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Hattiesburg American from Hattiesburg, Mississippi • 4

Location:
Hattiesburg, Mississippi
Issue Date:
Page:
4
Extracted Article Text (OCR)

National affairs Only way ouf March on Washington seen as step backward "r.V'.i'..lv;. -VK 1 HATTIESBURG AMERICAN PA6I 4 FRIDAY, AUGUST. 30, 1963 A Mississippi asset- Merit Now that the second primary Is over, let'i turn to a subject in a purely non-polltlcal vein. Much has been said from the stump during the past few months about the future of our state. One program often overlooked but one which is building our state as much as any other is the Merit Community Program.

In fact, it Is generally conceded to be one of the most outstanding community development programs in the nation. Recently a survey was conducted to find out from other states what type program they are offering various cities and towns to aid them in their growth and development. Many states have no such program, and others were using projects patterned very closely to the old Hometown Development Program which was used in Mississippi until the Merit Community Program was introduced in 1961. Requests have come in from a number of states for information on Merit. One state even sent two representatives to visit Mississippi and get a first-hand report on how this project works.

"Area Digest," a nationally distributed magazine on development, highlighted the Merit Program in its recent summer edition. More than 90 cities in our state are participating In the program which highlights ten categories: Beautificatlon, education, fire protection, health and sanitation, housing and construction, long range planning, municipal finance, police and traffic, recreation, and streets. Merit is financed by 43 public-spirited firms and agencies, and sponsored statewide by the Mississippi Economic Council. The MEC designed and perfected this program. It is sponsored locally by chambers of commerce and city officials.

Every Mlsslsslpplan can take pride in this project that is designed to Improve communities, and in the long run, improve the economic life and development of all the cities participating in this worthwhile program. ins isn ead KcNetcat be the State Department and thi "Voice of America" instead have dealt comprehensively abroad with the story of the efforts being made inside the United State to deal with the "civil rights" problem? Also, would it not have been better if the leaders of the "march" had not by their tactics incurred some unfavorable publicity? What shall be said, for instance, of the Gallup Poll result published this week In many newspapers which indicated that 63 per cent of the American people disapproved of the "march on Washington" and throught it unnecessary? Last month another Gallup Poll revealed that i out of every ten Americans believe the mass demonstrations by the Negroes would hurt their cause. The "right of petition" is a fundamental principle of the Constitution, but it assumes an orderly and non-provocative procedure. The Federal Government had to go to large expense to police the Wednesday demonstration here and to keep people from crowding into the city who might participate in disorders. To say that the "march" was successful because large-scale violence was avoided is to ignore the bitterness and resentment prevalent on that day in a city whose normal com-minuty life was disrupted.

Tens of thousands of people remained secluded in their homes lest they become injured or subjected to unwarranted delays in moving to and from their residences. American citizens were prevented from pursuing their custojiary ways. Their right to go to their place of employment was Impaired by fear of bodily injury. Would this have happened if the petitioners had relied on the process of reason in a voluntary society, or was it a sample of what happens in backward countries when some force stronger than the individual takes over and prevents freedom of movement? Are injustices remedied by creating more injustices, and Is the cause of civil rights advanced bv interfering with the civil right rl non-participants in the mass demonstrations? These are questions which will need answering, and the full effect of what may come to be called "the mess In Washington" could be reflected in future elections. For what was proved by the big demonstration that In free America only the mob can get laws passed covering the issue of "civil (Copyright, 1963.

New York Herald Tribune Ine.) DIDNT ALL FARM COLUMBUS, Ohio (AP) -Twelve Midwestern land-grant Institutions last year graduated 2,129 agriculture students at the bachelor's level. Of thi number, 24 per cent entered private Kennedy is suffering from political amnesia Business mirror Managcmenf, labor relations have new look By SAM DAWSON AP BunineM Newt Analyst NEW YORK (AP)-Compu1sory arbitration of the rail labor dispute adds still another challenge to a year of change in labor-man-agement Issues and solutions. Sabbaticals for long-time em-time employes, bonuses as compensation for automation, continuous negotiations to minimize strike threats, stress on fringe benefits rsther than pay boosts, charges of racial bias by some unions end lack of equal job op-prvtunities, and an Increased emphasis on the public interest in labor disputesell seem to be chilseling out a new look in labor management relations. Congress has ordered compulsory arbitration for the first time in a peace year. It has put off at least for six months the threat of a strike that would idle the nation's railroads.

The chief issue was over what management calls feather bedding union-protected jobs that the companies say are no longer needed. This Issue is debated in number of other Industries. The issue is a variant of the chief concern in this year's labor talks. The unions primarily are worried over job security the loss of jobs to machines of new work techniques, or to the changing consumer demand to different products or services. Management is equally concerned over cutting costs or getting into new lines that consumers now fancy.

The steel industry furnished clues to the new trend in three ways this year. First, Kaiser Steel is paying bonuses to workers, their share of savings made through automation. Second, the Industry adopted a long-vacation plan that gives workers with seniority extended time-off every few years. And third, the industry licked the strike threat pressure on contract negotiations this year at least by setting up a con-inuously negotiating committee to tackle labor problems as they arise and hammer out a contract ahead of a fixed deadline. The electrical industry also has had study committees at work well ahead of contract terminations.

Now the talks are coming out Into the open. Longer vacations and more retirement pay are among the proposals. Overtime and moonlighting also are coming to the front as issues because of this year's special conditions, chiefly the hard core of unemployment and the fear of many with jobs that they may lose them. Many industries prefer to pay overtime when orders call for more output rather than hire new workers and become involved In all the fringe benefits that are an increasing part of the job scene. And many employes, especially those subject to periodic work week shortening look for other Jobs after work, or moonlighting.

It's all part of today's labor picture. To this Is now added the example of government embarking on compulsory arbitration in the public interest, and perhaps a trend toward a revamping of labor and management relations on many fronts. CARS, TRUCKS BUILT ON FORD BIRTHDAY DEARBORN. Mich. (AP) -Ford Motor Co.

employes celebrated the 100th anniversary of the birth of Henry Ford in a business manner. While several observances in Ford's memory went on, 314,000 company employes were at their desks and machines. Production lines turned out 12,000 Ford cars and 2,400 trucks during the day. By DAVID LAWRENCE WASHINGTON The march en Washington" will go down in history as marking a day of public disgrace a step backward In the evolution of the American ystem of government. For the Image of the United States presented to the world is that of a republic which had professed to believe in voluntarism rather than coercion, but which on August 28, 1963, permitted itself to be portrayed as unable to legislate "equal rights" for its citizens except under the intimidating influence of mass demonstrations.

The press, television and radio, the public forums in halls and stadiums all have been available heretofore a mediums through which the "right of petition" could be effectively expressed and public opinion formed on controversial questions. But a minority group led by men who drew to their side church leaders and groups as well as civic organizations decided that a massive publicity stunt would be a better way to impress Congress and the President with the idea that unemployment and racial discrimination can be legislated out of existence. Revolution Government by mob has on a few occasions in the past darkened the pages of American history. A. Philip Randolph, the leader of the "march" this week, frankly characterized the "march" as a symbol of "revolution." He said: "In our pluralistic Democratic society, causes must gain acceptance and approval and support.

They can only gain acceptance, approval and support if they can get attention, and in order to get attention with numerous causes seeking the focus of public opinion it is necessary for the dramatization to be developed of a given Mr. Randolph, however, was not content with trying to mobilize American public opinion. He told an audience at the National Press Club on Monday that the "march on Washington" would bring into "world focus" the struggle of peoples of color in America "for first-class citizenship." He added: Concept "It will have the value of giving the peoples of the world some concept of this will serve to bring world pressure upon the United States of America to step up the struggle to wipe out race bias, because in the cold war in the conflict of the free world with the totalitarian world the free world is seeking the alliance of the Afro-Asian world. And in order that the free world may win the alliance of the Afro-Asian world, the free world must show that we are not only making promises to Africa and promises to Asia to help them advance their cause, but we are going to keep our promises, fulfill our promises with our own citizens at home especially Negroes of African descent "Africa will not trust the United State in its promise to the peoples of Africa unless they realize and understand that the Negroes here in America are giving and evincing basic trust in the promises that have been made by our own country to them. And so.

the 'march on Washington is an expression, a great step forward of the confrontation between the civil-rights revolution and our American society." But could not the merits of the civil-rights "revolution" have been presented effectively American audiences without street demonstrations? Couldn't Labor Day pretty frankly acknowledged the Democratic party is not the single parry it pretends to be: "We should realize that some Democrats have voted with the Republicans for a good 25 years, really since 1938. So we have a very difficult time on a controversial piece fo legislation in securing a working majority." Came the elections. They didn't change much. The Democras retained just about the same huge majorities, although Kennedy had asked for even bigger ones. He ruefully admitted any time he offers a controversial bill he'll win or lose by three or four votes.

Still, Kennedy won't fight with Congress. He never has. He just complains occasionally, particularly about the Republicans. He said: "There is no sense in raising hell and then not being successful." This week, after his complaint about the Republicans' part in cutting foreign aid, Republican Sen. Barry Goldwater of Arizona cited some of Kennedy's own record on foreign aid when he was a Democratic senator.

He listed four occasions between 1953 and 1958 when Kennedy voted for foreign aid cuts in President Eisenhower's program. The overfall aid bill then went to the Senate on a final 224-186 vote. Shining example There would have been no cut. All but three of the 66 Democrats lining up with the Republicans were from Southern or border states. This defection of the South has haunted Kennedy.

There was a shining example of it last year. That was when the Senate, with Democrats outnumbering Republicans 64-36, kiled Kennedy'! program of medical care for the aged. That majority of 28 could have swamped the Republicans on any issue. But this happened on medicare: The vote to kill was 52-48, with 21 Democrats and 31 Republicans doing the killing. All but 4 of the 21 Democrats were Southerners.

If just 3 of the 21 had stayed with their party the bill would have carried. Kennedy made this a campaign issue in the 1962 elections, blaming "nearly all the Republicans and a handful of Democrats" who joined them for his defeat. It was more than a handful. It was almost a third of all the Senate Democrats. Not long before the medicare defeat Kennedy made an admission at a news conference which Radio-TV By JAMES MARLOW Asociated Press News Analyst WASHINGTON (AP)-President Kennedy has a tendency to political amnesia when his Democrats join Republicans to do him in.

He finds it easier to remember what the Republicans did. He said once Republicans have made "no" a political program, but so have a lot of his Democrats. The country has in effect three political parties Democrats, Southern Democrats, and Republicans just because the Southerners have gone against him so many times. They operate under the Democratic label but can make the Democratic party's campaign promises look like baloons in a tack factory any time it suits them, which is often, to clasp hands with Republicans. Two recent examples: 1.

Southern Democrats, against Kennedy's civil rights program from the start, are expected to try to filibuster it to death. 2. Just last week they harpooned him when the House voted to cut foreign aid $585 million below what he asked. Denounced Republicans Kennedy that same afternoon rushed to denounce the Republicans for the Wow. But they could not have done it if a big bunch of Democrats hadn't joined them.

The Democrats have such a majority over the Republicans in both houses of Congress they could put through any program Kennedy wanted provided they stuck together even if all the Republicans voted no. They don't stick together. In the 435-seat House, with three vacancies, Democrats outnumber Republicans 256-176, In the 100-seat Senate the lineup is 67 Democrats, 33 Republicans. On foreign aid in the House this was how the voting went: Against the cut: 188 (172 Dem-ocrats. 16 Republicans); for the cut: 222 (66 Democrats, 156 Republicans).

If only 18 of those 66 Democrats had stuck with Kennedy the vote would have been 204 for the cut but 206 against. No television shows are bad-they're just unlucky Haftiesburg American Published by Hattiesburg American Publishing. Co. Haftiesburg, Mississippi THOS. ST.

JOHN General Manager LEONARD IOWRET Executive Editor Member of The Associated Press The Associated Press It entitled exclusively to the use for publication of ell the local news printed in this newspeper as well es til AP news dispatches. Labor Day, in a few swift decades, has become firmly established as part of America's holiday tradition. Millions will observe it Monday, taking advantage of the long weekend in various ways. But very few know that they owe this last fling of summer to a red-haired Irish-American named Peter J. McGuire, both the founder and the forgotten man of Labor Day.

Born on New York's East Side In 1852, McOuire had learned all about hard manual labor by the age of 11, supporting the family while the father was away fighting in the Civil War. A few years later he was working in factories, and in time he rose to leadership in the nation's struggling labor movement. He was one of the pioneers in the drive for the eight-hour day and one of the founders of the American Federation of Labor. The birth of Labor Day is chronicled by the National Geographic Society as follows: "On May 8, 1882, McOuire, now 29, addressed the Central Labor Union in New York. A black bow tie quivered against his celluloid collar as he cried out for a festive day, about midway between July 4 and Thanksgiving, to permit public tribute to 'those who from rude nature have delved and carved the grandeur we "So it came to pass that on Sept.

5 the first Labor Day was observed in New York. Employers took an exceedingly dim view, and gave the day off. Some were threatened with dismissal If they paraded. Trouble was expected. "Nonetheless, 10,000 people showed up to march along Fifth Avenue to the stirring strains of The old New York Herald reported that members of the Bricklayers Union were 'wearing white aprons and carrying no clubs, although they had been chosen by the Central Labor Union to act as special police.

They may have had bricks in their "A picnic, dancing, and speech-making, by McGuire and others, set the style for Labor Days to come. Fireworks showered cascades of color over buildings where the first electric lights had recently been Installed. "The Labor Day Idea spread rapidly. Oregon made It a legal holiday in 1887. Congress, with a startling lack of dissension, gave It a stamp of approval by legalizing observances In the Territories and the District of Columbia In 1894.

All the states, by 1923, had fallen Into line." Words of visdom What we know here Is very little, but what torpnt of Is Immense. Laplace CROSSWORD PUZZLE V.eterday. PwHe Gnisi' MJ fMs OJA a lUd? nip lo ws I OJE IlII IJCoI ClrlQ OA S.MTTA Hp PvTa Dbp si li 3lJi. iii iJyl NPTUHgElsls aJrit Mo f-Rlver In Germany l-Cover l-Old Tmtamtnt (abbr.) 10- Mora flushed 11- Strlped animal H-Frock K-Burmeae demon ll-Puatulee 21- Tlmeleaa 53-Attempled 25-Avold 27-Harveat foddeaa tl-uncloae (poet.) 22- Milk stand of cow SS-Wanted 4-Jeta forth JS-RoBslae plain i a i Unscramble these four Jumbles, one letter to each square, to form four ordinary words. wil be nothing but bad luck, poor position or that unappreciative public.

Arthur Godfrey will do a special for NBC a Thanksgiving program. The veteran performer, after all those years as a CBS star, now is free to make television appearances on other networks, and is anxious to get a regular, weekly series. There is one television trend very evident at this moment: Longer and longer programs. NBC, for example, is announcing several 90-minute specials for this year and is deep in plans for a series of two-hour shows next season. "Wagon Train" now expands to 90 minutes, following "The Virginian's" lead, and there is the 90-minute "Arrest" and "Trial" show.

Greatest advantage of a longer show is that it is likely to keep the home audiences glued to one channel and reduces the amount of dial switching. Performers, however, deplore the trend because it reduces still further the amount of wrrk available. With all the long shows 45 this season and the comparatively small number of feature movies currently being made in Hollywood, there are a lot of unemployed actors around, including some big star names who are available nay, eager for any kind of work. By CYNTHIA LOWRY AP Television-Radio Writer HOLLYWOOD (AP)-There are no bad television shows. Some are just luckier than others.

At least that's the way it seems if one listens to discussions by producers, directors and stars. The most common cause of program mortality appears to be an ailment called "bad time slot." This means that if a program failed in the late evening, it would have succeeded in the early evening. Or vice versa. Or that, if it died on a Monday night, it would have been the hit of the year on a Thursday. Usually, however, it means that it was murdered by the competing program which attracted most of the viewers.

Never has a program died because it was too bad for the public. But television's Boot Hill is heavily populated with series that succumbed because, it is alleged, thy ewere "too good for the public." Two program deaths last season were attributed to this fatal ailment: "It's a Man's World" and the "Merv Griffin Show." By general agreement, the best television horse opera made was a short-lived series called "The Westerner." It succumbed, according to most expert diagnoses, because, the same experts assert, they were too fanciful. Now, on the eve of a new television season, schedules are being studied meticulously, and chances for survival of new shows are being anxiously weighed. Some a very few wil be hits and some will quietly disappear. Survival will be attributed, as usual, to superior quality.

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