committal relative to Texas that the friends of Mr. Fillmore manifested a disposition to look beyond iho naked admission of California, and, moved and instigated by party considerations, became anxious to settle the Texas boundary question, in order to relieve the Executive from a crushing embarrassment.

Even that portion of the supporters of the administration who resided in the non-slaveholding States, and who exhibited the desire to see the Texas bound ary settled, showed the strongest repugnance to voting for the settlement. They wished to sec the Executive relieved, but they did not wish to incur responsibility by aiding to grant that relief. This fact accounts for the facility with which votes of reconsideration were obtained in the House of Representatives Finally, at the last moment, a majority of tbe House of Representatives, including some of Mr. Fillmore's northern friends, voted for a portion of the Compromise California was admitted, and the Texas lino settled. Then rumor mated that the administration was satisfied, and that the measure which was to give quiet to the South would fail, and not become a law.

When the fugitive which the compromise measures would not have been brought to a vote in the House of Representatives, it received the votes of only three northern whig members of that body. After its passage, Mr. Fillmore did not sun it promptly. He failed to sign it until he obtained from Mr. Crittenden an opinion as to its constitutionality.

The assertion of the Missouri Statesman, that the whig party is committed to the support of the compromise measures, is without foundation It pretends to introduce particulars to prove its assertion yet the only particular which it produces is tbe action of the whig and democratic conventions of Virginia. The whig vention, assembled to make State nominations, sustained the Compromise The democratic convention, assembled for the same purpose, passed no resolution relative to the 1 Compromise, because there was no need to pass such a resolution He who attempts to inculcate the belief that the democracy of Virginia is not willing to sustain the Compromise attempts to inculcate an unfounded belief, and proves his utter ignorance of the condition of affairs in that There was no necessity for cither the whig or democratic conventions to sustain the Compromise The State convention, assembled to form a State constitution, and representing the sovereignty of Virginia, had a few weeks before, by a unanimous vote, laid down the platform of the State This declaration, made on behalf of the whole people of the State, was infinitely more important than any declaration which could emanate from a portion of the people, and entirely superseded the necessity of any party declaration. We would advise the Missouri Statesman to continue its investigations into particulars; and if it does so with a proper spiiit, it will find that throughout the non-slaveholding States the whigs have not only refused to sanction thu Compromise, but have claimed the right to agitate for the purpose of producing tiaoverlhrow, and that the democratic party can alone shield the Compromise from the violent feelings which an effective majority of the whigs entertain against it The democratic party can alone preserve the Union. Wiiio is difficult to foresee to what lengths the corporative whig power of Massai husetts would proceed, in the way of influencing voters against their inclinations, if thev knew the unspeakable meanness of such tricks would never corpe to light ft has long lieen the practice of many for manufacturing companies in that Sale to watch the rather their workmen at the iiolls, and. in a sort of half threatening manner, dictate their vote hut a has occurred of late which puts such proceedings entirely in the shade The secret iiallot having put an end to influences of this kind, the agent of the Hoot Mills, has declared openly and boldly that he wonld not employ any man who should vote for the ten hour ticket (coalition) on Monday.

This tyrannical attempt to coetco the suffrages of free citizens through the influences of corporate power granted hy the legislature, says the floston Post, by the abuses of privileges conferred upon a company merely for manufacturing purposes, i-i one of the grossest nod most insolent outrages upon the parity of elective franchise that political profligacy or ever brought to our knowledge A coqioration created hy the people sets itself above its creators, and attempts to trample upon their dearest play the brd, ami render the voters of a free country its enact the and say to A merican citizens "do my Hiding or kfmrvt to jiervert the purpose of our institutions, destroy the guardian of American liberty, the ballot box and. finally, to institute a power to overawe and control the citizen, more abhorrent than the arbitrary which fills the dungeons of Naples, or sends victims to the frosts of Siberia Halh Timti NutictH' F.ftu* Decinvt IJdltUt of tfu from Marathon to Wnterloo. By 8 M. A Projector of Ancient and Modern Hmory iu College, London, icc. llAHrKu ic linoTiiKRS, Y.

(For by Kaknham In this is evidently the production of ripe have the history of those few battles of wfiich a contrary event would have eeseutially varied the drama of the world in all its subsequent scenes In determining which have heen the decisive battles," the author has been influenced not by the number of combatants engaged, by the fierceness of the contest, nor by the numbers who fell in the crash of opposing hut by their practical influence on the future social and political condition of the influence ho obvious as to inJuce us to ask ourselves what would have been our condition if any one of those battles had come to a termination. The battles termed "decisive" by the author Battle of Marathon; defeat of the Athenians at Syracuse; the Battles of Arbela and of iVIetaurus; victory of Arminius over the Roman legions under Varus; the Battles of Chalons, of Tours, and of Hastings; of Arc's victory over the English at Orleana; the defeat of the Spanish Armada; the Battles of Blenheim and of Pultowa; victory of the Americans over Hurgoyuu al Saratoga; the Battle of Valmy and the Battle of Waterloo. The author thus in part prefaces his description of the Battle of Saratoga: Westward the ceurie of empire lakes its The first four ads already past, A tilih shall close the drama with th? day? TlMk's Ml.KM' IS ITS I.AST. lit triofi BtrktltyOf the four great powers that now principally rule the political destinies of the world, France and England are the only two whose influence can be dated hack beyond the last century and a half. The third great power, Russia, was a feeble mass of barbarism before the of Peter the Great; and the very existence of the fourth great power, as an independent nation, commenced within the memory of living men.

By the fourth great power of the world 1 mean the mighty Commonwealth of the Western Continent, whirh now commands the admiration of mankind. That homage is sometimes reluctantly given, and is sometimes accompanied with suspicion and ill-will. But none can refuse it. All the physical essentials for national strength are undeniably to be found iu the geographical position and amplitude of territory which the United States posr-ess; in their almost inexhaustible tracts of fertile but hitherto untouched soil, in their stalely forests, in their mountain chains and their their beds of coal, and stores of metallic wealth, in their extensive sea-board along the waters of two oceans, and in their already numerous and rapidly-increasing population. And when we examine the character of this population, no one can look on the fearless energy, the sturdy determination, the aptitude for local self-government, the versatile alacrity, and the unresting spirit of enterprise which characterize the Anglo-Americans, without feeling that here he beholds the true elements of progressive might.

I Three quarters of a century have not yet passed since the United Slates ceased to be mere dependencies of England. And even if we date their origin Irom the period when the first permanent Eurojiean settlements out of which they grew were made on the western coast of the North Atlantic, the increase of their strength is unparalleled either in rapidity or extent. The ancient Roman boasted, with reason, of the growth of Konie from humble beginnings to the greatest magnitude which the world had then ever witnessed. Hut the citizen of (he United States is still more justly entitled to claim this praise. In two centuries and a half his country has acquired ampler dominion than the Roman gained in ten And even if we credit the legend of the band of shepherds and outlaws with which Romulus is said to have colonized the Seven Hills, we find not there so small a germ of future greatness as we find in the group of a hundred and five ill-chosen and disunited emigrants who founded Jamestown in or in the scanty band of Pilgrim fathers who, a lew years later, moored their hark on the wild and roclc-bound coast of the wilJerness that was to become New Kngland.

The power of the L'niied States is emphatically the "imperium quo neque ullum ininui, neque tncrtmentu lolo orbe amphus Uumurya potest memoritt recordari Nothing is more calculated to impress the mind with a sense ol the rapidity with which ihe resources of the American republic advance than the difficulty which Ihe I historical inquirer finds in ascertaining their precise amount. If he consults the most recent works, and those written by the ablest investigators of the subject, he finds in them admiring comments on the change which the last few years, before those books were written, had made but when he turns to apply the estimates in those books to the present moment, he finds them wholly inadequate Before a book on the subject of the United States lost its novelty those States have outgrown the descriptions which it contains. The celebrated work of the Trench statesman, De Tocqueville, about fifteen years ago. In the nasnage which I am about to quote it will he seen that he predicts the i constant increase of Ihe Anglo-American power, but he looks on the Rocky mountains as their extreme western 1 limit for many years to come. He had evidently no exj pcctalion ol himself seeing that power dominant along i the Pacific as well as along the Atlantic coast.

The importance of the power of the United States being. then, firmly planted along the 1'acific applies not only to the New World but to the Old. Opposite to San Francisco, on the coast ot that ocean, lie the wealthy but de crepit of China and Japan Numerous of mlctn Mud the larger part ot the intervening tea, and form convenient for the of commerce or ambition. The intercourse of traffic between these ancient Asiatic monarchies and the young AngloAmerican republic must be rapid and extensive Any attempt of the Chinese or Japanese to check it will only accelerate an armed collision. The American will either buy or force his way.

Between such populations at that of China and Japan on the one sidu, anl that of the United States on the lormer haughty, formal, and insolent; the latter bold, intrusive, and of quarrel must sooner or later arise The results of such a Quarrel cannot be doubled. America will scarcely imitate the forbearance shown by England at the end of oar late war with the Celestial Empire; and tne conquests of China and Japan, by the fleets and armies of the United Statea, are events which many now living are likely to witness Compared with the magnitude of such changes in the dominion of the Old World, the certain ascendency of the Anglo-Americans over Central and Southern America a matter of secondary importance Well may we lepeat De Tocqueville's words, that the growing power of this Commonwealth is un fail rntitrtmrnl nout'tau dan? It mondr, it donl I'imugninlion tilt mimt nt Murail tatiir la porUt An Englishman may look, and ought to look, on the growing grandeur ol ihe Americans with no small degree of generous sympathy and satisfaction. They, like ourselves, are members of the greut Anglo-Saxon nation, whose race and language are now overrunning the world from one end of it to the other." And whatever differences of form of government may exist between us and reminiscences of the days when, though brethren, we strove together, may rankle in the minds of us, the defeated should cherish the of immon nationality that still exist between us We should remember, the remembered of the at a sesnon of jealousy and temptation, that our race one, being of tne same blood, shaking the same language, having an essential resemblance in our institutions and usages, and worshipping in the temples of the same Ond. All this may and should be borne in mind. And yet an Englishman can hardly watch the progress of America without Ihe regretful thought that America onco was Knglith.

and that, hut for the folly of our rulers, she might be English still. It is true that the commerce between the two countries has largely and beneficially increased but this is no proof that the increase would not have been still greater hail the States remained integral of the same great empire By giving a fair and just participation in rights, these, the fairest possessions" of the British Crown, might have been preserved to it. ancient and mr.st noble monarch)" would not have been dismembered nor should we see that wh.ch ought to be the right arm of our strength, now menacing in every political crisis as the most formidable rival of our commercial and maritime asrendeney. The war which rent away the North American colonies from England is, of all subjects in history, the most painlul for an Englishman to dwell on Jt was com rnencwd and carried on by the British ministry in iniquity and folly, and it was concluded in disaster and shame Hut the contemplation of it cannot he evaded hy the torian, however much it may ba abhorred Nor can any military event be to have exemied mora important influence on tha future of mankind than the complete defeat of Burgoyne's expedition in de feat which rescued the revolted colonists from certain subjection, and which, by inilucing the courts of France and Spain attack England in their behalf, insured the independence of the United Slates, and the fonnaiion of thai transatlantic power which not only America, but both Europe and Asia now see and feel Mnbilhk nr. Iht It 'nalr By IIiiiias Mh.vii.i.* ess Bshthbss, New York (For sale br The high reputation attained by Mr.

Melville as the author of those admirable works, Typee, Omoo, Red buin, Msnli. and White I kel, is fully hi the volume whiih is the subject of this notice If purports lo give ihe veritable history of a whaling voyage per formed by one Mimael Whether this work he viewed in refeience to the numerous exciting incidents with which it abounds, to the variety and of th8 information it conveys at the natural history habiu of this leviathan of the deep, or to those bold, vigorous, and life-like deliueations of chaiacter will, which the narrative is relieved, certain it is that inael hut piesenled a most readable work and an in tensely interesting history lulimael as a common sailor on the l'eijuod, conunHiided Ahab, having lout a leg in an encounter with acelebialed whale, called it appears that whaled, become celebrated for their and ferocity when tacked is determined to be revenged on his ui.gbty (o, and to barrel his oil or die. The voyage turns out to be a hunt for hunt not really Quixotic would at lirst appear, for experience had taught AU; what Lieutenant Maury lias since partially demonstrate by his cliaits, that whales have regular migratory liabiin, and are to be found at certain seasons within limits, which have been pretty accurately defined. Tfo hunt is prosecuted with unceasing vigilance by tlie crew of the I'erjuod who ultiuiately the object of search. The chase and contests, which (unturned for three (lays, are most vividly described; but we must nu anticipate the reader by saying how they terminated One of the combatants, at least, lived, and has told the tale, and to him we refer those who may have become mtci ested therein.

We present the following extract, not on account any peculiar merit it possesses over other portions of tUe work, but for the reason that it is a fair specimen of the author's style, and is the only one which the space at our will permit us to give entire. 1'revious to embarking on his perilous Voyage, Ulimatl find hiinaelf one stormy Sunday within the of the Whalemen's Chapel in New Bedford and, after deacrib ing the of the building, thus holds forth concerning? THE PULPIT. 1 had not been sealed very long ere a man of a certain venerable robustness entered. Immediately, as ihe storm pelted door (lew bark upon admitting him, a quick regardlul eyeing of him by all the congregation sufficiently attested that this fine old inan was the chaplain. Yep, it was the famous Father Mapple, so called liv the whalemen, among whom he wan a very great favorite.

had been a sailor and harpooner in his youth, but fur many years past bad dedicated his life to the ministry At the time I now write of, Father Mapple was in the hardy winter of a healthy old sort of old seems merging into a sec and flowering youth for among all the fissures of his wrinkles, there shone caitain mild gleams of a newly developing spring verdure peeping forth even beneath February's snow No one, having previously heard his history, could for the I tirst time behold Father Mapple without the utmost interest, because there were certain ingrafted clerical peca liarities about him, imputable to that adventurous mar. time life he had led. When he entered, 1 observed thit he carried no umbrella, and certainly had not come in Ins carnage, for his tarpaulin hat ran down with sleet, and liis great pilot-cloth jacket seemed almost in drag him to the flaor with the weight of the water it had absorbed. However, hat and coat, and overshoes, were one by one removed, and hung up in a little space in an adjacent corner; when, arrayed in a decent suit, he quietly approached the pulpit. I.ike most old-fashioned pulpits, it was a very lofty one; and since a regular stairs to such a height would, i by its long angle with the floor, seriously contract the already small area of the chapel, the architect, it aeerned, had acted upon the hint of Father Mapple.

and finished I the pulpit without a stairs, substituting a perpendicular I side ladder like those used in mounting a ship from a I boat at sea The wife of a whaling captain had provided the chapel with a handsome pair of red worsted man 1 ropes for this ladder, which being itself nicely headed and i stained with a mahogany color, the whole contrivance, considering what manner of chapel it was, seemed no means in bad taste. Hailing for an instant at the foo of the ladder, and with both hands grasping the orna mental knobs of the man ropes. Father Mapple cast look upwards, and then, with a truly sailor-like but mill reverential dexterity, hand over hand, mounted the slept as if ascending the main top of his vessel. I The perpendicular parts of this aide ladder, as usually the case with swinging ones, were of cloth 'covered rope, only the rounds were of wood, so thai at every step there was a joint. At my first glimpse ot the pulpit, it had not escaped me that, however convenient i for a ship, these joints in the present instance seemed ur necessary for 1 was not prepared to see Father Mapple, alter gamine the height, slowly turn round, aml.atoop.ng over the pulpit, deliberately drsg up the ladder, step I step, till the whole was deposited within, btni impregnable in his little Quebec.

I (Htudered some time without fully comprehending the i reason for this. Father Mipple enjoyed such a widt reputation for sincerity and sanctity, that I could not suspect him of courting notoriety by any mere tricks ol the stage. No, thought there must be some reason for this thing, furthermore, it must symbolize something unseen Can it be, then, that by that act ol physical isolation he signifies his spiritual withdrawal lor the time from all outward worldly lies and cnnneiions? Yes; for replenished with the meat and wine of the word, to the faithful man of God this pulpit, I see. is a self-containing stronghold lofty Khrenbre itstsiii, with a perennial well of water within the walls. But the side ladder waa not the only strange feature ol the place borrowed from (lie chaplain's former sea Between the marble on either of the pulpit, the wall which formed bark was adorned with a large painting representing a gallant ship beating against a terrible storm ofl a lee coast of black rocks arid snowy breakers But high ahove the and dark-rolling clouds, there floated a little laie sunlight, from which beamed forth an angel's face; this bright face shed a distinct spot of radiance upon thr sliip's tossed deck, something like that silver plate now inserted into the plank where Nelson fell "Ah, noble ship," the angel aeemed to say, beat on, beet ou, thou noble ship, an I bear a hardy helm for lo the sun is breaking through the clouds are rolling azure is at hand." Nor was the pulpit itself without a trace of the sea tasie that had achieved the ladder am! the picture III panelled front wan in the of a bluf hows, and the Holy Kibla on a projecting piece el scroll-work, fashioned after a fiddle-heatled ktuk What could be more full of mean mi for the pulpul ever this foremost part all the rest comes rear; the pulpit the world From thenre it I the storm of quick wrath Qrit descried.

and the how must hear the earliest lirunt. From thence it is lbs (iod of fair or foul, ia first invoked for favorable windi. Yes, the world's a ship on its passage out. tiki not a voyage complete, and the pulpit is prow ItianloH A Story of Amtricnn I. ft.

Hsa-ia Msoi New York- (For by R. Tins is a pleasing novel, having for oSject ihe et posure of certain of the would-be aristocrs't so ciety in this country, and illustraiing the fact that indui i patient merit, if combined with real will ultimately overconnc all the of ta in. and place their far above the reach of contumely and reproach. of Iht Itje liuit KaufiKi.ii, publisher. New (For me I St Mai is a collection of ozraphical aketchei or me moirs of Scottish female characters who, whether in humble or exalted itation, -came di? ng mli or their eufferings in the of troth during the period of the covenant and persftulior The embraced in these xnpnses tbe reiyn of Jerries VI, and of snn, and of his two gr.ui.

sons, Charles II and VII. Th? mat rial ir sketches to have rived frc.m the an thentic sources, and as the Inogta, of the Inl et ol the covenant have been aiven by tin preceding write present work not only the novel y. hut is a valuable a Idition to our stock of kn relative to those tronhI his 1 10 IONT the night of the Hth instant, between To ing etore and the corner of I and 7th a amatl K'l '11 containing about two hundred and fifty which Ihc fln-ht requited in leave at the Uaion OlRce, mid he will he warded. Nov 3t LiKrilM, Jait recfiveil 10 very rieh velvet loaka, now atyle 10 very rich cloth trimmed 10 very nch velvet aacka, with very rich cloth with ft vrry rich velvet new itvlM, I'n which we reapeetfnily invito the attention of pur making thwir reeling eonfldent entire on in particular can he given, Nov Iwif M'HiK. HRO 1 OV (OVUHKM AWO IIUVAI.I a BROniF.R, l.ilor., of their ohl und to Ihe of their removal rwie wen to their neu tween nml fit It lh of f'ongieva.

They preparctl with complete awortmrnt of and lonahle in their line 'vhirh they will der their tibial ttyln of f.i*|c elegance, Ahio, furnUhing -ueh ahirta, g'ovee, fce We have of oMr own make a few new Myle putt, rn Nor 30 DI'VALi. RB.