The Guardian from London, Greater London, England • 9

THE MANCHEaAR GUARDIAN, DECEMBER L6, 0 6ayinS Lord NEWTOW-'T 1 CORRESPONDENCE. at the time a dwindling force, and that the special reserve (fot.the sainearms), on the other hand, has, an establishment of 75,000 other ranks, and it in a fnmu whinh THE WOMEN'S ANTI-SUFFRAGE' LEAGUE. To the Editor of the Manehuter Guardian. Sir, by your courkwvl smomnM tho Women's National Anti.Suffrage League has decjded upon the formation of Manchester oranch and deputed me to. superintend the' work cordial; support with which the scheme has been received proves that the time fully ripe and success already assured.

It is the desire of the League Committee that the Manchester branch should be second to nons in I would therefore urge upon- all -m this city who look unon th Parliament-cry franchise to women as an unwise stop, to take the opportunity which-is now' offered of recording' their omnion. Th. doubt whatever that an overwhelming majority mo citizens- 01 are opposed to women's suffrage, but if they take no stepB to make-their ommnn tnmm ji ii kxcxT? 43 a uauxer Thinr ment may go by default. primarily a. woman's society, kT.

uusmess experience by JOlninS 39 affilintari 5u-n greatly obliged if all who are willing to help in' i 10 join it when lormed will iwmnnmia sonally or bv letter af rK, u-i shall also be glad to answer any inquiries as to the aims snd methods of the League. Yours. vsoxtx.1., xrsncn IjroaniAlno ttt Secretary." Women ational Anti-Suffrage League, G0rani Hotel, Manchester, December The Hodse op Laysiex. The Sav. Buckle, organising secretary of the.

Church ocnoois Hmergency League, writes Your usually well-informed correspondent' 'Quartus' is mistaken when he says that the House of Laymen does not contain one representative" of labour. As a former elector of Miles Plat- Ung ward, I am glad to 'be able to state that my friend Mr. J. E. Gilchrist, who has been councillor for that as a Labour member, is one of the Manchester representatives." Manchester Gas.

Mr. C. Stennett Redmond writes from 13, Alexandra Road South, Man-' Chester: "Allow mo to call attention to the." wretchedly bad illuminating power of the gas supplied for some time, past, and concerning which I have heard ho end of complaints from aH sorts, and conditions of The 'las straw' added on Sunday night, when, with a.g iuiucu uu in luy aimng-room at a ju p.m.: I was unable to read moderately-sized, print. On dii that the cause is dua to tha nd- of water iras, but be that as it mav. cas have a right demand better value tor tneir money, than they have been receiving for some past;" The Education SocrEnr of Man chester.

Mrs. Lister, secretary, writes from 4, Prince's Chambers, John Dalton-street, Manchester: see in your issue. of December 9 that, a society is appealing" for funds in Man chester to carry on a Social Purity Crusade. I beg to submit' that the wnr nrnnnserl in ha done by that Crusade is entirely covered bv tho wpne 01 tne Moral Education Society of Manchester which has heen nniet.lv umrVin. nnur for over five years.

'Why, then, introduce an- other, society, into this district, when this; as neii as omer similar societies, 13 suffering severely from lack of funds to carry on its work? Brieflv stated, tha nhi Education Society (which is undenominational) Bre -lo raise ma tono of public opinion on moral to impress on parents, teachers, and those who have the trainine of young people, tho necessity of definite Chris tian leacning on social morals, to give1 instruction on these matters by means of meetings, by the provision and circulation of suitable litera- ture, and by advising any who may need help in this work. Further particulars may. be obtained and donations or subscriptions may be sent to 4, Prince's Chambers, 16, John Dalton-street, Manchester, any morning between 10 and 1230, except Saturday." ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS. W. J.

Burnley. (1) A Minister, in order to be entitled to a. retiring pension, must have' been in office four years. Each Minister who -draws pension has to make- a statutory declaration that his private means are not sufficient to keep him in-a position befitting his rauk. (2) No, the conditions are still the same.

Chambers. We have not the figures. Signet Apply to the Superintendent Registrar, Register Office, New Bridge-street, Manchester. I. Lanc They are not entitled to a pen-sion.

Pensions are paid only in order to provide a. reasonable income for such as sre vvithnni nrivatAi fnrtnna Caa l'-M v. uU kilo OUOWCf Ul "W.J.B.". MEALS FOR SCHOOL CHILDREN. THE LABOUR PARTY'S NEW BILL.

The Education (Administrative Provisions) Bill, introduced by the Labour party, was issued yesterday. The Memorandum states that the amendment of the law to be effected by this bill is to remove from the education authority the final responsibility for saying whether a child is or is not underfed, and to impose that duty upon the school doctor, should one exist, the medical officer of health, or other medical, official. As the law stands, it rests with the education, authorities to say whether there are'or are not children attending their schools, and, in consequence, whether the Act should or should not be put into operation. This, it. is said, has led to uncertainty of administration.

Provision" is made in Clause I. for enabling the education committee, school and head teachers' to' ask the doctor to examine a child. Clause II. provides that the. medical inspector must examine a child' by the persons 'authorised, to be suffering from and the head teacher is empowered; pending the report of the inspector, to make provision for the child.

Tho second sub-section annuls the limitation of the rate imposed by the third section of the Education (Provision of Meals) Act. 1906. Clause III. provides that medical inspector must present an annual report on the physical condition of children attending school' in his ares, and that the report must be -published, or be open to inspection by rate-. Clause for an appeal by not less than one-sixth of the members of the' local-education authority from the decision of.

the" medical inspector to the Board of Education. KILLED ON THE RAILWAY. SAD FATE OF THREE IRISHMEN, Mr. Bate, the coroner for West Cheshire, held, an inquiry yesterday -at Capenhurst into the. circumstances of the death of three; Irishmen named James Moran, aged 20, Michael Kenny, and Michael -M'Caine.

44, who were run over-and killed by a train on, the Chester and Birken- head line on November 28. The three "men. with Thomas Quinn, had been to Chester oh the Saturday, and late at night took the train for' Mollington. They were overcarried to Capen- nurST. Wnexe luvy nccu uj yJiwcL.

ucio was nS train" back to Mollington. At seven the' next morning the three bodies were found terribly mutilated on the railway close to the station. Thomas Quinn, the survivor, stated that they: had ail been drinking at Chester. At Capenhurst Moran fell off tiie platform, and witness -jumped down to pick.him Then" be heard' a train and got Moran' and himself close against the platform, and shouted to the others. He-was knocked unconscious by something, 'and did "not know what happened afterwards.

Other witnesses- explained Quintt was loimdi 'and -how he- was taken to Chester" Infirmary, where -he had since been confined. Frederick Harrison, porter, at, that' the' men were under the influence, temned at Capennurst; and if it did ihej.omO so to Mollington. iThe train old not.suWi and conducted-them to the road and directed them to H4 then left the ga.rfwl.w.i"toeke&-":a- Tha TTirv returned -a prardict of accidental WRESTLlNGr. IaJla betweetiHack enschrrri dt berg. There every young man "under 18 engaged in industrial or commercial pursuits must attend a Fpribildungschule (Industrial Im provement School).

Attendance covers a.period. of two years at the lower grade, where 80 hours 01 instruction, per' annum, are' and a period of three years in the higher grade, where the instruction is for' 280 hours per annum. The instruction is given not later than 7 p.m., and employers must, keen the authorities in formed of youngsters entering or leaving their employ, so that the attendance rules may be enforced. Tho trade school must come if England. is to maintain its industrial supremacy.

If the nation desdres a. steady st-pply of skilled workmen the nation must itself' provide the supply. But there are some industries whose ordinary grades cannot well be taught in schools. Such are many of the textile mining, Pox these I would' suggest a. glorified half-time sys tern from the'age of 1 to 18 hot, as now, be tween 12 and 14, half of the time spent at the mill or factory and the other half at the technical school.

Such system' 13 indeed advocated by Mr. Sidney Webb, one of the signa tories, in his Industrial Democracv." In conclusion, may I urge that the represen tatives trade unions, as. Mr. Shackle-ton, who signed this letter, would be doing a splendid work if they would persuade the unions to take up this matter of trade education and endeavour to secure that all boys entering a trade shall have definite workihs hours asio-e lor instruction in the nrincimas of laeir crartj x. December 1908.

To the Editor of the Manihttter Guardian. Sir, All social workers will woVimn letter on this subject which you publish to-day auu wm agree witn most of its recommends. tions. The conditions been thoroughly investigated from several points of view, and the facts of the problem and its bearing on unemployment are fairlv plain. But I venture to suggest that the sienatories do not completely realise the parents' point 01 view.

i.ney say, "Xne parents in. too many cases regard their sons merely as finan. cial assets of the family to be exploited for its common and are. indifferent or even nostue to tne boys" future welfare." I. think tho parents are not to be' blamed auite so severely.

I have spoken to many, on this snh- jeot. Most of them are anxious that thir sons should go to a skilled trade, and they ouen apologise lor sending them- to unskilled work. I am convinced th.it tha oWnf 7-. UMtui, AbiuuWU is an economic one. Unskilled work can be found easily and as soon as the boy can leave school.

The bovs' earninora arA nio)ori home. In many cases the parents cannot afford to let their children remain at school. They count the- days until the time when the eldest child shall have got his. attendances in at school and may leave and get One is shocked when one learns this, but -the plain fact is that practically all unskilled labourers and many partly skilled workers earn less than enough to provide food, clothing, and shelter for a family of moderate size. In your -leader you( say that we cannot acknowledge a vested interest in children when that interest conflicts, with its own' rights.

I tmnt we must make it possible for to give up that interest by working for a great extension of tne principle of the minimum wage also working for. the deoasualisation of labour. Wages for; many kinds of work are scandalously low. The work is there, it haB to be done, and it ought to be adequately paid. many, we must educate the parents.

At the last municipal elections a Conservative candi date found it useful to inform the electors that his Socialist opponent would compel theiT children to go to sohool until they were 10 years 01 age. Personally I should have thought that an excellent reason for voting for tne socialist. But the electors didn't think so. The candidate was wise in his generation. We must make this kind of thing impossible by arousing the parents to take an interest in the education of their children.

They have not tms interest at present. The education authorities do not encourage it. Yours, A. L. Bkadbtjey.

IS, Mount Pleasant Square, Salford, December 1908. MR. HALDANE AND THE ARMY. To the Editor of the Manchetter. Guardian.

Sir, The Yorkshire Herald has again and again made the statement that, Mr. Haldane's army scheme has entailed the discharging from the army of 20,000 men and the throwing of them on to the unemployed market. Also, in a recent speech, Mr. Elmhirst, a solicitor, and president of the York Conservative Association, made the statement that this Liberal Govern ment had deprived the army of 40,000 trained soldiers, and that the country was dependent on raw recruits for its defence. These and similar misstatements I have repeatedly denied and challenged, and in the letter from my right hon.

friend Mr. Haldane which I enclose herewith they are authoritatively dealt with. I doubt not but that some prejudiced persons will deny the figures, question the accuracy, and belittle the opinion of the Minister of War; but to the vast majority of people who wish their country and their army well his letter will make good reading. When one con siders the chaotic condition of the army under tne last Government -and the muddle and scandal connected therewith, surely Haldane deserves, as indeed he receives, the com mendation of all people even-minded enough to admire the great War Minister who brought order out of chaos and efficiency, out of muddle. Yours, Hamab.

Greenwood. House of Commons, December 14. War Office, Whitehall, S.W. 4th December, 1908. My dear Greenwood, The statement that 20,000 men have been discharged from the army and thrown on to the unemployed market is absolutely incorrect.

All men belonging. to units which have recently been disbanded were either posted to other battalions of their regi ments or voluntarily transferred to other, units, or transferred to the reserve at their own request on guarantee of obtaining employment. As to the "statement that the army has been deprived of 40,000 trained soldiers, the following are the actual facts The British "establishment of the army, exclusive of the permanent staff of Volunteers and Territorial Force and of the colonial and Indian troops, has since the present Government came into office been reduced by 20,000. men, and this reduction' will ultimately entail a loss of between 11,000 and 12,000 The reduction in the reserve, however, will only take place gradually, and meantime it is stronger than it" has ever been before. 1 The reduction in strength is, less than the above figures represent: On the 'lit' October, 1905, the strength was 178,161, and on the "1st October, 1908, "it was 160,002, a net -reduction of 18,159.

Moreover, the special reserve, which is under the liability for foreign service, has replaced the militia, which was not so liable, and followng table shows the comparative number i of men who are liable- -for service abroad at the present time with those who were under this liability when the present Government took office: Oct. 1 1906. Oct Regular 17B.161 .160.002 Army Reserve 94,342 133,631 Special Reserve 59,53 272503 355,167 (excluding colonial' and Indian troops and permanent staff of Volunteer and. Territorial Forces.) jrue that in October, i90v we had some 82,000 miUtiamen (artillery somuu aa nun m. mmu mat uia miiinB ms tl6n of industrv war haiT nnnivrt wiihrmf.

nrn- viiling for a second dislocation five years hence. (Lpeers. surely common prudence we could leave those came after, us. to whether further modifications of 'the law wefe necessarjr. The French Government passed lejfislation of this kind not long ago, providing" lor-a sort oi graduated arrangement sucn as that.

in the bill, and before two years had ptssed, as stated by Mr. H. Gladstone in the House of Commons, they found they had cuuipieieiy. miscalculated tneir cost. 1431 ns (siiid Lord Lansdowne) learn wisddm from "our neighbours, and leave thoee 'further adjust ments, which may or may.

not be necessary, to wo judgment ot tnose wno succeed us. KNARESBOROUGH (C) opposed the bill. The Earl of believed the nassins of the. hill would be lame-t'ible" thing for the country. There wonU a 'shortage of 20 million tons of coal OWiw? to its nnnrniinn thor" -wjib not the slightest doubt about it.

It would also increase the price 'coal. jeiari oi PLYMOUTH (C) proposed to accent the srivinn of hie leader- nnd vote for the second readinsr. but indicated several amendments which he said would be 1.UMDONDERRY (C), in offering the strongest opposition to the principle of "tho bill, said it was a very strong order to tell a healthy, full-emwn man t.hs'f. hA was not to dpvote his full energies to earning extra money wmca ne mignt put oy tor nis old age or spena in giving, increased enjoyments to nis family. But the whole policy of the Government at the.

present time HeomM hn tf nuftail free dom in all directions. In regard to the county jjuriiam, wnere ne was mm sell a coal owner, ne said that the bill would utterly dislocate the industry, particularly in the old and deep col-liaries. The present system of working was satisfactory both to employers and workmen, oiiu it was quite possible tnat a general striKe might -be the result of an atterrint to rer-ast. it in accordance with the provisions of the. bill.

He did not think in all the.oircumstances'that tne -Lords would be-justified in. absolutely rejecting the bill, but he hoped an effort would ba made in Committee to mitigate some of its evils. Lord LUCAS (Under Secretaiv for War answered some of the criticisms of the bill. LORD ST. ALDWYN FOR SECOND READING.

Viscount St- ALDWYN (C) referred to Lord Londonderry's statement that this bill, for tiie first time, was-an. interference with lights of the adult labourer, and replied that the principle was surrendered long ago. It iv'as said that the miners ought to be able to settle the matter for themselves, but the fact remained that they came he would not say unanimously, but at any rate by all their organisations, to ask Parliament to fix a limit on the hours of work. He would not now ask why, but the fact remained that they had done so. Cheers.) He thought there was something to be said on the ground of humanity.

no- doubt the work of the coalminer was tho most laborious, the most disagreeable, and, barring that of the sailor, the most, dangerous in which any man could bo engaged. tChecrsO Tho House of Commons passed this bill even in 1891 one of the most Conservative Houses of Commons that ever existed, and he was quite convinced- that any -House of Commons that was likely, to exist would accept the principle of the bill. Fjrom this he argued that the bill had a very large" measure of support amongst, she constituencies at large. On the other hand, ho agreed with Lord Lansdowne that an attempt should be. made to meet the varying circumstances of different coalfields.

As to the effects of the bill on the consumer, he could not at all acoept tie views of Lord Newton, who had admitted that the Coal Consumers' League had gone far beyond anything that was fair or right, in- suggesting that the price of coal would be increased 5s. per ton. The only justification Lord Newton gave for that estimate was that misstatements were made with regard to Chinese labour in the Transvaal mines before the last general election. It was to be hoped they on the Opposition side, at any rate, would not imitate those atrocious statements. (Cheers.) He agreed with Lord Lansdowne that to attempt to legislate for circumstances that might or might not occur five years hence was absurd, and that amendments were required.

It had been more than once urged that the miners desired this bill solely with the view to obtaining increased wages for the same, or even less, work. Ho did not think that -was quite a fair charge. (Cheers.) From his knowledge of the miners he believed they had aspirations to a more civilised and leisurely life that they desired more time above ground, in the freo air of heaven, for purposes other than those of their daily industry, and he hoped the House would give the bill a second reading (Cheers.) Lord BELHAVEN (C) intimated that he would vote against tie second reading. Lord DURHAM (L) spoke of tha bill as a ridiculous bill, which would be not a boon but a curse to the at any rate in Durham and Northumberland. GOVERNMENT REPLY.

Lord CREWE, replying for the Government, said it was true that although the question had been befoTe the public for many years it had not until now been sufficiently thought out on either side. The great mass of the people, regarding the measure as a humane one, had not stayed to consider tho effect it might have on the price of coal. It had been said that there was no need to bring in a bill, and that the miners' Union could be trusted to arrange its own terms as to hours. But if the men get an eight-hour day by collusion with the mineowners there would be resaon to fear that the interests of the consumer would not be seriously regarded, and 11 it had to be extorted by means ot a strike the mischief would be greater than any. that could result from the operation of this bill.

The humane argument was the only one which seemed to him to justify a bill of this -kind. If he believed that this measure was going to increase permanently the price of coal to the consumer, he said frankly he would take no part in advocating it. It was not fair to charge the miner with the desire to get more money for less work, but he believed a good many did think that the measure would in Gome degree steady the output and the g-eneral position of the market, and that no doubt would be welcomed. Ho was glad to think that from every quarter of the House testimony had been borne to the character of the men who worked in the mines. He believed himself that the rejection of the bill would lead to deep and bitter disappointment among that admirable body of men, and that tha consequences would be infinitely more dislocating to trade than any that were likely to follow the passing of the measure.

(Cheers.) THE DIVISION. At a quarter to twelve o'clock tho House divided. There voted For the bill 121 Against 44 Majority for 77 The bill was then read the second time, amid cheers. Among those who voted against the bill were Lcid's Crawford, Heneage, Denbigh, Durham, Allerton, Har'rowby, Knares-borough, Bristol, Clanricarde, Stalbridge, and Northbourne. Lord Londonderry abstained from voting.

The tellers against the bill were Lord Newton and Lord Cromer. BILLS ADVANCED. The Prevention of Crime Bill passed through Committee. The Education (Scotland) Bill and the White Phosphorus Matches Prohibition Bill were read the third time. The Buxton Charity Bill passed through Committee without amendment.

The House rose at half-past twelve. THE PROROGATION. It is understood (says the Press Association) that-Ministers will at to-day's Cabinet Council settle as far as possible the lines of ihe Speech from the Throne with which the King will be invited to prorogue A SOTTTHPOBT JEWKLLEBY "THEFTv At the County Quarter Sessions at Liverpool yesterday Frederick William a fitter, was sent to prison for six monwis-ior oreajang into a hodse in Chester-Road, SouthporXind stealing jewellery worth 250. THE LORDS. jONlST LEADER AGAINST JREJECTION.

VSTIC CHANGES REQUIRED. PR Klh WINDING TIME TO BE EXCLUDED. -EC0D HEADING CARRIED. (jKOSI OUR pWiS- House of Lords yeateiday the. i jlines (EigW Hours) Bill on the motion heeecond leading.

BEAUCHAMP (representing the. Home -x'e) said the bill in the strict eense was not measure, and more than one member 'die Ute Government had spoken and voted it was only fair to Mr. Chamberlain, remember that he was one of the first' i'call the attenti(m of Parliament -to the -tr On the question of the restriction of he would be interested to hear whether Newton endorsed the estimate of the be raised by nve ehiuings. iaucn -Kshecies were always maxie iu- xegiua mj ie for instance, the "Works's Compensation Act On. the.

main prin- 2 underlying the bil1 110 tnouSnt tneie was 1 difference between1 the two sides of the a or there were many cases -of inter-with the hours of labour, and -towere equally "guilty" the. matter. Vts reduction of the hours of miners was part international movement -which, he ltevl. would make for tho efficiency of tcur Vnd render life more tolerable to one of ujosi deserving classes of the community. REJECTION MOVED.

Lord NEWTON (C), who moved the rejection ItiUi confessed that he felt some slight as to tho wisdom of the course ho 73; this was a measure for Ash iho Government themselves, obviously ffit no enthusiasm, and was one, moreover, that s-33 extremely unpopular in the country." He conceivably be doing a good turn to the Government by procuring the -rejection of the fcil aad serving the object of supporters of -the Government if that House thereby became em-witli tho Labour party, and he involun-jirllr coniribufrd his-assistance in the thankless of filling up the cup which up to tm hii been pursued with so little success. Still, as principle weighed more 633" tactics, he intended to go to a division tn the question. It was said that the measure received the support of Mr. Chamberlain nil members of the late Government. So far uhswas concerned that had no effect, because Y.i regretted to say that he had occasionally, iiown his political leaders vote for extremely loilieh things.

(Laughter.) It wae true, he be-hsTcd, that Mr. Chamberlain did announce f.iaself as in favour of the principle of the bill, at the same time he favoured local option. HUMANITY PLEA SHATTERED. If local option were introduced the bill.would rrKiically he killed. The humanity plea in iipport of tho bill had, he thought, been com--teily shattered by the report of Russell Hi's Committee.

The bill had now become ht he might term a test of political docility, siid when tho present Government came into raver the Labour party intimated -that the aOy-shallying on tho question must coroo to a It had been threatened (Lord Newton M-imied) that unless the bill" passed there 1 bo a general strike. As far as he was i-'e lo gather there would be a strike in any is. for ha could hardly imagine that the amen were going to get the same wages for tint nours that they did for 9. The health fr.i Of COal Tninftr! rnmnnrod i i aMy with that of any othcr'class, and as to the foment that this bill would promote safety, leaicrt that with reduced hours the result vomd no that tho men Would naturallv taka wor precautions. As to the economio effect mil, no was not prepared to admit that 11 any considerable exaggeration tiie Coal' Consumers' League, with which ho tfJH'h but never vct heard of a 3hL exaggerate at one time or 1 Assuming that the in-nta 1 of the cost of production would be onlv pae sShling a ton, lie arcued that, this.

wU3 eflP industry. Moreover, if danger was thai i-c nnco of coal elit. i exPenenco having shown that "-is a iear ot snortage prices wordsfa situa- The -jL' 'flat if tnere UtoS fmaH excess of demand ti lm'nedlato Powe" of the colliery SVrJFvly a considerable danger would vul4llil.CtBi MIXERS THE ARISTOCRATS OF LABOUR. Iskivl onion reminded the House that this mlh(2 ccnsumwas being placed uoon It Ttao Opposition ers.) Ho submitted there was no Ground we assumption that the mLicr did not as narcl as he could voold be content with fewer days off. As that labour-saving appliances --31 oa introduced, ho asked OWMr3 abso-as 'he rT, ey we? incapable of manag- i wera j.ne men raultiple shifts.

If rof ifl be ih bl1' especially if he was fw eight t0 ot thB Baie wages "Ours as for nn 1 Retime hp 1 x511 out at tne hav? a "poor oninion "''UUCe Ot his 2 us privilege. Nobody aswr tha delusion that the of lo in 1 noaen person, incap aftr bis own interests. ''til'-irir1? what was ad to intro- -a, vi iof lneir oenent was from in? PiPse a special tax in favour of dukes. could nn, alyooay say that the ohzA Sv this measure fMLVhK The reason, inter'ovi He 3aid nothing 1 lunnJ 1 adult labour, t.hn.h be- Kent for tha Tin Auero. Was no solid argu-o r.1-3 rords, the bill was pSeTriSfi was "a sort of" sun of a tradn hill th7 House 5 with he 'sympathis-iht- Sie7hJJ8 but he betW bad.

cient sense to general r15 ih- C-ir-L. wnal was not wiim ihfl Ml. was not. it Anient and "asyPPorted by fact conferring he afk.vwSih.was.not even unanimous CROMER "sei. "IS? it.Cheers.) 5 wns open to whnl.

or the Tariff Reformer. raIti not raise eth it would or it wgTKj His opinion ea? or eat bv iatrnrtr, 1 lnat ib0 leeislation nf ViI fe5iia and SS.000"-- bo Sot- ior l0" countries abroad it was countrV rtn lndustnal enterprises in resisted such ciafs 7L uua ui me worn-rtomises to thm w3i0 made specious He added not be fulfilled. ere strong to measure ftaaS Ihe academic vi5 blU rnerely represented fid its st. owB inffi reading ja the 'House" of SeaMlvm ln 1907 nPPosed. and E64cd readiL Members against' the natedfitv No resPonsible person had result lnat operation of 'the hill wouW f3U1t in.

a rick w.wn pm aai 2s. (. V. iu. "ie price oi- ooai ot more of 1 Conramers' league; how- Conramers' league; how-1 unich Lord Newton was chairman, 10W hA sterial side there were Wdualiim It at the shrine of thV uuld h' something to von an to a II, To of its of to ing daily, and thivt, owing to liability: to foreign service, it can ha iiv.linlpri i rt j-n-fv -BT-cf lma whioh was not tlia case with the militia.

a. snouid add tnat the number of at present training is. much the same as in former, years, which proves that the allegation that the country is now dependent on raw recruits for its defence is no more true now than it has been hitherto. In conclusion, I have onlv to" add that in equipment, training, and other respects the army is in at least as satisfactory a condition as in the past, and. further, that its upn is now moro real and more complete than has everbsen the case hitherto in this country.

xoars very- sincerely, E. B. Haldaue. WOMEN AND PHYSICAL FORCE. To the Editor of the Ma-Mh'ster Guardian.

Sir, Speaking from the standpoint of that larger woman's mbvemeht which' is world-wide, and which is not therefore limited' to the outlook or bound by the action of any. one section or coterie of women; we; the undersigned, wish to express our' strong sense of "the service' whicB Lady McLaren has rendered' to that movement1 as a -whole- by her frank and full disclosure of tho mode of organisation adopted for the now historic meeting at the'Albert Hall addressed by Ir. Lloyd-George on women's suffrage, even while we draw a' moral from the facts differing "somewhat from her own. From Lady McLaren we learn that the women organisers of the meeting i.e.,- the leaders "of the Women's Liberal Federation gave distinct orders to their stewards and instructions to all in any way under their control that no violence should be' done to any person; and we' further learn that such violence as was in fact "exercised was traceable mainly to a -section- of angry Liberal men in the audience who were "determined that Mr. Lloyd-Geores should have a'hearingi" and who were-occupying the freehold seats over which the Women's Liberal Federation could- have no (She ad mits in passing, by the without apparently realising tno JnJl force of the admission, that these were persons who cared nothing for her Federation or its orders Knowing, as we do, that the existing Liberal Cabinet' is holding the breach for that section of Liberalism which regards society as based on physical force and would deny women the vote on that very ground, it was in the logical necessity of tho facts that it-should be their supporters at the Albert Hall who should promptly apply tho physical force method of silencing Mr.

Lloyd-George's interrupters, where' the women whose guest Mr. Lloyd-Georgo was champion he professes to be) had' instinctively taken the true standpoint of tho women's movement by refusing to exercise violence against other women even' those with whose tactics they strongly disagreed. This has been the' actual position through out, despite misleading references in many quarters to "breaches of the peace" and violent metheds attributed to the women. of the so-called militant school. "Disregarding words, investigating dispassionately the.

facts, wo find that the action of the. Liberal Cabinet has been phvsical-force-action throughout. whether exerted by policemen or, as in this case, by ardent men Liberals," the action of the women being confined to a reiteration of legitimate political demand and a steady anil persistent refusal to take "No" for an answer- allowing only for movements made in sheer self-preservation or self-defence. deplore with Lady McLaren dog whip incident, but we remember what she appears to forget that it is the. inevitable sequel to centuries dominated by the tradition, spoken or unspoken "A woman, a dog, and a walnut tree, The more you beat 'em the better they be." Ladies in whom the instinct of self-preserva tion runs to dog-whips are few and far between, and we would urge Lady McLaren to direct her powerful protest against that violence which "poisons the spring of pity-and rather to those women from- the safe security of their homes, let loose by their encouragement the forces of police: and mob against their eisters in this uprising.

From the point of view of the woman's move ment as a whole, those who employ physical force to crush it must'fall into one line whether they rank themselves as opponents or merely, like Mr. as postp'onents, who refer us always to the morrow. Yours, Emily J. Harding Andrews, Maky Sarqant-Florence, A. C.

Helen Meredith, Charlotte G. Ross. -14th December, 1908. "FAMOUS DUELS OF THE FLEET." To ihe Editor of the Manchetler Sir, One welcomes criticism, but 'hardly of the kind which your reviewer has bestowed on my illustrations to Mr. Money-Coutts's book Famous Duels of tho Fleet." He accuses me of imitating Pocock and Whitcpmbe's engrav ings; his reason being, distinguish differences.

of style. He knows mv drawings are about the same period of ship as these engravings, and therefore assumes that they cannot be original. as he has tackled me before on the question of two sets of reef paints in the mainsail, it might interest him to look up a print of the capture of -the Hermione, where he will see three and I could show him others with two. And while one knows a'single set is more usual, neverthe less I object to the law being laid down that more than one is wrong, as it i3 not. His statement that "put spankers on shipd which probably had mizzens is hardly criticism; and shows he obviously does not know which ships carried which.

The only ship I have drawn showing the mizzeu-mast with a-lateen mizzen on it is the "Bon homme Richard, which ship undoubtedly carried one tho oihera carried spankers. As to the angle "of the Foudroyant's' being "utterly impossible," this is a matter of opinion combined with a slight knowledge of pexspec tive. I should be glad if "you could find room for this in justice to me, as "one naturally reT sent 3 irresponsible criticism. Yours, Normak Wilxijisoji, R.L 2, Wychcombe Studios, England's Lane, London, N.W., December '13, 1908. Our reviewer writes Those who will take the trouble to compare Mr.

Wilkinson illua tratiohs with those of Messrs. Pocock and Whitcombc will see that the 'differences of style of which lie speaks are not veryj apparent. At the same time, it may. be said in his favour that the subjects do. not admit of much variety of Inthe matter of the reef bands, on.

square mainsails 'the print of the capture of the Hermione' is no more to be taken as evidence than Mr. Wilkinson's picture of the Bayonnaise on a point of seamanship. We turn not tp artists but. to seamen, to such-authorities as Falconer and Admiral Butney, both of whom allow, of There are no "other authorities to -be compared with-these two, but if Mr. Wilkinson needs' morey he "may consult some' pregnant criticisms oa Kbdin's seamanship by Mr.

W. Clark" BusselL If Mr. Wilkinson knew much about the sea' he would know why one. reef band suffices for thp square mairisafls. -Mr.

Wilkinson objects to. my statement that he has put 'spankers; on ships which probably I- mizxensy, -he will -lookat his drawing of the and other shipshe wfll see'that he.has done so. I olmously do toow which'shfps carried which, I at least know that the Fondrcyarit'dtd spanker' in 1782. in Wilkinson's opinion, did the spanker 'came into Ttseiin. the navy? As to the bracing of this Fayant'Byards in the same drawing, I believe if So be wrong.

lUs wrong aa seaman 00 tne ume conm sucrv an to rise rA -AVID -But the League of which oirev1?" bn. saying it, and we Sent stand to -that state-iSkM yu, Justify it. or do you think it Anneal jV "1 SSSftS? -OTinto of Plrlia- LEAIffiR OF THE OPPOSTTION. Lord LANSDOWNE said the speeahfiR i i iiverea from the Unionist benches must -have nome to the Government the fact that their proposal -was in tt wtn very grave misgivings, and he would say uuoemat-no ahaTed these misgivings. He was not going to 'argue the case on the assumption that any' interference on 'the nart'of-the government with thA- nrinKf "wdtaiSable and 0PPsed to sound ta.d left fM behind the days alwv, niSe- Prevailed.

But he had SES8 -iS 11131 Whenever.it was sought to hbnM kI 10 People who, yriffl fe, selv7sditb LJarded as able to protect them' seives it was Ar.vi:-L show flrs place tt was necessary miSXi emPlynient in question was ksome or risky or unhealthy, and in WV 8 protect themselves. ReoafmlLer10113 Piesent 1518 MINERS AND COALOWNERS. Headmittedat once that the employment of poalminer was. of a kind which, if no ntw considerations had to be taken into aooount, gave him a special claim on the Government that he should not' be detained for more than jiLi. nours unaersronnd Tho Departmental Committee had been quoted to show that the health of the miners was on the whole good, but he-(Lord Lansdowne) thought tiitii.

pare ot the case was nut sometimes too oy tnose who opposed legislation of tnts kind. He had seen a statement which seemed to supevat tnoroughly -salubrious climate, with agreeable snouia iooK lor tnem at Uie bottom ot a coalmine. Ho could scarcely biing umiove mat tnta was a reasonable statement. He- was inclined to suspect that On the Whole, tho honltVi nf tVlQ xnilman was good was due, to some, extent at all eVeniS, 10 tn fact thn th umm m-lrl wj.n borrow a nhrass.frnm they were mmers because they were healthy rather than, nealthy because they were miners. wii iiib point as.

to their mability to protect themselves, he said "he could" not bring himself to believe that it was reallv hevnnH their powers to obtain an eight-hour day for themselves if they really desired it. He was the more strengthened in this view because he noticed that some of His Majesty's Ministers had hinted that this leeislation was onlv the precursor of a sreneral movement, and that. mere was no mea ot stopping short with this bill. So much with regard to the case of the men. There were other narties to hn nnRiHTofi What about-the coalowner? He wa understand that they were by no means unani- uiuua win! xegara to tnese proposals.

They muau i.uo& lorwara to a certain amount dnebnve-iience, and probably loss, if this bill was passed. He inclined, to the view that the coalo'riers would have no great difficulty in taking care of themselves. If there was a rise in the prico of coal they would see that a sufficient portion of' tho increase found way into their owa pockets. When in the past the Unionist party had occasionally hinted that there was such a person ae tho producer wiiu fcquirou nine looting aiter uiey naa always been told that this was Protection, and mat it was a neresy. vveii, was a case where the producer w.as certainly going to bo protected, ana it was Protection in its most naked form.

He would ask the Lords to consider what was the commodity which was to be the' subject of this particular form of. Pro tection. ARTIFICIAL INFLATION OF PRICES DANGEROUS. It seemed to him that any artificial inflation the price of coal was about as dangerous a step as any Government could well contemplate. The Departmental.

Committee had warned us to expect at any rate some temporary embarrass ment -to the industries of the country. Tho great question to his mind was what would be the extent of the embarrassment. But even if they assumed that there would be only a slight ncrease in price, and that the embarrassment the dndustries of the country would be only temporary, what a moment this was for occasioning oven a temporary embarrassment. He spoiie or tne gaunt army ot tne unemployed parading the streets and the extraordinarily smau margin or proni at wmcn ousiness was being done. He also referred to the suffering which even a slight increase in price would inflict on those' who bought their coal, at might almost be said, by the pound.

He nut aside the argument that an eight-hour day had been found practicable for miners in other countries by saying tnat their conditions and ours were not the same. There was only one argument. or. one set of arguments, which they could seriously consider as justifying tho acceptance of the bill arguments which went to ehow.that the apprehensions as to the rise in the price of coal were greatly, exaggerated that there was really no cause, for fearing a reduction in the output of coal and a consequent rise in prices. It had been suggested that the hours of labour would not on the whole be materially reduced because oi some Kind ot adjustment or more strenuous work, and there was also the argument founded on the prospect of labour-saving machinery.

He did not dismiss those arguments with contempt. The Government must have satisfied- themselves that they were entitled to some weight, but he could not profess mat ne was entirely convinced. ACCEPTS 'SECOND READING. Pontinuing, Lord Lansdowne said he had asked himself whether he should allow his somewhat pessimistic views to guide his action or whether ho should allow himself to be persuaded by the optimistic views held on the Government aide. Two or three reasons had induced him to accept the latter view.

In the first place this was not a new question. It had been constantly before Parliament for many years pasi. xnat Deiug; so, was it at ail nicely that the demand was 'going to be dropped He on the contrary, that if the House were to reject the bill thev would actuallv whnt the appetite for the demand, and thev -would find themselves' in the position of denying a measure ot rciier constantly pressed on jfarlia- ment by the coaimmers oi tins country. The effect of suoh a struggle would be to bring about an indefinite period of suspense and unrest. It would be better he could not hem thinkinjr that the question should be decided and not remain in suspense session alter session.

Je tea mat tne more strongiv cause he would be sorry to see the House pinning itseii to an obstinate refusal ot a measure which he must admit could be re presented as one which upon humanitarian grounds atone was a measure wonny ot tavour- IT, A- aoie consideration. jlo iwu arguments ho added a- third that they were told by the Government on their responsibility that thev had satisfied themselves that the -bill was 5t likely to produce the serious results that were If some of -the Peers allowed themselves- to, be persuaded, in spite of their doubts, they did-'so because they felt that the Government were reaoy to assume tnis responsibility and advise Parliament on the strength of it. In these circumstances ne for one could not vote against tne secjia reading. tie earnestly hoped that tho misgivings he had expressed migm mm cui iu uo wiuium foundation. IMPORTANT ALTERATIONS REQUIRED.

If he (Lord Lansdowne) voted for the second reading he would do so in view of the possi bility of making- some" alterations eome im-' ixrrtant -alterations in Committee. (Cheers.) The bill -was open to objeotion on the ground of the inequality of its operation. In some collieries tho passing of the bill would make no alteration in tho hours spent below ground, and in others tho bill would make a difference of 1 or 11 Tor, even 2 hours 1 in-the day's work. Was' it not possible to "do something to meet oases' that; kindt r.He PM inclined to press PP ernmeht had introduced. a clause () in which considrable; dispensing t-''i L- cioIa nrt inera was 2LL93 juurnam.

xne vT th a contained nnder hdnring; toe UtSl. nv years eluded from calotdononb of maea nron-uio to hours, hut after five 0f be excluded and the otter fQ 0J to him that to bring about one serious aiswca. COTTON MASTERS AND THE MINES BILL; To the Editor of the Uaneheeter Gwirdiak. Sir, As a cotton employer, I wish strongly to protest against the action of the Cottoni Employers'- Parliamentary Association in seeding their circular letter on the Miners' Hours! Bill to each member of the House of Lords. the first place, judging, from.

the lerjaarks made to me on 'Change to-day, their letter; does not represent the views of the cotton employers generally, but quite the reverse. Certauily it does not represent mine in any In the second place, the majority of employers, am convinced, object strongly to the recent actions of the House of Lords, and prefer any appeal which is or- has. to be made being made to the people's representatives in the House of Commons. If a vote of all the members of the cotton employers' associations were taken on this sub-j'ect, the Parliamentary Committee would find their action is strongly condemned. Muchias we desire cheap coal, cheap gas, and cheap freights, we also desire fair play to the miners and all other workpeople, and to appeal to the House of Lords on thi3 question is hitting "below the belt.

Youts, P. L. Tatlob. Watkin House, Sackville-street, Manchester, December IS, 1903. BOY LABOUR AND UNEMPLOYMENT.

To the Editor of ihe Manchester Oitardian. Sir, On reading the able letter under this heading in your issue of the 14th inst. one cannot but be impressed by the clearness with which the case is put and by the far-Teaching importance of the suggestions made. Will something be done at' last? Often have we heard and read isolated demands for the (Educa tional reforms advised in this letter. Now we have before us the carefully drawn suggestions of men and women who have made the question their study, and' whose walks of life" have brought them into close touch with the weaknesses they -expose and' shown: them clearly the pressing need for the reforms they suggest.

One must not forget, while the suggestions come from those who "know," the reforms can only be brought about witn the consent of those who, through no fault own, do not know, and conse quently do not care. It therefore behoves all who have opportunities of judging the merits of the case through actual contact with the evil results of our inadequate educational methods to help forward the cause, and I -feel it my duty to give expression to my humble though strong conviction that the lines of procedure as recommended in the letter before us are tho right' ones, and are those demanded by the present condition of affairs in the world of labour. If the matter is allowed to stand over and an improving trade relieves the present appalling state of the labour market, again will those who have the power to move say to themselves, Oh, trade is good we can deal with the unemployment that exists and once more shall we play the waiting game. If only an Association could be formed con sisting of all the agencies that realise the press ing need for these educational reforms the opinions of such a body would have weight in the highest quarters of our Legislature, and could be impressed, upon every section of the electorate by properly organised methods. The letter before us deals with boy labliur and unemployment, but I trust you will allow me to mention another aspect of the case namely.

the connection between the boy himself and un employment. How often do we get, instead of a real boy, poor, ill-nourished, under-sized being flat no amount of extra elomentary or continuation schooling will- turn into anything better than the loafing unemployable of the present day. When trade is good it; is this type of man we have to deal with as ployed" the type that springs from the un healthy and often depraved parents that are allowed to herd together in the slums! of our reat cities. Let us press forward with the suggested reforms in our educational laws, but let us also press forward with the urgent reforms needed in the social conditions of the poorest of our fellow-citizens. Bad housing accommodation, bad moral and sanitary condi tions, bad air, too many drinkshops-these are the ills that are the means of sapping the vitality out of the parents, and consequently out of the children these are the ills tihat call for the reforming hand.

Erase' and we shall get good material in the children material upon which to set loose the educational reforms we desire to see accomplished, reform which would confer untold benefits upon tljie gTeat majority of tho boys, but which would in a great measure be wasted upon the defective type of youth that above all others feeds the ranks of the "unemployed" and the nnem. ployable. Yours, tzc, M. T. December 15, 1908.

To the Editor of ihe Manchester Guardian. Sir, In advocating compulsory day (hot evening) continuation schools and full-time day trades schools the signatories of the letter on this subject are working on lines of advance which have for some time been evident to those engaged in educational administration. Voluntary attendance is not enough; it is not to be relied on. Education committees art) ueually willing and eager to give instruction to apprentices in the day-time, but the employers who will spare their apprentices are few. Then there are ths large number of factories and workshops to bo considered where the apprentice is extinct and there is no pretence- at teaching a trade, no contraot that a future livelihood will be ensured.

It is astonishing how backward England is in assimilating the trade school, and ifspecially how backward the North of England is. London, whom we affect to despise in municipal matters, has a dozen or so of these schools in operation, and has recently decided to extend them. At these schools such trades as engineering, cabinet-making, fcc. are taught to boys, and upholstery, waistcoat-making, to trirls. who have iust left tha olo-mnntQ-.

and have come to the trades school fm- r. or thrse yeaTS' C0UrSe. Mr. Stanley, of the firm of instrument has founded a similar well-equipped school at Nor- jwood for the training of boys in mechanical trades. No one who has not visited these or similar schools can realise the high amount of handicraft skill that can be imparted to boys between the ages of 14 and 17.

Yet where are the like schools in Lancashire? The Lancashire boys leave school as soon as they can, at 13 cr 14, and go to work, which certainly immediately remunerative, but too often proves rrerely a blind alley, at the end of which they aTtive at about the age of 18 or 19 to find all avenues of promotion blocked. If they enter a skilled trade they are too often kept on one machine or one process, at which they soon become mechanically p'erfect. These youths rarely rece've instruction 'at "the workB, and if thev desire to know more than tho item they sre daily, accomplishing must join- evening classes at a technical school, or-perhaps, first, at a continuation schooL To. their honour be it said that many of them do so. At the last census there were in Lancashire about 150,000 youths between 15 and 18, and, according to the latest figures published, by the Board of Education, 25,500 (or about one-fifth), of these may be regarded as fairly regular attendants at evening classes.

But it must be remembered 'that these classes are held after eeven in the evening, when the boys are already tired with a. day's toil, and that the average attendance per sta-. dent is only about uu nqura per annum. 00m- para -this -witbthe 4 Ogllions Of inhabitants Of tne State CI wsnem- and Ootcb at jsnrmwgpam'. "egquai xaaf- ED.t:?ri rfh -u'ha'Mflets iim.oatha: -1 xh 1 i- 7.