Lake Charles American-Press from Lake Charles, Louisiana on July 26, 1964 · Page 4
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Lake Charles American-Press from Lake Charles, Louisiana · Page 4

Lake Charles, Louisiana
Issue Date:
Sunday, July 26, 1964
Page 4
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EDITORIALS State's Image Sprucing Up When Guv. John McKelthen defeated doLesseps Morrison in the Demo- v ,cralic runoff election {or governor last .-jpocemhor, many — perhaps a majority .'"—of thr plate's businessmen wert disappointed. They felt, with good reason, that a Morrison administration would prove to be a sound one from a business point of view. They knew Morrison's record as mayor of New Orleans. They were convinced that he would be fair and impartial as governor. On the other hand, McKcithcn had been one of the key men in the drive for high taxes against business when he had been Earl Long's lieutenant in the legislature. Businessmen were un- dcrstandably uneasy about McKeithen. McKeithen's campaign did not reas- sxire them. He won the election because he assumed an aggressive posture as a segregationist. Businessmen remembered Gov. Jimmie Davis' segregationist antics. They figured that such tactics are bad for business. They felt that these tactics were partinilarly bad for a state trying to attract new industry. That war, the feeling when Mc- Kcithen took office. Now that he has been in office some sjv months, businessmen arc beginning to T.-ann up to the new governor. They wore pleased by the w^v he fulfilled his promise to reduce the gas severance tax for state industries. They were dismayed by his failure to stand up for a pro-business workmen's compensation bill, but that has not dampened their feelings altogether. The state has had a gratifying record of luring new industries so far this year. Tn a recent issue of "Chemical Work." the following estimate was pi intcd: "Never before has Louisiana witnessed an influx of chemical industry to match the present one. "During the first six months of '64, comical producers invested more than $.""0 million in the Gulf Coast state .ind just late last week Union Carbide said it had decided to go ahead with p'nns to build 'one of the largest petrochemical plants in the U. S.' on a 1,300- acre Mississippi River site about 20 miles north of New Orleans. Initial cost: $50 million." Further on, the story pointed out: "Union Carbide Corp. President Birny Mason Jr. cited these Louisiana lures: abundant raw materials, transportation advantages, availability of markets and encouragement by state officials." It would be'foolish to credit McKeithen with obtaining all these new plants. The chief reasons why they picked Louisiana was because of the state's natural resources. At the same time, we must admit that a "poor political image" can be damaging. "A poor political image" was exactly what Louisiana had under Gov. Davis. Gov. McKeithen has done a good deal to change that image. He deserves credit for that. Most of the new plants have been built on the Mississippi River, between Raton Rouge and New Orleans. So far, the influx of new plants has not touched Lake Charles Even so, the fact that industries are beginning to seek Louisiana sites once more is a bright omen for the future. The new industries will help Lake Charles if only indirectly, because anything that helps the state's economy will ovontuallv help all of us. More plants mean more jobs and morn income, and that means a wider base lor taxes And taxes are spread around the state evenly. It means more money for education and more money lor hiehways. Whether or not. this influx of new plants into Louisiana will continue depends on the alertness and resourcefulness of Louisiana citizens. It depends on their determination to demand good government from their public servants, both at home and at Baton Rouge. It dener.ds on their ability to do a good selling job among out-of-state businessmen. It depends on the willingness of businessmen in individual communities to take the lead in paving the way for new industries, rather than depending on politicians to do it. II the leaders of local communities do their part, and if the administration in Baton Roui'e continues to keep its skirts clean, 1964 may be a banner year for Louisiana. Anrl McKeithen may turn out to be a businessman's governor after all. EDITOR'S NOTEBOOK 'Please Don't Tell My Mother Where I Work! She Thinks I Ploy Piano in a House of Ill-Repute!!' PEARSON SAYS Four Loves Change History THIS WEEK IN BUSINESS Profits Hit Sfilf Newer Highs By JACK LEFLER AP Business News Writer N.EW YORK (API - The strength of the business upturn was underscored during t li e week by a stream of glowing corporate profits reports. The second quarter was a period of record earnings for many corporations. This was particularly true in the booming automobile industry, where General Motors Corp., Ford Motor Co. and Chrysler Corp. came out with highesl-ever profits for the Hire" months and six months ended June DO. A Wall Street stock market analyst commented: "I've never seen such a big batch of improved earnings statements." Some of the credit for the gains were attributed to the federal income tax cut which became effective in February. It enabled companies to retain a greater amount of their profits and increased the money available to consumers for spending. General Motors earned $602 million, equal to $2.11 a share, in the second quarter, against ?464 million, or ?1.62 a share, a year earlier. Ford reported second-quarter earnings of $179.9 million, up 15 per cent, from the previous record of $155.9 million in the second quarter of 19(52. Chrysler earned $60.6 million in the three months ended June 30, compared with $41.7 million a year earlier. This reflected Ford's sales of 738,720 vehicles in the second quarter, up 13 per cent from 1963 second quarter, and Chrysler's sales of 903,643, up from 738,292, in the first half. Adding to the rosy glow were improved reports from such! companies as Motorola, B. F.; Goodrich, Celanese. Du Pont, ' Reynolds Metals, Kaiser Steel, j American Airlines and United j Air Lines. i Although the government re-: ported that cigarette consump-! tion fell in May after rising in ' April, American Tobacco Co., 1 and R. J. Reynolds Co. reported '. record profits for the second quarter. With steel production holding up better than usual in the normally quiet summer season, Republic Steel, Jones & Laughlin and Youngstown Sheet & Tube— 4 SUNDAY, JULY 26, 1964, Lake Charles American Press Lake Charles American Press _i>IXTY.5EVENTH YEAR _ MEMBER ASSOCIATED PREls~ Mum OMice — Bilbo SI. — TELEPHONE — Phone HE 9-27|l ol Lcj.' ^o,i, s Post Olffce os Sorond Class Mail Under Act of Congress March r, 1J79 three of the nation's eight major steel produo'-rs—announced increases in first-half earnings from a year earlier. Taking a look into the future, economists for the Bank of America—the world's largest- predicted that the business boom, already more than four months old, will continue at least through the middle of 1965. TODAY... IN HISTORY By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Today is Sunday, July 26, the 208th day of 1964. There are 158 days left in the year. Today's highlight in history: On this date in 1775, the second Continental Congress set up the Post Office Department, naming Benjamin Franklin postmaster general for a year. For nearly 40 years Franklin had pioneered in establishing postal services in the Colonies. On this date: In 1788, New York ratified the Constitution, the llth state to do so. In 1941, Gen. Douglas MacArthur was named commander of American forces in the Philippines. In 1945, returns showed the Labor party the victor in British elections, leading to the resignation of Prime Minister Winston Churchill. Ten years ago — President Syngman Rhee of South Korea, in the United States on a state visit, reiterated his aim of driving the Communists from North Korea. Five years ago—Vice President Richard Nixon and Soviet Premier Krushchev conferred for six hours at Khrushchev's villa 20 miles from Moscow. By DREW PEARSON (Copyright, 1964, By Bell- McClure Syndicate) WASHINGTON - IT HAS been said that women can't lead the nation in politics. But there have been four great • love affairs in my lifetime which have changed the history of the world — and the most recent nominated Barry Goldwater. They were: 1. The love affair between Woodrow Wilson and a Virginia beauty who finally became the second Mrs. Woodrow Wilson and guarded him so zealously that the League of Nations was rejected by the United States. 2. The love affair between the King of England and Mrs. Wallis Simpson which probably contributed to the British appeasement of Hitler. 3. The love affair between Wendell Willkie and Irila Van Doren which charted a liberal course for the Republican party. 4. Finally the recent love affair between the governor of New York and the wife of a New York doctor lost him the Republican nomination f o r president. * » • OF THESE THE FIRST HAD its greatest impact on peace, though the Rockefeller drama, which has not yet run its course, may in the end likewise influence peace even more. Edith Boiling Gait, the second Mrs. Wilson had come to Washington from Wytheville Va., where she lived over a grocery store. Her beauty attracted the discerning and sometimes wandering eye of President Wilson, and after the death of his first wife, he married her. Edith Gait had an inferiority complex. Society frowned on her. This plus the jealous love of her husband kept him away from Senate leaders at a time when the Versailles Treaty and the League of Nations were up for confirmation. As a result, the League was rebuffed and the United States entered a disastrous period of isolation under Republican presidents Harding, C o o 1 i d g e and Hoover. The League, without the support of the nation which had conceived it, faltered, floundered and gave way before the bulldozing of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy. The over-zealous love of one woman could have changed this. * * » THE ROMANCE BETWEEN |King Edward VIII and Wally I Simpson probably helped Hitler. Certainly it changed history. Wally was a vivacious divorcee whom every Washington bachelor fell in love with, including this one. When she went to London I to visit her friend, Mrs. Ben | Thaw, whose husband was counselor of the American embassy, the Prince of Wales fell in love I with her. When he became king, the romance continued. Edward was a restless, inquisitive monarch. He went to (Germany to check on national socialism, under Hitler. Some said he was pro-Nazi; in my opinion he was not. He visited the slums, the coal areas of England, raised cain with the Tory government about inadequate housing. Very definitely he got under the hide of the Tories. They were not accustomed to a king who told them what to do. So they were delighted when Edward put romance ahead of his throne. It would have been impossi- j ble, of course, for him to have remained on the throne while married to an American divorcee. But the Tory government did nothing to help persuade him that romance was less important than royal responsibility. It was" in 1936 that Edward stepped down, just as Hitler was i cementing his power, the same i yea i- he seized the Ruhr and the Rhineland. If Edward, an energetic monarch, had been on the throne, England under Prime Minister Chamberlain might not have gone through the humiliating bows to Hitler at Munich, which helped precipitate the invasion of Poland. The Duke of Windsor today is a subdued and inconspicuous figure. He putters around his garden in Paris in the summer. He and the duchess spend their winters in Los Angeles or Miami. He spends a few weeks in New York each year. He has seldom gone home — at first because he wasn't wanted, now because he feels out of place. He is a restless, rolling- stone, in semi-exile because of a fascinating woman he loved and with whom he now lives. * * * i THE ROMANCE OF WEN- i dell Willkie did not change world i history, but it did influence the policy of the Republican party. •Willkie, a buoyant charmer, ) fell in love with t!ie editor of ithe New York Herald Tribune I book section, Irita Van Doren, | an intellectual and a liberal. | Willkie's politics veered as a result. He became just as liberal as Franklin Roosevelt, wrote a book "One World" which vir- tually advocated world government and helped set the stage for the United Nations. He cut the ground out from under the old isolation of the Republican party, and helped ; the Democrats sut the stage for i world cooperation. ! Though he never made it to j the White House, Willkie's ideas I on internationalism have continued to dominate the Republican party up until last week when Barry Goldwater in San Francisco set a new course. | A woman had a great deal I to do with setting the policy of the Republican party up until that time. * >.< * THE ROMANCE OF NELSON Rockefeller is so recent that it needs no review here. Undoubtedly Rockefeller would have been the Republican nominee had it not been for his divorce, and marriage to Mrs. "Happy" Murphy. He had all the ingredients for political success. He was the governor of a state that traditionally had sent men to the White House. He had long experience in government — as assistant secretary of state under Roosevelt and Truman; undersecretary of i health, education and welfare I under Eisenhower; White House (aide under Ike. He had been a factor in the ^ood neighbor policy for Latin ; America. He had helped sell I Eisenhower the only constructive thing that came out of the j Geneva summit meeting — people-to-people friendship. He had helped arouse the nation over its lagging missile defense. He jhad charm, money, experience '— all the ingredients for political success. Yet, like Edward VIII of England he blew it on a woman. Even at the last minute he might have achieved success, or at least stopped Goldwater, had it not been for the immediate result of his remarriage. At the climax of the California primary, just as the polls indicated he would win, a baby was born. It reminded voters that Rockefeller had ditched a wife of 31 years standing for a younger woman with four children. He lost — by a very narrow margin. Had he won, the Goldwater hoom wouM have burst. Coldwater would not be the nominee todav. And the Republican partv would not be launched on its present course of isolation. T1 ius do women influence history. Which Is Which? SOME POLITICIANS ARE PREDICTING THAT the 1964 national election will mark the first step in a revision of our two-party system. Instead of being Democrats and Republicans, these politicians say, we will soon be Liberals and Conservatives. This is not a new forecast. It has been confidently predicted on the eve of each national election for about 20 years. Perhaps this time it will be true; perhaps not. From another point of view, though, perhaps such a realignment already has taken place. Try this theory on for size: our two political parties have changed places. The Democrats now occupy the place held by the Republicans of 40 years ago, and the Republicans have gone back to the Democratic position of 40 years ago. * * * THE REPUBLICANS ONCE SWORE BY ALEX- ander Hamilton and Abraham Lincoln. Hamilton was the apostle of a strong central government. Lincoln was the champion of racial equality. Today, that describes the Democrats more than it does the Republicans. The Democrats of those days were strong for "states' rights" and were reluctant to make any strong pitch for the Negro vote. That just about describes the Republicans of today. A few excerpts from some of the party platforms of the past may help to illustrate this switch: * * * "THE RACE QUESTION HAS BROUGHT COUNT- less woes to this country ... To revive the dead and hateful race and sectional animosities in any part of our common country means confusion, distraction of business and the reopening of wounds now happily healed ... the race question should be kept out of politics."—That is not Barry Goldwater of 1964, but the Democratic platform of 1904. "Never before in our history has the government been so tainted by corruption, and never has an administration so utterly failed. The nation has been appalled by the revelations of political depravity which has characterized the conduct of public affairs."—The Republicans talking about LBJ? Nope. Thai's from the Democratic platform of 1924. "We condemn efforts to nationalize the functions and the duties of the states. We oppose the extension of bureaucracy, the creation of unnecessary bureaus and federal agencies, and the multiplication of offices and office holders. We demand a revival of the sprit of local self-government essential to the preservations of the free institutions of our republic."—Again, that's not the Republican platform of 1964, but the Democratic platform of 1924. "We favor reduction of Federal taxes on incomes and legitimate business, limiting tax exactions strictly to the requirements of the government, administered with rigid economy ... the policy of spend, spend, spend, must end"—Again, from the Democratic platform of 1924. :'f ~*f i|C AND FROM THE OTHER SIDE OF THE LEDGER, j what about the following: | "The United States is a nation, not a league."—from I the GOP platform of 1876. • "We have transformed 4.000,000 human beings from the likeness of things to the rank of citizens . . . railroads have increased from HI,000 miles to 82,000 miles , . . foreign trade has increased from $700 million to $1.2 billion . . . wages have increased . . . and there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than any we have ever enjoyed."—From the Republican platform of 1880. "The Constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and not a mere contract . . . the boundaries between the powers (of the nation and of the states) is to be determined by the National and not by the State I tribunal.—Republican platform of 1880. "Whatever promises the Nation makes, the Nation must perform. A Nation cannot safely delegate this duty to the States. The solid south must be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot and all honest opinions must there find free expression."—GOP platform of 1880. * * * ! "IT WAS THE PLAIN PURPOSE OF THE 15ih I Amendment to the Constitution to prevent discrimina- I tion on account of race or color . . . Devices of state gov- j ernment, whether by statutory or constitutional eriact- ' ment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment, are revolutionary, and should be condemned." — GOP platform of 1900. "The party reaffirms i*s intention to uphold at all times the authority and integrity of the Courts . . . , i • ^^-\v ^ and >* wil1 insist that their L ^^^^^v^-i^^ powers to enforce their '^^^^ process and to protect life, liberty and property shall be preserved inviolate."— GOP platform of 1912. j "The party has long i believed in the rigid supervision and strict regulation of the transportation and of I the great corporations of the country."—GOP platform I of 1916. I So — is the Republican Party today really Demo; cratic? And is the Democratic Party really Republican? —Truman Slacey. Miller Voting Record Is Little Less Conservative Than Go/dwafer'i By Congressional Quarterly WASHINGTON. - THE CON- gri'ssional vutiiu> n-cord of Hep. William E. .Milk"-, me GOP \iee presidential candidate, is only a shade less conservative than the record established by Barry Goldwater !n the Senate. The retiring New York congressman may bring balance to the Goldwater - led ticket in terms of section and religion, but a detailed analysis ol the public record reveals little divergence in the philosophy and outlook of the two Republican nominees. On some key Jiouts. Miller and Goldwatt'r have taken op- posite stands on final votes. But in many of these cases, Miller l'/id first voted for amendments designed to cripple or kill the bill. While Sen. Goldwater's entire political career has been based on his championing of an unabashed conservatism in domestic policy and a minimum of lurcign commitments for the U.S., Miller has expressed the complementary view that the mission of government should be "tax reform, reduced spending, balanced budgets, less bureaucracy, and stronger de- MILLER HAS ACTED ON this concept of government by generally voting in accord with the conservative coalition of Southern Democrats and conservative Republicans. In House roll calls on which the coalition formed in 1959-61), Miller was part of this coalition 50 per cent of the time and never voted against it. In 196162, he supported the coalition 64 per cent of the time and opposed it on 18 per cent of the votes. (Failure 10 vote lowers both support and opposition scoresi. Goldwater's comparable record in the Senate was 67 per cent coalition suj^ort for 1959- 60 and 61 percent for 1961-62. He opposed the coalition on 3 per cent of the roll calls in both the 86th and 87th Congresses. The conservative organization, Americans for Constitutional Action, favorably cited Miller's voting record "in presenting him with the 1963 ACA distinguished service award for acting "to preserve the integrity of the Constitution." Miller's ACA voting index score was 81 per cent. MILLER WAS SLIGHTLY less consistent than Goldwater in his support of President Eisenhower's legislative positions. A CQ survey shows that the New Yorker voted with his president 56.5 per cent of the time from 1952 to 1960. The Arizona Senator backed Eisenhower 59.5 per cent of the time. On the other hand. Miller has proven a little more willing than Goldwater to go along with Presidents Kennedy and Johnson. Miller's presidential support scores were 33 per cent in 1961-62 and 15 per cent in 1963. The corresponding Goldwater figures are 18 and 14 per cent, and his Kennedy - opposition scores were consistently higher than Miller's. la one respect Goldwater's and .Miller's 1963 voting records were strikingly similar. Goldwater failed to vote on more roll calls (29 per cent) than ar»y other Republican senator, while Miller failed to vote on more roll calls (51 per cent) than any GOP Representative except ailing Joseph W. Martin Jr. (R-Mass.i. During his I960 presidential campaign, then-Senator John F. Kennedy cast no vote on 65 per cent of the session's roll-call votes, an attendance r e c o rd sharply criticized by his opponents. • * • SINCE G 0 L D W A TE R'S fust election to the Senate in 1952, the two GOP standard bearers have occasionally taken different stands on key legislative issues: civil rights, foreign economic aid, income tax reduction, foreign trade, United Nations financing, manpower retraining, and medical care for the aged. Even on these rare occasions of disagreement, however, Miller has usually registered partial adherence to the Goldwater position— by supporting a motion to recommit, or kill, a measure and then, if the motion failed, voting for the bill.

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