The Montgomery Advertiser from Montgomery, Alabama • 11

ItUBSDAY, MORNING. 11 MONTGOMERY ADVERTISES.1 this Convention hall. The eyes of the point to tho Confederate soldier aa the -i Gentlemen, can we for expediency; when wo aro safe, when white supremacy la aafa In Alabama, absolutely eata, and there never will come a time when there will be danger of negro domination In Alabama, adopt the report of the majority ot the Committee? Will you then for an experiment, when the people cry for bread give them a atone? I do not confine my objection to tho grandfather clause, but that Is thoroughly obnoxious to me. Take the grandfather clause, however, with the other, ar.d In a Republic, where all white men are created equal, a man because his grandfather served In the army, would be entitled to a privilege that another white man would not be entitled to. Is that fair and In accord with Democratic doctrine? I know but by one light by which my feet ahould be guided.

It la not only the light ot experience, but the light of principle. The right of a man to vote In Alabama should be plain. It should ao plain that the way-farer, though a tool, need not err therein. It should be ho plain that he who runs should read. Will you substitute tor our present magnificent system ot fraud, long tried and well established, a commission established from a central office In Montgomery? You tell mo that It means white supremacy! They may have intended it so, and I impugn the motives of no man.

I know the Committee was composed ot men the peers of any man tn Alabama. I know that they came here with the same Impulse that I came, I know that they are all as honest men moat of them aa honest, as I am. I know that very few of them' desire to acquire political power by the establishment of a permanent Registration Board In Montgomery, but It is significant, gentlemen of tho Convention, that not one of them who has spoken has defended the propositions they have submitted to you not one ot them. They have spoken In generalities. They have spoken of the greatness of our race.

That I believe In. They have spoken of the magnificent development of our State. They have told us about reconstruction, but they have been very silent ag to their Board of Registration. Mr. Sanford It has not been reached yet.

Mr. Lowe It was all open, under the ruling of the Chair for them to reach It. It is an arbitrary selection, and It Is strange to say they selected the only two State officers that have to stand for re-election. Both of them are my personal friends, and both of them I will ardently support for re-eleetlon. Gentlemen, they' denied us the right to speak In caucus, behind closed doors, on this question, after eighty-six members of the caucus had invited the call of the caucus.

If I say now what may seem to be Imprudent I hope I will bo entitled to Indulgence upon that score. They propose, in the first place, to fasten upon the people what? The first qualification I am thoroughly in accord with. "All who have honorably sejyejj, la the land or naval forces of the" United States in the war of 1512 or in the war with Mexico or in any way with the Indians or in the civil war betweca the States or In the war with Spain, or who honorably served In the land or naval forces of the Confederate States or of the State ot Alabama in the war between the States." I am thoroughly In favor of that. Whenever a citizen of Alabama has bared his breast to the bullets of the enemy, I say he is entitled to his place and he 13 entitled to the rights ot citizenship without denial and wlthouf limi tation whatever. The next section, "The lawful descendants of parsons who honorably served in the land or A- naval forces of the United States In the war of the American revolution or in the war of 1S12." Gentlemen, for what did men serve in the war of the 8 ffHB not regard his every right as If it discriminate! against him under the plea of expediency what will beoomo of his right under the statutory law and be-fore the courts of the cguntry? Does it not point to him and to his as Icglt-mste prey for every plunderer? But how this to affect the white raco-thls Anglo-Saxon race of whoBe achievements we are justly proud and whose future promises so much to civ.

Illzatlon? Ig this race beyond the reach of temptation? Can nothing corrupt It and nothing Impede Its march onward and upward? Tho history of other races furnishes not only an answer but points with warning finger to the dangers that threaten this great race. If you give men the power to oppress, the temptation to use that power to advance sordid ambition or to gratify passion or prejudice appeals with Irresistible fonce to human nature whether that human nature is In the form of Indian, African, Mongolian, Latin or Anglo-Saxon. In making It possible for white men to degrade the negro by oppression you provide the methodB by which white men will become brutalized. Do you not read In the signs of the times the prophecy of thlB danger? The more degraded the Inferior race becomes the more Inevitable Is the brutality of the superior race. This race question is one of the great world questions that must be settled.

What are the dominant races to do with the inferior races? Is one of the many problems that steam and electricity have propounded to the philosophers and statesmen of the twentieth century. Alabama Is intensely interested In Its solution. She is one of the centers of this great world storm that is rapidly over-casting the whole political sky. Will Bhe rise to the dignity and importance of this question? Will she lay aside all passion, all prejudice and. in the steady, clear light of reason and Justltie, settle righteously and therefore permanently, this great question? Every State in the United States is waiting to hear Alabama's answer.

Sho is represented by 155 white men who are supported by the public sentiment. Louisiana, Mississippi, South Larollna and North Carolina in depriving the negro of the right of irancmse oy methods whose legality and fairness, to say the best for them, are questionable. The States have temporized with this Question. The history of the past would indicate that it will assume some other and perhaps more malignant form In the future. Will Alabama settle it? Let us hope so.

The white race of the State is great ly at advantage by erecting high stand aids. It Insures white supremacy, and we cannot compute the gains to both races In the vast Improvement of the economic, the political and moral con dltions of the State. It places this Convention absolutely above the crit icism of that class of acrimonious South haters who never leave an op portunity to malign us. It does more- It gives us the moral support and en dorscment of right thinking men every where It accords with the principles and traditions of the Democratic party eaual and exact justice to all, special privileges to no one, Is one of the max ims of the party. It agrees with the spirit and genius of our free inBtitu tlons that the right of government based upon the consent of the gov erncd.

It applies that great principle that has made the Democratic party great in th past an adheranca to the plain teachings of the Constitution. Let me say in conclusion that it is not absolutely necessary to have the work of this Convention ratified by the people. We can go along under the old law, but it is necesr.ary that every section, every Article and every line of the new Constitution shall be just to all races, to all classes and to every interest of the State. Mr. Will the gentleman allow an Interruption? The President Does the gentleman yield'' Mr.

Banks Yes, sir. Mr. Weatherly The gentleman has propounded the statement that theie should be a method for placing the voting privilege of the citizens upon a high stan Jard. He has in a general way indicated simply that it should be a high standard. Will the gentleman now speL-ifica'ly state what that standard should be, and whether or not it should go into effect at once? Mr.

Batiks I recognize, Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention, that there are some difficulties in answering the question that has been propounded to mi. In the first place, in answer to the question, I would say that I would not erect a high r.tandard that was to go into effect at once, but I would have a temporary-plan, but not such a one as provided in tnis grandfather clause. Mr. Wcatherly Will the gentleman state specifically the temporary plan he would suggest? Mr.

Banks Yes. I will, with a great deal of pleasure. I offered an ordinance to this Convention on the suffrage question, and it occurs to me It provided the tempoiary plan that would meet all the exigencies of the case. It provided for a graduated suffrage plan. It did not disfranchise a single man in Alabama who had any sort of right to the exercise of the franchise, but It did this: it did not give to the man who did not know how to read and how to write, and who had not the means of informing himseif as to the great questions as Issue in this State, the same power to exercise the ballot as was conferred upon the man who knows what lie Is doing.

Mr. Weatherly I beg your pardon for the interruption. I have some recollection of you plan, but I do not know that I am able to state it exactly. Was that the one which gave the man who could not The President The time of the gentleman from Russell has expired. Mr.

Weatherly I rise to a point of order. The chair recognized me to ask a question, and I was on the lloor. The President The chair had recognized the gentleman from Jefferson to ask two questions, but not three. He was on the third question, and the time of the gentleman has expired. Mr.

Weatherly I wanted to avail myself of the privilege, and I desire to ask an extension of the gentleman's time which my questions to some extent curtailed. The President The time of the gentleman had really expired before the first question which the gentleman propounded. The chair, by indulgence, extended the gentleman's time to give him an opportunity to conclude. The chair recognized the gentleman from Randolph before the gentleman from Jefferson entered his motion. Mr.

Weatherly I would like to ask an extension of live minutes to enable the gentleman to conclude. The President Will tho gentleman from Randolph yield five minutes to the gentleman from Russell? Mr. Hcilln (Randolph) yielded the time. Mr. Banks I have no desire to detain the Convention.

I am very glad to answer tho questions of the gentleman from Jefferson, and would like to give him the information. Tho plan provided for a system after the Australian ballot system. The ballot was to be arranged very much like the ballot Is under our election law now. but there wero to be two ballots. They were to be so printed aa to be clearly distinguishable, one being on white paper, for Instance, and the other to bo rn colored paper.

An elector applying for a ballot trom the managers of the election has this question pro-nounded to him: "Are you able to pre- pare your own ballot by making a cross mark opposite the name of the candidates you wish to vote tor 7" It be an American revolution? It was to overturn the law of entail. It was to destroy iorever ihe law of succession in lights, piivib-ges or franchises ot their descendants, and shall Alaba via In thlt: lotrt i-etm-n tn th old Aoo.m rican slavery was to be a source of peri. lonB ha remained In the Union, the South determined to end tho strlfo-to settle the question by wl hdrawlng from the Federal Un. on. he results of that plan are fresh in our minds.

After the clone of tho war when the negro problem assumed a more aggressive form, believing that nu iy of every 8oulhern Common, wealth depended upon speedy relief from negro rule, tho fact that the end justified any means that would secure IL! away lpal barriers that Interposed themselves between her and whlto supremacy. The question of white supremacy has been settled. We re a Convention and there Is not a representative of the negro race to be found among Its one hundred and fifty members. Are not these strange and anumulous condl-tlons when wo remember that the ne-gro problem Is still the unsolved, unsettled problem before this Convention. The methods of 1S61-1S65 ended the controversy over African Blavery, but they resulted in the more serious prob-npgro "upremacy.

The methods or iSiO-1875 ended the problem of negro supremacy, but they have resulted In such corruption at the ballot box as has destroyed confidence among white men and weakened the very foundations upon which popular government Is based. Now this Convention stands lace to ft ce with another Imperlo.is demand for change some new plan by which she may forever settle this oft-recurring question that like Banquo'a ghost, win not down at her Mddlng. There have been many plans susgested, nearly all looking to ono of the negro race. If were possible to do this then there would be a serious question In the minds of many good men In the State as to the wisdom of such a course. Would that settle the negro problem? It would settle this phase of it just as the war of 1881-1865 settled a phHse and as the methods of 1870-1875 settled a Phase, but as In the past so In the future, would it not assume a more virulent and more dangerous form than ever before? If It were possible for this Convention to entirely disfranchise the negroes of Alabama then It would be well to consider and well to make effort to answer this question.

Rut we cannot disfranchise the entire race and so we are shut up to the adoption of other methods of relief. Let us calmly and dispassionately consider this whoie situation. More than a third of the population of Alabama are negroes. They constitute more than half of the laboring classes of the State. In intellectual power and capacity they are inferior to the white man and In moral avain-ments thev are far behind him.

There are. however, possibilities of growth and development In the negro, possibility that should be brought out. The negro Is here, he is hero tn vast and Increasing numbers, he Is here to stay. He is here to affect the life of Alabama, her commercial life, her political life, her moral life. He Is here to expand and uplift and ennoble the white race or he here to degrade and brutalize it.

The two races are to he of mutual service and mutual blessing to each other or they are to be a mutual hindrance and a mutual curse. Thi9 harmony and prosperity of the two raes must depend upon their mutual good will and mutual fair dealing. Jenkins if the Suffrage Committee were to get up some scheme that vou thought would accomplish the purpose that we aim at. would you inquire Into the details of the scheme that would accomplish the purposes? Mr. aBnks Why, yes.

Mr. Jenkins Will you answer this question. If the main proposition Is the accomplishment of the purpose and not so much the scheme bv which it Is to be done. Mr. Brinks Methods have a great deal to do with it.

I always inquire as to methods. Methods are important. I do not belong to that class of men who do evil that good may come of It. Not at all. Methods are as important as the ends that you deeire to accomplish.

This Convention is here in the interest of these races and as we have said one of the important questions for it to determine is what shall be the political status of the negro race, thi race constituting such a large part of our industrial population. The Constitution of the Cnited States says that we shall not discriminate against him on account of his race, color or bis previous condition of servitude, and we have solemnly promised that wo will not discriminate against, him. The Constitution of the I'nited States has conferred upon them rights in a general way. and says that he shall not be debarred from those rights because hi; is a negro, and among those rights are the rights of American eitizensnip. it has not said that he shall be endowed with those rights because he is a negro but it says that he shall not be deprived of them because of that fact.

As we have said, let us deal nn this and with every question that we consider, in a spirit, not of passion or prejudice, but in a suiril of fairness. Let us be willing to accord the negro his rights. Let there be no discrimination, or even attempted discrimination, because ha is a negro. It is important that we shall have while supremacy in Alabama, not because of the color of wnite men, but because of their character and mental superiority. The disqualifying principle in the negro race is not color, but character, and the qualifying principle in the white race is not color but character and mental superiority.

The content between the two races for dominion is an unequal one. The natural advantages in favor of the white man are so preponderating that he has notning to fear in the struggle. There are possible dangers ot negro domination. One of these dangem is to make too low the standard of citizenship. The higher the btandarU the greater the advantage to tne white race, the lower the standard the less the advantage, because the contest is then waged on grounds that give greatest advantage to the inferior race.

The higher the standard erected the further you remove the struggle from all danger of failure by the white race and from the need of employing those methods that are purely physical or orutal and immoral, 'tile contest between the races waged on any low plane not only gives advantage to the less favored race but it will serve to perpetuate the continuance of those methods that have brought Alabama into so much trouble and that will produce friction between the race. The necessity for a high standard of citizenship appeals strongly cvei'y friend oi both races and especially to those who feel that white supremacy is necessary to the good of tho State. Why should this Convention be tempted, to adopt a policy that subjects it not only to the charge of wanton unfairness, but to the Imminent dunger of having its work declared uneom-Ulutlonal and thus bring upon Itaelt the ridicule of fair-minded men everywhere. Upon the settlement-of this question by this Convention momentous lusues hang. You are not only to determine what the status of the negro shall be but vou are to lix the moral as well as the political status of both races The attitude that the organio law of the State assumes toward the negro will unavoidably affect his standing In every sphere.

Society will naturally conclude that If his rights under rhe Constitution of the United States can bo tnkon from him and should be taken from him. that the welfare of the white man demunds this, then he may he deprived of any right or seeming rlht If by the exercise of that right he becomei the competitor of. the white man. If the organic law does oDlnlon. atsgnato busnesa and mimnilirrKt Ion Into our hill counties a ato ivom other Slates, for the 04 tVdom la all ha enjoy I pof.

JforUJ and. this would deprive It that Ood-glven right. all why may not Alabama fall on a simple poll tax provision ot tike age ot to 45 and this Suar.ntoo our freedom and It The mt with by all deserving Ullt-e white men In Alabama, and would not be eubjecta to adverse from the Supremo Court, "subject to a reduction In In Congress and the Eleo-i College of the Southern 8tatea. So Mr. President and gentlemen of (h "convention.

In conclusion I wish anneal to you not to allow Section i to be written In the Constitution, uhlch provides for education and qualification for the reason should ha grandfather clauso be decided by Jha courts unconstitutional, many of our old soldiers and thousands of white men In Alabama would be dlsfran-raised, and I shall never permit myself to vote for such a proposition, for during the time of the cruel war between the States, and also before the war of 1861. our school system of Alabama was very limited and our young men was deprived of the grand opportunities we now have, ar.1 our young men as well as older mt. were drug oft In the war and never had the opportunity we have now, and even after the war was over they were too poor tn peek for an education as tholr prop-frty was all gone and their wives and children were In a destitute condition, Bnrt those' who had families of their and the young soldiers who had tio wives and children, had mothers who were left widows, and sisters who were left orphans, and those who lnved their families, their mothers and their sisters had no time to educate themselves, und now for'thls Convention to (to and provide laws that will joprive those people from. their lights is something more than I can do, for I never will disgrace my father's gray hairs by depriving him of the only free right this Government has granted htm ifier he has tough; for his country and lis people and for what he thought right. I do hope, gentlemen ot the Convention, that you will vote that furt of Section 5 down and not allow It to go before the people ot Alabama ask their ratification of such, for It would not only be a shame on our fathers, but a disgrace to our State.

In conclusion, 1 wish say that I fh.iil at the proper time offer an amendment to Section 10 of the Committee's report on Suffrage and Elections. Mr. Graham (Talladega) I would like to ask the gentleman a question before he resumes his Thi President Will the gentleman yield Mr. Freeman Tes sir. Mr.

Graham I understood the gentleman to say awhile ago that he would net vote for any proposition that would disfranchise any white man. Freeman I did say so. Mr. Graham I would like to know whthor you would vote for any proportion to disfranchise any class of colore I people Mr. Freeman I will sir.

1 am willing to sacrifice anything on that line, but the white man, and the man of my nr. color, I shall never agree to Mr. Bank This Convention emnot B'ford to do anything unworthy of inconsistent with its own dignity exalted character. There are many great questions that must be fettled by wise enactment of law and all these questions should he met in a spirit of fairness and in a spirit of candor. There should be no dodging, no evasions, no trickery, ni but recognizing the value truth we snould apply its rules and principles without fear and witheut thought of consequences to ourselves.

This is not a political or party caucus met together for the purpose of gaining some party advantage under the specious plea of moral reform. This is riot a body of political tricksters who by the arts of political legerdermain or the skill of political jugglery would produce measures that the courts would condemn as shams and artifice-, to evade law, not to crnform to it. This Convention has great power, but it is not absolute. There are constitutional hanicra to this Constitutional Convention. We ourselves are under authority, authority that we must fully and loyally recognize and obey, it we would expect to command the respect and obedience of those for whom we are enacting law.

If a spirit of disloyalty to constituted authority is allowed to find a in the organic law of Alabama, its poison will diffuse itef through this whole instrument and this Constitution will lose its majestic Place as the defender of society against wronp. and will furnish an excuse and plea for lawlessness. Our ears must be deaf to the clamor ot passion and prejudice, to the loud behest3 of party frailty and to the mean and deceitful plan of expediency when we stn.id face to face with dangers like this. Let us to conform to that law that we h.no sworn to obey not gingerly, not partially, but freel.y and fully thi conditions from which we are seeking lelief are bad. and great harm has resulted to Alabama from the evils have grown up in our midst out or these conditions.

There has been one great safeguard for us, and that is tuts: Law has never sanctioned immorality. We could not plead that law "sell justified and approved the violation or law. fine of the great questions before the C-nnventlon-and in the opinion of many the greatest question before us-is the regulation of the suffrage' of Alabama. a'! peculia'- difficulties In Alabama and the other Southern States hiV Us in tne settlement of this question, it is an old question- tht had its origin In the institu-'? of African slavery In pL, srew in Intensity and bitterness until Palpitated the most disastrous war of modern times, costing the government ot the United States ot dollars and almost a river of o.ood and tears and that cost the south we have no measure by which 7 can ettimite the cost and no desire to detail the horrors of that sacrifice. As we began again the struggle existence in the most desolate of homes, dispirited by defeat, "weakened by four years of war and with many of our bravest and wisest men slain in battle, we were confronted by a new phase of this same negro problem.

The recently emancipated slave, entered the race of life with his former master as a competitor for political honor and for all the best prizes in every sphere of life. Under "the direction of shrewd Political leadership for a time lie had the advantage, but it was only Tor a brief period for nothing is sure not a law of nature more Inexorable than her decree that In every sphere Inferiority must yield to the control of the puperlor. For thd past twenty-five years there has been no negro domination in the South and there will never be again unless the time should come when the negro will be superior to the white man In charaoter and But despite this fact and despite the fact that the South Is no longer apprehensive of negro domination, the negro problem Is still the malignant fretting, running sore on the body politic and "Alabama is sick and every nber of her political organization Is suffering from the poison of this plague spot. Alabama id pleading for relief anw she has called this Convention for the purpose ot devising plans that shall give her relief. In ISfil When she felt that the question of Af swers ho is not able to do so, then a colored ballot Is to bo.

given to him and. he Is to be allowed the privilege of securing any marker that he wished. He Is not to be confined to the manager ot the election but may call In any man In whom be has confidence, to mark his ballot, and after the ballot Is marked and handed to the managers of the election, Is be counted as one-fourth of a ballot. Mr. Weatherly That was my recol lection of it.

Mr. BankB A man coming to the election managers who can mark his own ballot would be given a white bal lot, and after he had marked It with out assistance and turned It over to the managers ot the election, it is to be counted as a full ballot. This system' was to be In operation for live or six years, and after the expiration of that time, then every man coming Into the State and every man arriving at his majority, should go before an examining board, to be provided for by the Legislature, and certain questions would be propounded Ond'bt those questions Is what are the boun daries of your State; another question, how many counties and where are they situated? Another question, how many departments are there In your State Government? Another question, what are the functions ot the officers who are to fill theBe departments? When these questions were all answered sat isfactorily, then the man was to be given a certificate as an elector, which would entitle him to vote, and a registration litt would be provided showing all persons who had complied with these requirements, and In this way Alabama was eventually to come into a better political- condition. Mr. Heflln (Randolph) Mr.

President and gentlemen of the Convention, we are today face to face with a problem that has agitated the minds of the people of the State of Alabama for many years and we should march out like men fearlessly In the discharge ot our duty and solve that problem. It is not my purpose to consume much of the time of the Convention. I do not propose to discuss this question from a constitutional standpoint, but I will address my few remarks to the Democratic, platform and the section known as the grandfather clause. We are here today as Bervants of the pdople to discharge a solemn obligation. We are hero to regulate the suffrage in Alabama, and we are to deal with facts and pass on things as we find them.

We are here for one purpose. But for the cause of suffrage and the regulation of the franchise, you nor I nor any of us would be in this Convention hall today. Mr. President, I believe, sir, that the white men should control the affairs of government In Alabama and In cv ery State of the Union. I believe, sir.

that in the discharge of our duty we should go forth and do our whole duty after having considered it carefully regardless of consequences. I am willing to treat the colored man, the negro race fairly, honestly and all right, and give him his rights, but I am one of those that believe he is incapable of self-government. I believe, sir. that the white man should rule. I believe that there are racial distinctions and prejudices Implanted by God himself that cannot bo wiped out by any human law.

I believe, gentlemen of the Convention, that we should go further and discharge this duty as the servants of the people. This is our country by virtue of in heriiance. and It is right that we should rule it. We -will rule it. Then, if we are to rule it, how shall we rule it? We should purify the ballot.

We should so regulate the franchise and suffrage that the white man will be in control. He is better capacitated to govern than the negro, as you all know. Now, sir. there has been a great deal said about the report of the Commit tee. I believe the majority report of the Committee on Suffrage is one of the best documents it has ever, been my pleasure to read, and among good sections in that document, the grandfather clause is the best.

(Applause.) it says that "all who have honorably served in the land or naval forces of the Cnited States In the war of 1812, or in the war with Mexico, or in any war with the Indians, or in the civil war between the States, or in the war with Spain, or who honorably served in the land or naval forces of the Confederate States, or of the State of Alabama in tho war between the States; or the lawful descendants of persons who honorably served in the land or naval forces of the United States in the war of the American revolution, or in the war of 1S12, or in the war with Mexico, or in any war with the Indians, or in tho civil war between the States, or in the land or naval forces of the Confederate States, or of the State of Alabama in the war between the States shall be entitled to vote. Now, you heard the argument this morning that the grandfather clause was an unjust discrimination against the negro. I deny the allegation and demand the proof. It does not shut out the negro, but It is the saving clause and brings in every white and that is what we were sent here to do. We are tired of frauds; we are tired ot ballot box stutting; we are tired of buying negro votes, but the fraud w'ill never cease until this vote is eliminated.

Now. sir. I for one, when the ballot Is purified, when the suffrage is so regulated that it is in the hands of white men only, would be in favor of putting in the penitentiary any man who would stuff a ballot box or buy or sell a vote. Mr. President, the negro is here among us and I want him to have his civil rights, but I do not believe he is entitled to political rights.

He is of an Inferior race. He is not capacitated to govern and rule the white man, and I want to say to you now that the white man has ruled this country from the beginning the orld, and that we are going to continue to do it until we are all dead. (Loud laughter.) They say that the fourteenth and fifteenth amendment conflict. I do not believe it. You have heard the able argument of the gentlemen from Madison.

He has investigated this que-tion thoroughly. He says by this provision that every white man can vote and there is no unjust discrimination against the negro. Some of the negroes are, perhaps, descendants of some soldier and they aro not shut out. We are here in the discharge of our duty, and if we go forth earnestly and honestly and courageously, we will surmount every obstacle, and when we have finished it, all will be well. "One ship drives east and another drives west By the self-same winds that blbw.

It is the set of the satis, and not tho gales, That show us the way they go, Like the winds of sea aro the ways of fate As we voyage along through life. It Is the set ot the soul that decides the goal And not 'the calms nor the strife." If we are here to discharge that duty It matters not what tho obstacles may be. If wo come here with a fixed determination to stand on the platform and to discharge' that duty, white supremacy would be perpetuated forever In Alabama. (Applause.) If we are truo representatives ot the people who sent us here, we will settle this question of franchise for all time to come. Let us be men and come up to the high standard come up to the expectation of the sovereign people who by their ballots sent us to ono who oomeo up to the requirements of tbo world highest Idea ot a uldUr, and for tho sake of tho glorious to honor their descendants let nnre today by our votes grant this orliliae for the things done In the past.

Let us say to the Confederate soldiers woo may be living, and the soldiers ot all these, wars, and their descendants: "You stand today among those winst lives have been characterised by honorable and noble deeds. May you con tinue in the path of righteousness while you live and when you come to that river that marks the unknown shore, may you die with the sweet coiscUus-ness of having discharged your duty to your God, your country end your fellow man. Then the lamp ot your lite will go out as beautifully as fades the morning atar awav and vour reward will be a borne in Heaven. Now, Mr. President, one word in le- gard to the pledges ot the platform and 1 am done.

I say to you that I expect to keep it In every word and sentence if I am the only man hero who does. We said we would disfranchise no white man.no matter what his condition might be, unless he was convicted of Infamous crime. Now, let us keep that pledge. He truo to the people, and they win be true to you. If we break our pledges made to the people who'elected us.

I tell you there will be 155 of the deadest statesmen in Alabama you ever heard of. If I forget the teachings or my youth and if 1 forget the hardships and privations of the -women of the South and of our soldiers from 1861 to 1865, If I am untrue to my promises made to my people on the stump, If I go back on the promises maun to mv people, when I come to the judgment, may God rorget me. In conclusion. I want to say that I believe every Dem ocrat here will keep the pledge. If you do It, all will be well, but whether you do it or not, I say to the white people of Alabama, as Ruth said to Naomi.

I will not. leave vou nor return from following after thee, for whither thou goest, I will go, where thou lodgest, I win lodge, where thou diest, I will die, for the white people are my people and tneir uod is my God. Now. Mr. President, if we are to disfranchise that class ot men.

I want to make one request of this Convention. after we have shut out all the illiterate und poverty stricken whites, I want an appropriation from the State of Ala bama to build a monument to that band of men we are disfranchising this section Is adopted, but which I know this Convention will not do, but In the event It shall be done, we should build a monument to that noble band of men who on account of misfortune failed to get an education, and who wero Illiterate and poor and inscribe on that monupment the words. "Freeze, freeze, oh bitter skies, Thou dost not bite so nigh As benefits forget. Tho' thou the waters wari Thy sting Is not so sharp As friends remembered not." Now, let us move along In the good work which we have started, let us In this the morning of the twentieth century settle this question of the suffrage and perpetuate white supremacy for all time to come. If you do It.

this Convention here now is as the morning but to the evening rosei of what the iuiure win ne, and Alabama will prosper as she has never prospered before, and with white supremacy perpetuated we will be a contented, happy and prosperous people, and tho great caue of morality, temperance, industrial development, education and religion will prosper, and the grand old ship of state will sail on and on, and will finally laud in the eunny harbor of peace and happlneys and bask in the cmiles on an approving God. Mr. Lowe (Jefferson) That same old snip has been sailing on and on, without the intervention of thjs Convention. As I understand. Mr.

Presidcnl thee is no proposition heie as to the disfranchisement of white men. As I understand, this Convention inrts today in response to the call of the people of Alabama tor fair tactions. You may observe the difference between fair (lections and elections made possible under the report of the majority of the co.nmittee. II there a difference, Mr. President, 1 wash my bands of it.

1 stand here now, pleading for fair -lections in Alabama, not for white supremacy. The time has not existed in the political iife of the gentleman from Madison who today, nor in mine, when the Democracy of Alabama need appeal white supremacy in Alabama. White supremacy was established in 1N71, und has never been threatened. This Convention not in response to the demand of the people of Alabama lor white supremacy, as th. ciMitlcman from Madison indicates, but it comes response to the demand of the pvople i Alabama for honest elections.

How are vou to make possible honest elections in Alabama? In the first place, I would appeal to this invention, and particularly to the Committee that ha I the suffrage franchise under ci'iisiileration, that those twenty-live men. the most distinguished in this Convention, should not feel thai they are bound by the spirit of comradeship to stmd by the majority report of that Committee, because, if they do, yielding In Ihut spiiil of loni-radci-diip they may do great harm to the State in i ho crucial period of her history. This is a solemn hour In Alabama. It It not worthy of a member of the Surt'iaso Committee lhat. he feel trait he Is bound by the tc-poit of the majority to lend hi voice, his influence and his vote, in maintaining the report of th.t Coniiot re if, after a full dis.

ussion, it should appear that that Committee is in error. One distinguished member of Convention on yesterday- a ill whom I love and for whose ju Ig.nent 1 have great reverence-told me on the proposition I submitted hostile tn the Committee, I was riirbf, ami yet he bad to support the Committee. Let us do away with that, gentlemen. Il Is unworthy of you In this crucial hour. Let us consider these questions as they present themselves upon their merits.

What are we here for? Not to preserve white supremacy. White supremacy Is secure in Alabama. We are here to promote fair elections. How? Are we l. premote fair elections by departing from the very principle that was Instilled Into one of you Democrats by your Democratic father? Is that the way that you will promote Democracy? Will you promote the Interests of the people by departing from the pure instincts that were put into your minds by your Democratic fathers, who got their instincts und inspliation from Jefferson in the early days of this Republic? Why the gentleman from Madison says, you may transport the soldiers and their descendants, und you take away that element capable of self-government In Alabama.

Might that not have been said of any despotism lhat ever existed upon this earth, whether it be a Republic, whether It be an Umpire, or whether it be a pure despotism? Take Russia, transput from Ilusslu the class rnpable of self-government, the cluss that maintain the throne, and would you not take away all the clement In Russia capable of maintaining self-government? It was argumentum ad homlnem. The gentleman from Madison made one of the most adroit, one of the most specious and fallacious arguments It has ever been, my pleas, ure to listen to, and when I put to him plainly the question, "if you did not Intend to depart from the principle of the old Const It utlon and deprive of the right cr suffrage thn entitled to It under that Constitution Rnd prefer others not entitled to preference under the old Constitution." he said ho would answer, and ho never did. people of the world aro upon us today, they know wo are wrestling with great problems, and there is great doubt as to what the result will be. Let us bo true and stand by our people and pander to no sentiment, It matters not trom what section It may come, but do our whale duty. If wo will do that, wo will perpetuate the supremacy of the white people of Alabama.

The people of Alabama decided that they wanted a Constitutional Convention to regulate this question, one that had troubled and worried them so long. They derfianded a Constitu tional Convention, and by their votes they sent us here. Let us prove that we are not unworthy of th trust reposed In us. Yes, Mr. President, There Is a day and there is an hour, a moment of time, When the gods shall be willing to try us.

This test of our strength, of our pur poses sublime They cannot, they would not, deny us. Tls our right to demand the occasion, else how Shall we prove by our courage undaunted That we merit the crown that Is placed on the brow Of the man who Is there when he's wanted. The world Is a stage and our lives are a play And the part that is cast fot us In It May be very obscure, yet there, comes that one day When we sneak its best lines for a minute. Then the dream of our lives Through nil these years of trials and tears The soul like soft music Is haunted Comes true and we see through the tangle of years The man who Is there when he's want ed." Let um discharge that duty as becomes citizens, patriots and statesmen, and prove to the people that we are the men who are hero when we are wanted. Mr.

President, some objection has been raised to the grandfather clause. I say to you, gentlemen, that I believe that Is the best clause in the entire report. They say it Js an unjust discrimination. Why? If a negro served in any of these wars, or any descendants of those of that race who served in any of these wars, does It shut him out? Not at all. The white man has ever fought the battles of his country, and it is right and proper that he should rule and govern, and in my humble Judgment, he is going to rule and govern while time glides nimbly by.

Let every man with white skin have a pride in the good work, and disfranchise no white man on account of illiteracy or poverty, but say to him, you and your ancestors have fought the battle of the world; you have stood up for liberty in the years that have gone, in recognizing you for the brave deeds done on the field of battle, we grant you this privilege. Mr. President, our armies have been composed in the past largely of illiterate and poor men. Take the war between the States, and who rallie to the tune of Dixie when the tocsin of war was sounded? It was the yeomanry of the country. The illiterate and the poor man went forth to fight for and save their country, and Mr.

President, the worUl has never seen such patriots nor braver men. In the language of the Great Hill of Georgia, I will say: "He who saves his country, all things, and all things saved do bless him, but he who lets his country die, lets all things die, and all things dying, curse him." We should recognize these men for what they have done in the days that have gone. When the political firma ment began to darken, and it was foreseen that war was inevitable, and when the liberty of tr vhivalric sona of the South was threaten" the Confederate soldier coming trom overy walk of life, the farmer, the merchant, the professional man, the rich and the poor, enlisted under the starry cross and went forward armed with the laws of our country and the constitution of our fathers, they went forth with gun and battle-blade to meet fourfold ttieir number in the death struggle of war. They believed that they were right, and we believe it still. A great major ity of them were poor men, illiterate men, men who never owned a slave and who owned very littio land.

Shall we deny them in this, the morning of the twentieth century, the right to vote? I. for one, will never consent to the proposition. Who in this Convention would deny them that privilege? They were good soldiers as you all know. They were patriots. They were not the Caesars or Napoleons of history, but were tne iiuartana of the South.

We should teach the present generations to honor the memory ot those wlio have gone across the rivej and to honor their descendants. The lives and characters ot men, in a great degree, are shaped and moulded uy the records of the past, 'i'iicii, ii this be true, we may expect the South to produce heroes and statesmen for agca to come. May Hie sons of tne South study the lives and the characters of ttiu.se heroes, and so reflect on Uieir great achievements that tt will enable them to build a stately craft that will sail -the siormy sea of lue. liy auopting the grandiather clause, you honor the mea who are living aim ine memory 0f those wno sleep in their honored graves, ana we say to tnose men who may be among us of that grand and glorious band of patriots In that conflict of arms though we were yet in sentiment, thank God The South is solid yet, And those who died to win the cause We never can forget. And here to those with empty sleeves, And those without a scar We wave on high the bonny blue flag Tiiat bears a single star.

Mr. Byaiis I wiscli to ask the gentleman il question. T.ie President Will the gentleman yield? Mr. Heflin Yes. sir.

be right quick about it. Mr. Uyari in honoring the men who fought in the war, do you not honor tiie negro who lei the South and went in the Union army Mr. lietiln I think not. We are not able to pen.iloii our soldiers nor build costly monuments to their memory, but Wf snoiild litre in Convention assembled build a monument ny our votes that will live through all the ages to come.

Mr. President, we should not forget the wars of the past, and we will not, as a patriotic people. Those men who left home and its happy surroundings to go forth and b.iltie for the love of cou.itiy were deprived of education. Their property was swept away by th? ravages of war. many of tiiem were killed on the batt.efleld.

They had no means left to educate their children, and but for this one clauso they would be disfranchised on account of poverty and Illiteracy. 1 do not believe this Convention wijl strike It out. We say to I hem who are over, that "Cold In the grave their perished hearts may lie; But that which warmed thorn onca can never die." The cause thev espoused will ever be deir to u. and we will love their memory whllo we live. The principles tor which they fought, bled and on many battlefields cannot be wrapper1 In a shroud nor committed to the urave.

W'hn the history of the world Is written by an unblused historian, ho will nine for which the yrr niTi Y'1! Ti iBajr descendants you expect to pick ouv forfeited their lives to defeat. If. to do a great right, you do a little wrong it. will be an example whereby, in after days, many evils may rush in to attiict the State. Aro you going to depart trom the principles that thosa men leiifejii mr, 111: ifieii niiu ui'j iiik Liglll- lng, whose descendants you seek to ciystalise into a special clas3? Are ou going to depart from the principles that inspired them, and for what? Not to preserve white supremacy In Alabama.

White supremacy Is tecum enough in Alabama. wnat purpose then are going to do Now let me tell vou what I believe. I believe that a descendant of a soldier ofthe 1 revolution 1 believe that the son qf I 1. J1 soldier in the war for the of the I'nioii. who lias ao far forgotten the piinciples that Inspired his father, that lie Is not able to qualify under the rule you prescribe in Alabama for voting, is not worthy to vote.

Would you believe lhat your son. any otic of you. would ask special piiviieges in the matter of qualification for voting as against the son of your slave? Would you be gratified to know that your son woiild ask tho State of Alabama to pass a law that discriminated in his favor as Against f- inc son 01 a slave when It came to a matter of the right to vote? That la hut ci.r Gentlemen, the whole scheme Is not in favor of fair elections. I will not question the motive of those who nr. i pared it, but 1 declare to you that the si-licmo, as presented by the mnjorlty ot Committee, permits the most infamous irauds that were ever plan-ue in Alabama.

They provide for Committee on Registration. They provide meuiiK for limiting the uieinoer- ship of the Registration Board. They will leglstcr them for this year, and every negro lhat registers may tie ovr forty-five years ot ase, und will be voting foriy-five years hence. I do not say they will do it, or that they intend to, but 1 say thut this scheme permits them to do It. I say hero-are counties in Ambama where it will be impossible to do It, and I say there are counties In Alabama where It will be entirely pi ao livable, and the Chair- men of the Committee is not ill-ad-vised as to some of the counties which it would be practicable to do It.

Then what do we come to next? "All persons of good character and who understand the duties and obligations ot citizenship under a republican form ot government." A commission of three to serve at two dollars per day to pass upon a person's good character. Men who are willing to servo at two dollars a day are to determine whether these men are persons ot good char- ac.ler, and understand the duties and obligations of citizenship under the republican form of government, and they are tn be appointed by a Central Commission at Montgomery. It la an uboraina'tlon. It is offered, when the people cry for bread, and you give tiicm a stone, and we propose to per- petrate upon them the miseries under with they have suffered, when they have cried for fair elections, I am not discussing the theories of government, or the philosophy of gov ernnient. but I am discussing the practical proposition that you gentle, men of the Committee have submit-led, and it.

is an outrage that you ahould offer it to the tree white peo- pit of I say that no com-mission should ever pnas upon my right to vote. I aay that the law; aa written here ahould determine whether I bave a right, to vole or not. say you should write tho law plain and simple, aa to w4io has the right to vote, and not give me a commission la my county and another commission In another county to establish different standards ot good charaoter. What to 3 1 TORN PAGE BAD ORIGINALS.