The Observer from London, Greater London, England • 4

THE OBSERVER, SUNDAY, OCTOBER 1, Gollmncz books THE NEW GERMAN CRUST COMMENT THE' fanatical defence of the Channel ports isrsbtm, -ffme-gaining strategy for thei Germans. Not so the persistent bombardment of English coast towns; whicft It is good to know has been silenced by the capture of Gris Nez and its heavy guhs. Militarily useless, this vindictive policy has merely added to the bill which the Nazis will have to foot. Dover and once the symbol of swift holiday passage to the Continent, haVe entered THE. epic of Arnhem has stirred this country 'more deeply than" all the vict6rious exploits of British arms on the long road from Bayeux to It has often been remarked that the British cherish their defeats.

Coruna rings a deeper note in their souls, than Vittoria; Gallipoli is remembered where Allenby's Palestine campaign is forgotten; even now, in the national golden legend, alt the victories of this war pale beside Dunkirk that triumphant slip-away from a colossal military disaster." Arnhem joins the sequence of glorious and tragic episodes which will never die 'in the national memory; it combines the reckless daring of balaclava, the unbending firmness of Waterloo or Ypres, and the mournful glory of WATER BARRIERS It is, one may below.jthe dignity of this heroic event to defend it Jon account of its value as a diversion was' iiot its primary purpose), or to rasisfeWat itjwas 85 per cent, successful." 85 per.cerft.; successful so often means imsuccessfuljFjust as 90 per cent, agreement often means disagreement. What the British took, away with them was not success, but the glqryjipf a heroic fight against impossible odds, That at the present stage of the Western campaign a situation could arise where British troops had to fight -heroically against impossible odd's has undoubtedly somewhat jolted the public. It has probably also to some extent surprised the High Command. The First Airborne Division, by dropping nearly 50 miles ahead of the main body of the Second Army, and separated from it by three formidable water barriers, gave itself an unprecedented handicap. To take on that handicap was justified if the Germans were in such a state of rout and disorder that they could not rally in force.

After their crushing defeat in Normandy and their headlong flight through Northern France and Belgium, it was legitimate to suppose they were in this condition. But the fact is that they were not so much disorganised as had been hoped. RAPID RECOVERY The remnants of the Panzer Gruppe West," depleted and badly shaken up as they were, had preserved, or at any rate quickly recovered, their full fighting quality. Reinforced by the German garrison troops in Holland, they were, even in their somewhat battered and confused state, a formidable force. It is a way crack troops have as we may remember from the old Eighth which, hardly a fortnight after the Gazala disaster and at the end of a hurried retreat over hundreds of miles, fought and won, in improvised battle groups, the first El Alamein.

The German Panzer divisions from Normaridy have proved themselves rapidly resilient in just the same way. From a strategic point of view, Arnhem thus epitomises a certain recovery of German defensive power which has been noticeableaU-falfihg the, The Germans have also fought the, American thrusts at.Aachen.ahd Luneyille to -a av temporary and their resistance has stiffened everywhere; "from Belfort to the mouth of the Scheldt. They-have got" over the stage where they could be It ap-p pears that the period of pursuit has come to an end for the time being arid that the Normandy victory has now yielded1 'al its immediate fruits. The Germans have succeeded in rallying and forming' a new crust," which will have to be newly broken by it full-scale offensive before the spectacular, sweeping advance to which we had become accustomed can be- resumed. This, new German "crust" is certainly very much thinner than was the old one-which contained our bridg.ehead.

The Germans, as we learned from Mr. Churchill, have lost some 900,000 "men. The remainder of their, original Western army, which has" been through" terrible, and profoundly discouraging, experiences, must now hold a front not of 90 miles, as in Normandy, but of nearly 500 miles. True, they are receiving reinforcements for the time being mainly consisting of young troops whose training has been speeded up. But the Allied armies are also being constantly reinforced, and on a much more formidable scale.

The outcome of the final battle of Germany, once it is joined, cannot possibly be in doubt. WINTER WEATHER The question is when it 'can be joined. The supply accumulation for a large-scale offensive over such long distances as- we have now to cope with inevitably takes time; and the remaining period of normal campaigning weather is now short. The weather, which has been uncertain so long, may soon get worse. Whether an autumn or winter campaign in Western Europe is possible is a question no one can answer with complete certainty.

In the last war it was definitely not Champagne and. Passchendaele ghastly witness'to that. Since then, of course, much has been changed in the technique of war; whether the changes suffice to overcome the usual mud, rain, and occasional frost of the normal Western European autumn and winter climate remains to be proved. (The winter campaigns in Russia, where winter means settled frost and hard ground, provide, of course, no precedent.) The Germans may thus have an outside chance of delaying the decisive blow till spring. Not that this would gain them anything worth gaining.

This winter, if it is still to be a winter of war, will be bitter and uncomfortable everywhere; but in -Germany, with the overwhelming Allied bombing power arrayed from Aachen to Warsaw, with supplies breaking down, with internal Gestapo terror at its height, and with nothing in prospect but inevitable and utter defeat in the spring (after a final devastating defeat on German soil), it will WAR ON WANT: REPORT be sheer, -unmitigated hell. There is no nation-' earth (not probably, the suicide-trained Japanese) which, in its greaimass, 'would not. in such- a situation' prefer to admit; eat and even turn against its rulers to save itself from such senseless' afeony unless it were truly convinced the alternative is a worse agony. The signs are that- this conviction is now gaining ground in Germany. That this should be so is in the interests of the Nazi Party.

It is not in our interests. The problem of attaining victory that is; the readiness of the enemy nation to accept peace on our terms is ho longer military in the first place. It is political. Our military triumphs this summer coming on top of the Russian ones have been on such a scale that in every former war they would have spelt total victory. But the Germans to-day take -their battering and fight on.

THEIR WILL TO LIVE This desperate and strange fanaticism, cannot be put down entirely to Himmler's terror and Goebbels's propaganda. There is such a thing as a collective national will-to-life, which in a situation like the present, would irrepressibly assert itself if the cpn-viction that surrender means' extermina-tion were not powerful. That conviction is, of course, nourished by the recurrent unofficial- reports from Allied sources about the alleged intentions of Allied statesmen regarding Germany. Mr. Churchill, to some extent, disowned these reports' in the House last Thursday.

But at the' same time he and all other authoritative Allied spokesmen dp not limit in the least the complete 'freedom of the Allies to take even the harshest measures against Germany This is usually, and quite plausibly, justified on the ground that we cannot commit ourselves on the present uncertain data, and that we. must first see what we find in Germany irreconcilable hostility or otherwise. What this argument overlooks is that our silence must to the Germans appear as a confirmation of the worst. So it may decisively determine the attitude in Germany later on. THE POWER OF FEAR Our military Commanders have not been found wanting in daring and taking risks in order to rush victory.

The time has come when it is the turn of our political leaders to make some legitimate advances to this Mr. Eden on Friday rightly emphasised the need for total vigilance, to follow the total disarmament of Germany. The young Nazi fanatics must be rooted out or left powerless beyond question. But a clear statement of what, after unconditional surrender, is likely happen to Germany might be of immense value as a psychological support to the armed Our statesmen could and should knock Goebbels's arguments to pieces as the Doctor desperately appeals to his people's apprehensions. Fear, far more than force, is to-day the raw material of Germany's -remaining strength.

AND REPLY been increased and marriage grants eliminated. Quantitatively, the matter is quite unimportant, but it can be interpreted as a further sign of preoccupation with age and death at the expense of youth and life. Mothers of young children are recognised as workers," but the anomaly of the Beveridge report, which grants sickness benefit to gainfully employed wives and leaves non-earning mothers unprovided for. is retained in the Government proposals. And, although an attendance allowance of 4 is proposed for not gainfully employed mothers after childbirth, this still compares poorly with the 23 8s.

given as maternity benefit to gainfully employed mothers. Discussion may well concern itself with the question whether the current conception of social security does not suffer also from an over-emphasis on the individual person and an under-emphasis on the family unit. A MESSAGE TO THE WORLD The difference in outlook on administrative methods is most apparent in the provision for the unemployed. Sir William took a strong line against the Means Test and argued that the present time-limit on benefits should be removed and replaced by the condition of attendance, as required, at a work or training centre." Assistance on account of unemployment was thereby eliminated. The Government are satisfied, however, that a requirement to undergo training after a certain period of unemployment would not constitute an effective safeguard against possible abuse of benefit," and therefore propose the maintenance of a time-limit.

That they do not anticipate any economy to be achieved in this way is shown by the fact that they estimate 'the total cost of benefits plus assistance at 109 million (87 million for benefit and 22 million for National Assistance subject to means test) as against Sir William's 110 million for unlimited benefit. Under the new proposals the means test remains as important as it is under the present scheme. These are matters of detail, although of important detail. They do not alter the fact that the Government proposals constitute an enormous advance on the existing schemes and are a milestone in the evolution of a new social philosophy. This evolution is of significance far beyond the frontiers of Britain.

It may give hope to all those millions on the Continent, allies and enemies alike, whose life will inevitably be profoundly affected in the years to come by British conceptions of social reconstruction. Dr. Goebbels has told them that the British plutocracy is incapable of social progress; that it seeks only to keep the common man in economic slavery, with democratic freedom as nothing more than a screen of words to hide material subjection. The decision of the British Government to adopt by and large the Beveridge Report will- add to the doctor's dilemmas. Home and abroad, through Beveridge and UNRRA, thfe Government is pledged to sustain and improve standards for all.

The Reply to the Report speaks to the world as well as to ourselves. THE OBSERVER 1791 22, Tudor Street, E.C.4 Central 9481 LONDON. SUNDAY, OCTOBER 1944 BLITZED CITIES THE -heavily-blitzed cities of Britain have a great to plan boldly. Bombs have done what might have had to await lengthy clearance schemes. But in some cases this opportunity will be lost under the Town and Country Planning Bill as it now stands.

That is why certain cities have joined forces to promote an amendment. to the Bill, as our Parliamentary Correspondent notes on another page. They consider that the welfare of their people depends upon it. The cities concerned are Bristol. Cardiff, Dover, Great Yarmouth, Hull, Plymouth, Portsmouth, and Sunderland.

Their situation should be widely understood. The essentials of it are as follows These cities have suffered a heavy loss during the war. Until shops and dwellings are rebuilt some are insolvent. And these cities lack sufficient land to house their people within their own boundaries if they replan according to modern ideas, that is if they include green belts and open spaces. Hence they are fced with a serious reduction in rate-income and a diminution of land values within their areas These values will shift outwards, following the displaced people into areas now administered by adjacent authorities, Should the blitzed cities be asked to bear this added strain on their depleted The Government's advice to them, so tar.

has been to trust to the passing at a future time of a Bill for the general revision of local authority boundaries. How long will that take The subject is intricate and controversial. Years might Pass before iinal legislation was achieved. Ine blitzed cities, confronted With ruins and commitments, cannot afford to wait Other cities may be asked to be patient but not these. The Government's advice' therefore, leaves them with only two alternatives, both highly unsatisfactory.

They might abandon good features of their plans and provide for the re-housing of their former populations by rebuilding in the old unimaginative wav. Or they might let their displaced people go into adjacent nd afterwards seek amalgamation with these areas. That would probably involve them in the pavmeni of heavy compensation for increased values which their own overspills had created. Even if the cities could afford it, would that be fair? Arid in some cases this course would also mean the abandonment of those projects for zoning which are most desirable if the replanning of a large city is to relate it satisfactorily to the needs and natural features and amenities of the surrounding countryside. It is on these grounds that these blitzed W1h the support of a number of M.F.S, are asking for an amendment to the iown and Country Planning Bill.

If their request succeeds, and' the Minister, on representations within two years bv a borough in which there has been specially heavy and widespread damage due to enemv action is satisfied that the carrying out of an adequate planning scheme will be delayed or frustrated because the scheme would lead to a serious loss of population, ne will be empowered to initiate an inquiry and the tribunal, after taking evidence from all interests likely to be affected, will have power to recommend an extension of the borough's area. Without this amendment these blitzed cities are given no security and mav not be able to carry out the intentions the Hill. One main part of the Government's ob.je?t introducing the Bill will fail With the amendment, the' blitzed cities will be able to go ahead. More, thev will wring from their misfortunes the opportunity to act as planning laboratories for the whole country. Bold, up-to-date planning will undergo an invaluable practical test.

That is the British way of progress experiment first on a small scale and then apply the results more widelv Meanwhile, the Minister of Health would be able to conduct his negotiations for iuture. local government reform assured that neither legislative congestion in Parliament nor sectional opposition to his proposals would endanger those provincial towns which have borne the brunt of bombing. Much more than local issues are at stake. The national purpose of the Planning Bill calls for this amendment; we nope the Government will grant it THE CUP IT is a commonplace that a "nice cuanf tea has been a considerable factor in maintaining morale. Had we lost contact nh Ceylon and Assam it would have been far harder for most to face the long hours of work in the-long vears of enduiance.

And how could China, as por-ttaved by Mr Tooolski on the opposite pace, hdve Mood an even longer war without its own fni hanting leaf? But what What is thoie in common between the delicate essence of Tuankai, which, oddly, named our Widow rwankej. the ea-swil ing old faggot of popular Pantomime, and the stuff that Mrs Twankey of -o-day (and more exalted persons, tool buv at a public refreshment stair Swift delined tea as Water Bewitched." But tea in our time, after undergoing urn-burial, so often emerges as water browned off When the partaker sees the stain it leaves upon the cup after a minutes tenancy, he mav well, and moodily, wonder what sort of umber frescoes this liqiid! is painting, with a longer occupation, on the walls of his stomach. One has to imasmr the hand of a Goya at work on the oesophagus In particulai need of tea (and pood tea) are railw a -1 avel lc s. now condemned to the melanrholv status of sardines without the oil. They Rasp and fight even for the bitter and nin.d!;i decanted tea among sj-iri, that un bankable Victorian relic- the railway buffet of our Mugby Junctions and are our aucu-t termini much better? Still, iheic is penitence abroad and hope may 1 A railwav company, the L.N E.R has (with the Emoire Tea1 Buieaul actually published a treatise for its servants on the making of tea with special reference to urns, multipots, bulk boileis.

and other implements of public supply Bravelv does this new Beverage Report advise perfection Careful storage: absolu'e cleanliness; no cracked cups Damaged crockerv to be withdrawn as soon as possible. Making good tea a frontline ob Oh gallant counsel1 Now, when we o-r a tea-part- we shall know where turn for v. a'er bewitched; where but to the clades of King's Cross and the pleasaunces of Liverpool Street? VILE TRAFFIC Fanatics for private enterprise defend, for the most part, private enterprise ecn in armaments. Let them read DEATH PAYS A DIVIDEND by Fenner Brocku-ay and Frederic Mullally then, if they have a conscience, revise their opinion. We have thought it well to publish this book at the low price of 36.

Reprinting, It is a relief to turn from this horror to WITH A DUTCH ACCENT (86). This is the autobiography, done with literally indescribable charm, by David Cornel DeJong, who made such a reputation with his novel Day of the Trumpet." Emanuel Shinwell. M.P. has established his reputation as one of the leading constructive critics of the government a large public unquestionably awaits his WHEN THE MEN COME HOME, which we published last week at 2 6. Reprinting, Selden Menefee in ASSIGNMENT: U.S.A.

(10 6) gives us a photograph of America at war not one bit of America, or about one class of person, but the result of a pilgrimage for instance, to Vermont, all-out for war Boston, isolationist anti-semitic Washington, boomtown with its chronic over-crowding the South, fighting mad, but fighting the war much harder abroad than at home the complacent Mid-west the Pacific coast with its boom and acute housing shortage, etc. Paul Eisler, a young writer, has produced in his play VINCENT (36) a dramatic interpretation of the life of Van Gogh. The technique is highly original, the social angle of great interest. Reprinting. Advert tssaed by Wettrr GaOanez Ltd.

COLD PIN FIKIOD DiicoBtrtd in Cyprus. RtpT9-duceet by kind frrnriinen of thi JrusUn af th Brittih Mustum EVOLUTION of the BROOCH IrlOW it came to be spelt that way is a mystery, for though we have been writing "brooch" since the sixteenth century the word is really broach from the Latin brocca, a spike. And there is the whole history of the ornamental brooch at first a simple thorn to spike or pierce fabric and hold it in place, then made ornamental as well as useful, then fashioned with a flexible and later a hinged pin and finally through the jeweller's art made a thing of beauty which completely masks its utilitarian purpose. The moral is that even articles of utility can and should be elegant. GOLDSMITHS SILVERSMITHS COMPANY LTD.

117 REGENT STREET LONDON -W OJLY ONE ADDRESS TEL EPHONE R-EG. 3021 TV IbMUUMvU VV1I1U1 memory will not quickly fade. The coast towns, after taking their share of blitzes and 4 flyjpombs, have faced their own special ordeal with a stubborn' sangfroid which should be publicly recognised. Since the start of the Battle of Britain-they have hl Hne o' defence. Might not the Malta precedent be followed by a collective award of the George Cross? Milk and Money wll.e ite Social Security has been well received.

There has been some criticism of the payment in kind represented by big expenditure on children's meals and milk, with smaller payments in cash for children's allowances. There is however, a strong case for the direct expenditure on nutrition. It avoids waste of monev. by misuse of the allowance and it will be a tremendous encouragement to farmers, rightly stimulating exactly the kind of agricultural production for which this country is most suited. If subsidy there must be, the best- way is to subsidise the consumer.

By ensuring that everybody has enough to eat, we ensure' a market for British natural products, especially milk, meat, and vegetables, instead of subsidising the producer to grow -crops that are uneconomic here. Little Oliver To-day While our Social Services are being reviewed, enlarged, and improved on a wide scale, many think that there is one class of needy person whose case is not -being- sufficiently considered. That is the child without a home. No one Department looks after the interests of this unfortunate The task is scattered far -too wide over Whitehall and elsewhere; The numerous Institutions, public and private, which house the orphan or the victim of an impossible home-life, vary immensely in the efficiency and humanity of their organisation. Some are excellent, attracting the naturally motherly woman to their service, as well as being progressive in hygiene of body and mind: others are alleged to be 'back in Dickens." It is felt' that this branch of our public administration badly needs tidying up.

The first step should be a full inquiry into the state, of affairs, Hansard Makes Fiftends Commander Stephen King-Hall, nded- the Friends of Hansard, in June, 1943, there were, smiles at his hope of winning a wide circle of readers for the proceedings of Parliament. Within a year the sales' of Hansard rose by 100 per cent. Encouraged- by this increase, the Friends bave reorganised, themselves as the Hansard Society and issued their first report, price from headquarters the naval touch is appropriate at 804, Hood, Dolphin-square, S.W.I. The report prints letters of value. They show that the offer of Hansard-for-all dispels the idea, so sedulously maintained by bur clowning comic-strip writers of the anti-democratic kind, that everything about Parliament is boring and idiotic.

A Flight-Lieutenant writes, "For the first time, men find (in Hansard) that their own opinions are being expressed in Parliament. It is the answer to the suspicions that the" House of Commons is out of touch with the sentiments of the Services." Italy's Plight The British and American Governments have now officially acknowledged the will to be free and to fight on the side of democracies" that the Italians have demonstrated in the last 12 months. This spirit of the Italian people is the more remarkable as it can not; unfortunately-, be said that the liberation from Fascism brought the Italians any "immediate relief in the material conditions of their life. Quite the contrary is true. The report of the International Trade Union delegation on the situation in Italy, -published this portrays an appalling picture misery and starvation- Transport services in Italy are disrupted.

Coal and power are lacking. Most factories are closed down and unemployment is widespread. Most of these hardships cannot be eased while the war is on. Very timely, UNRRA has now decided to extend aid to Italy. Mussolini's Legacy It is against this grim background that such incidents as the violent scenes that took place in Rome' during the trial of the former Fascist police chief Caruso ought to be viewed.

Mob-lynching is unworthy of a freed and democratic people. It is to be hoped that the Italian leaders themselves will see to it that their countrymen's just indignation at Fascism the real cause of their present plight should express itself in dignified and politically effective forms. Meanwhile, the outsider would probably be well advised to refrain from self-righteous thanderings at- "mob justice" and at the democrats failure to prevent it. Such thunderings are only too facile. Democracy has taken over a hideous legacy of crime and confusion bequeathed by Mussolini to his successors.

Opposite the Ducks The droop and tangle of an autumn garden have their own heauty, like music with a dying fall. But that beauty can be given a blaze, symbol of summer's defiance of the end, by the well-placed chrysanthemum, which builds October-fires in the garden. How well the orderers of our London parks, contrive this autumn glory! The most care-worn" bureaucrat in a Whitehall office-rand nowhere can offices be more sad and sombre than in the older Civil Service buildings must lift up bis heart when he walks out into St. James's Park and exchanges the files for the flowers, the docketing for the ducks, newly and gaily plumed against the winter We have had, for defence, to scar and sully our parks in many places; but the gardeners have grandly fought the sandbags and the wire. London, bruised and drab, is happy to have this light in its eye, this autumn fire in its heart.

Apology A mistake, for which we apologise, occurred in a leader-note in our issue of September 10, under the heading, In the Dark." While criticising the fact that Fiec French newspapers were not. available in London, we wrote: While Paris was occupied by the Nazis, a journalist in London was able regularly to read the Parisian Press, the German Pariser as well as all the French collaborationist rags." The name of. the Nazi daily published in Paris was "Pariser Zeitung," and not Pariser Tageszeitung." The latter was an anti-Nazi paper published in Pans before the war. From the context of our note it is clear that we referred only to papers issued under Nazi rule in Paris. No reflection of any kind was intended on the editor and publishers of the "Pariser Tageszeitung." SOCIAL Security, like so much else in this world, is in itself neither a blessing nor an evil.

Too much of it corrupts as surely as too little of it destroys the roots and fibres of public life: degree is all. Two years ago Sir William Beveridge challenged the British nation to adopt a new principle of social policy to organise itself so that Social Security, as defined by him, should become a feature of the life of every man, woman, and child in this country. His definition was precise enough: The term social security is used here to denote the securing of an income to take the place of earnings when they are interrupted by unemployment, sickness, or accident, to provide for retirement through age, to provide against loss of. support by the death of another person, and to meet exceptional expenditures, such as those connected with birth, death, and marriage." WANTING TO END WANT Sir William did not set up an unlimited and undefinable ideal of Security." His objective was "security of income up to a minimum that much and no more. He suggested that the time had come when society could and should openly accept responsibility for ensuring Freedom from Want for all its members.

This freedom is admittedly only one of several essential freedoms of mankind; but it is immediately attainable in Britain, if we really and sincerely want ji. The response given to his great Report that freedom from want was indeed passionately desired. Sir William's challenge to the British democracy was acceplcd wholeheartedly by the vast majority of men and women of all classes; it was accepted as a challenge, not as a promise; it was welcomed as a new collective responsibility of all to each, not as a reduction in the responsibility of each to all. Only those who took no notice of the precise definition given by Sir William to his concept of social security denounced the plan as a sign of degeneration and ridiculed the unqualified ideal of security as both undesirable and unattainable. Only those who discuss social policy in terms of meaningless abstractions freedom versus controls individualism versus collectivism "personal initiative'' versus "planning" the great mcirhants of empty slogans, attempted to build up a case against it.

The masterly concreteness of Sir William's Repoit allowed such attempts little chance of success. A reasoned case that a subsistence income to all was an unworthy or unattainable social objective could not be made out and has not been made out. The arguments in favour of such an objective were too overwhelming. Citizens living in wat, for whatever cause, cannot for long remain good citizens or productive citizens. Children reared in want have but little chance of becoming good or productive citizens.

The thriftless and the shiftless, the wasters and shirkets and unemployables have never been more a small proportion of ail those living in want. And, more By E. F. SCHUMACHER often than not, want rather than inborn depravity made them what they are. Their existence in all strata of the population cannot be a determining element in general social policy.

Social security, adopted, in the Beveridge sense, as a common objective, means a determined effort to reclaim them, to prevent their appearance, to give to all that minimum of economic freedom which is essential to the growth of good citizenship. Sir William's conception has been accepted in large measure by the British Government in the White Paper issued during the week. Although the word security has btjen eschewed and replaced by insurance the "subsistence basis for benefits" adjusting benefits to changes in the cost of living has been rejected in favour of the more orthodox insurance principle; although certain details have been altered some to the good and others not the basic principle has been adopted. Ample time has been taken to examine both the assumptions and the proposals of the Beveridge Report in order to be reasonably sure that they could be realised in practice," and the answer has been Yes." There are bound to be intensive discussions of the White Paper on matters of detail. The Government scheme involves a social insurance budget which, in terms of money, is virtually the same as that of Sir William's.

The balance of expenditure to be met by the Exchequer or local rates is also substantially the same. In real value," of course, this means a not inconsiderable all-round reduction, since prices have by now risen above the level (1938 prices plus 25 per cent.) on which Sir William's proposals are based, and are rising, further. Thus there is a decision that we are going to afford less for Social Security than Sir William thought we could afford something like 10, possibly 15, per cent. less. This means, in many instances, a surrender of the principle of Freedom from Want, which may come as a disappointment to those who rightly believe it to be within the reach of British democracy.

THE CHILDREN Apart from this general and all-round scaling down, however, it is clear that the changes recommended by the Government are not prompted by any desire to by a different conception of social priorities in some cases and of administrative technique in others. The difference in outlook on social priorities is most striking as regards the provision made for the young and the old respectively. Well-reasoned criticism had been directed against Sir William's provisions foi; retirement pensions. That it is right to satisfy the critics at the expense of the provision made for children will be doubted by many. It will be doubted, too, whether the rejection of the marriage grant that small -token of the community's welcome to those setting out to found a new family is justified; it looks odd that death grants have.