The Morning Call from Allentown, Pennsylvania on September 15, 1982 · 12
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The Morning Call from Allentown, Pennsylvania · 12

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Allentown, Pennsylvania
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Wednesday, September 15, 1982
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12
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A12 THE MORNING CALL. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1982 THE MORNING CALL Call-Chronicle Newspapers, Inc. David A Miller 1894-1958 Samuel W Miller 1934-1967 Donald P. Miller, Chairman BERNARD C. STINNER PuDksner Cnief Eeculive Ollicer i ROY FOLLETT Presidenl .. ALFRED TRINKLE Circulation Director GUYERE. CANDY Advertising Director FRANK L. SHIELDS 'Dir. ot Advertising Saies GLENN A. SHANK Production Director FREDERICK R. DIETER Treasurer LAWRENCE H. HYMANS Exequtive Editor , ROY HEFFELFINGER Managing Editor GEORGE Y. NEHRBAS Editorial Page Editor JOHN F. GRIM Asst. Managing Editor KATHRYN E. McAULEY Asst. Managing Editor TED MELLIN Senior Editor The over-ride TORI!; 2 From Mr. Nice Guy to Mr. Tough Guy By JAMES RESTON Of The New York Times Til conosnics of pornography he Adult Smoke Shop at 22 N. 6th St., Allentown, has ' closed. After the prolonged litigation the operator of the " shop, Kacar, Inc., has so unsuccessfully pursued, that's welcome news. Atty. Howard Stark, Kacar's legal counsel, contended, "It is not economically feasible to remain in business. ' ' Allentown Mayor Joseph S. Daddona countered, "It shows that if the city is willing to pursue long enough and diligently enough, the ordinance we have is a good one and supportable." Probably the shop closed for a combination of those reasons, economics and court reverses. And if that's the case, as City Solicitor Joseph L. Rosenfeld said, "... great. We don't want to see another one or anything like it there again." Unfortunately, there is something like it just around the corner the Capri Theater at 535 Hamilton St. , which shows X-rated movies. These newspapers were among the first in the nation to refuse advertising for X-rated films, and we have said repeatedly in these columns that a porn strip like those in other, cities cannot be tolerated in Allentown. The best way to discourage merchandisers of pornography is not to patronize them. They'll be here, there and elsewhere as long as they're profitable. But the closing of the Adult Smoke Shop shows that the owners found it unprofitable to operate under city and court pressure. There are growing indications that most Allentonians don't want porn shops in their city. That was clear Monday night when a number of ministers, nearby residents, an industry executive and a representative of the Great Valley Girl Scout Council protested the issuance of an operating permit for Super Sonic, an adult bookstore, at 2604 Lehigh St. That's to be commended. But the certain way to discourage pornography merchandisers is to supplement moral pressures with economic pressures. infuriated the allies, but the White House was not thinking objectively. It knew very well that these decisions wouldn't stop the pipeline or free the Poles or persuade the Begin government to change its policies in Lebanon, the West Bank or the Gaza Strip. . But subjectively, these moves did challenge the prevailing perception that the president couldn't make decisions or wouldn't stick with them if he did. , This is not a reassuring analysis, but a lot of people in his own administration believe it is accurate and that it helps explain some of the recent foreign policy actions that are otherwise inexplicable. Judge Clark is undoubtedly a key figure in this change. His greatest strength and probably also his greatest weakness is his unswerving devotion and loyalty to Reagan's personal and political fortunes, even if this, as some members of the Reagan administration believe, sometimes blinds him to the larger national interest: . Most presidents have had some trusted adviser in the White House to keep them out of trouble. Judge Sam Rosenman, among others, , provided this essential service for President Franklin Roosevelt, Clark Clifford for Presidents Truman, Kennedy and Johnson, and Judge Kirbo for President Carter. But some other presidents, like Richard Nixon, have had trusted aides who were more loyal to the president than to the country and got both in trouble. This is not to compare Judge Clark with the . likes of H.R. Haldeman or John Ehrlichman, . having respect for the laws of Jibel, but the judge is in a rather odd position, for he has two jobs that could easily be incompatible. He is not only a devoted friend with long experience of the President's likes and dislikes, ' but he is assistant to the President for national , , security affairs; with considerable authority over who sees the President and what papers the President sees. " Though he had almost no experience in foreign affairs before he arrived in Washington and embarrassed the President by that fact, he is reported now to be playing an increasingly WN important role in foreign policy issues, including the nuclear arms control negotiations with the -Soviet Union a subject of considerable conflict between the President's arms control team and such arch-conservatives asSen. Jesse 7 Helms of North Carolina. The question now is whether Reagan's re- cent foreign policy decisions will strengthen his administration or merely improve his "image" for a little while. - The pipeline decision, for example, may have demonstrated that he can act, but it has done very little to stamp him as a man of judgment, even if he sticks with it, which is still an open question. , His speech on the West Bank and Gaza has started more talk of negotiations, but whether it; will succeed as long as he continues to help finance Israeli policies he opposes remains to be seen. T 1 Nevertheless, Ronald Reagan is not the first president who has made decisions abroad in order to gain his personal and political objectives at home. He has helped correct an impression of Nice Guy uncertainties abroad, which were largely of his own making, but the allies are still reeling from his sudden Tough Guy remedies. ; WASHINGTON President Reagan is engaged these days in an interesting foreign policy gamble. He is trying to change his reputation abroad from Mr. Nice Guy to Mr. Tough Guy. The reason is fairly clear. In the first year of his administration he threatened so many things abroad and carried out so few that the idea began to get around at home and abroad that he was not to be taken seriously, and could be shoved around. He shook his fist at El Salvador, and then put it in his pocket ; warned the Russians to mend their ways or he wouldn't talk arms control with them, and then offered to talk after all ; threatened the Soviet Union with economic sanctions and then sold it grain. The flips and flops could be extended. This created a credibility problem for him not only with the Russians, the NATO allies and even many of his own conservative colleagues in the Congress but shook his leadership elsewhere in the world. Accordingly, the correction of this problem began to preoccupy the White House staff and the President himself early this summer. He brought one of his closest friends, Judge Clark, over to the White House from State and got himself a new secretary of state. To make clear that he was now indeed in charge, he slapped sanctions on U.S. and allied companies selling American technology for the Soviet gas pipeline, and took a sudden hard line against the military and political policies of Israel. , ' Objectively, these were bold moves that Rolling back U.S. tax, spending levels economic growth and more jobs.They merely By DAVID S.BRODER Of The Washington Post Whos roghts ar in jeopardy? The issues raised in the case of the 17-year-old Bethlehem high school student with one kidney whose parents have appealed to a federal judge so their son can continue to play football are at once simple and complex. . Should a school district permit a player with such a disability to participate in a contact sport? In this case, the district has -done so, until the student's senior year. Why? Surely, if the disability existed prior to this year as it did what caused the district to alter its policy? "If I get hit hard," the student said, "I could be on a dialysis machine for the rest of my life, or get a transplant. But I still want to play." So do the boy's parents want him to play. They have agreed to sign a waiver that would release the school district from any liability if their son were to be injured while playing football. The parents sought to have the school district's ruling overturned in Northampton County Court. They failed. The judge upheld the district's decision ruling, in effect, that the decision was neither arbitrary, nor capricious and was in the public interest. "In the public interest" are the key words in this conflict, a conflict that should have been resolved when the student first became a candidate for the football team not after he has played throughout most of his high school career. It is easy for both the student and his parents to say: Yes, we understand what we are doing. Yes, we are willing to assume the responsibility for our actions. Unfortunately, they cannot do so. They cannot take the burden off the shoulders of a teammate who accidentally hits their son too hard during a practice scrimmage. Neither can they take that burden away from another 17-year-old who, in the heat of the game, causes an injury to their son that could jeopardize his life. That is why, in this case, the public interest must be given preference over the right of one student to play a game he loves. midterm election that will determine whether Reagan has two more years to pursue these policies with no more restraint than was signified by last week's appropriations vote, affecting about $2 billion of priorities in an $800-billion .budget. I was intrigued by the "calendar" the authors created to measure the impact of the changes Reagan achieved in his first whack at taxes and spending. Those changes, if carried through, would by 1985 reduce federal domestic spending as a share of the Gross National Product to about the level of 1974-75. They would reduce the tax burden, as a share of GNP, to the level of the early 1970s. .' . In his grand design for federalism, the transfer of responsibilities from Washington to the states, he is proposing to "restore economic policy and intergovernmental relations to their status before the New Deal," the authors observe. Reading this, an antic notion crossed my mind. If Reagan were successful in repealing almost a decade of previous domestic policy each year of his presidency, and if he were given two full terms to operate, by the time he left the White House he would have moved things back just about to the time of his own boyhood in the William Howard Ta'ft administration. And since, like all of us. he thinks of his childhood as a golden era of life, that would probably be what he would consider a most satisfying achievement. (C)Tht Washington Pst Co. observe, as anyone would, that it has not produced those results as yet. But the volume does offer clear and unequivocal supporting evidence for the Democratic party's counterclaim that the Reagan program is "unfair" in its treatment of individuals and regions. - The data assembled here demonstrate that the "working poor," those just above the poverty line, are being hurt by Reagan's tax and budget policies. They must wait until 1985 for any significant tax relief ; meantime, they are the ones who are being weeded out as the social programs are targeted to "the truly needy." More broadly, the studies show that through 1984. at least, the Reagan policies mean no benefit to most families below the $15,000 level, only modest benefits to those between $15,000 and $50,000, and substantial advantages only for those above the latter figure. Similarly, the reductions in domestic expenditures and the increase in defense budgets "will aggravate the imbalance in regional growth. ' ' the report shows. The winners in ' Reagan's game are the Sun Belt and energy-rich states. The losers are concentrated in the Midwest, Appalachia and much of the Northeast. These are facts. Whether one thinks they are good or bad social policy is a question, as the authors point out. that is subject to legitimate political debate. But after reading this book, no one can think the debate inconsequential. Nor can one take an offhand attitude toward the WASHINGTON The hoopla surrounding Congress's override of President Reagan's misguided veto of a supplemental appropriations bill is a classic case of molehill-mountain exaggeration. It was a minor fight over minor stakes, which hardly marks a reversal of the long-term direction in which Reagan is pushing public policy. ' To see the larger trend, read "The Reagan Experiment." the just-published volume by a group of scholars attached to the Urban Institute, a 14-year-old Washington think tank. What they demonstrate is that in his first year in office, Reagan rolled the tax and spending policies of the federal government backwards a decade to the levels of the early 1970s. Given his philosophy, there can be no doubt that what they call "the Reagan counterrevolution" will continue at a similar pace so long as the public mood and the political power alignments allow the process to roll on. The Urban Institute volume is the first installment in a continuing foundation-financed effort to assess the impact of Reaganism. It has its limitations and its biases, as any such work must, but it is far and away the most thoroughly ' documented such analysis to come on the scene. The editors John L. Palmer and Isabel V. Sawhill are agnostic on the proposition that the Republicans are advancing in this midterm campaign: that the Reagan program "deserves more time" to produce the advertised results of On football and the drugball threat The coke-as-medicine argument is likely to draw snickers in a courtroom. But the judicial scene is as removed from the brutality of the football field as even the seats of the stadium. The raw per-cussiveness of the hitting is not felt in the ' gut by the fans, many of whom bring to the game their own drug - flasked alcohol. After one of the Saints' workouts. I talked with the coach, Bum Phillips. A Texan with a kindly manner. Coach Bum is abreast of thP times He didn't speculate on fan reac- himself, he insisted was taking no tart I line. "Twenty years ago if it was your child who was involved in drugs you might have kicked him out of the house. Today you try to help him. Everybody can make a mistake. We have to help them." As a rehabilitation counselor, Phillips has a team that can absorb all of his sympathies. The entire league can. The trouble is, Phillips is too intelligent and humane for his sport. As are his charges who play it, on drugs or off. better way to survive the sick notion that your opponent must be a hate-object than with a snort of coke? Up close on the sidelines of the training-camp scrimmage, the terror of football can be seen. Bodies are lumpy with surgery . scars. Legs, arms and spines carry embossings of past pain when bone and cartilage were destroyed. Already a touted Saint quarterback is out for the season with torn ligaments. On television the players, their bodies bulked under padding, look like heavy-boned toughs who gargle with Pennzoil. But a few feet away, the camouflage vanishes. They are wounded and wary men who know that the average carcass among them lasts less than five years in the pros. During the short time that they are on a roster, the players are either recovering from an injury or wondering what the next one will be. Drugs are involved here. too. When Mercury Morris, a former Miami Dolphin star, was arrested in late August on cocaine charges, he explained he used the drug to ease the pains of an old injury. in June that two seasons ago "players snorted coke in the locker room before games and during halftime." Cocaine, said Reese, "can be found in quantity throughout the NFL ... it now controls and corrupts the game." As another long and lucrative season begins, and drugball threatens to replace football, league officials are running hard to the outside to convince the public that the problem is under control. The Xs and Os of the game plan include encouraging players to enroll in team-sponsored detoxification programs. Carl Eller. a former Minnesota Viking star who is now off drugs, has been visiting the training camps to counsel the players. But what evidence is there that the fans ' care one way or another? The well-being of the players seems the last concern of people who follow football. Fans see them as and demand that they be combatants in ' violence, not stylists in athletics. The bashing and mashing has long been sustained by pills and painkillers. The difference now is that legal drugs have been replaced by Illegal ones. It isn't a coincidence that football players are heavy drug users. Cocaine provides an escape, and in football there is plenty to escape from. The players know that their sport is excessively punishing, inhuman and personally unsatisfying. The fans remember Vince Lombardi for his "winning is everything" gibberish, but Lombardi said something else: Football is "a game that requires the constant conjuring of animosity." What By COLMAN MCCARTHY VERO BEACH. Fla. - On the cleat-pocked playing field during the final minutes of another two-a-day workout, few football players carried their heads high. These were the New Orleans Saints, in late summer practice at their training camp. With 15 consecutive losing seasons and another pending, they are the rattail of professional football. But they are winsome nevertheless. The lads have forsworn drugs. ' No more cocaine for me. says the newly clean George Rogers. Last season. Rogers' legs whisked him to NFL ground-gaining records, while his coke intake was taking him to new zonkouts of drug highs. A former Saint, Don Reese, wrote in Sports Illustrated

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