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The Golisiwater el: It Seems Too Easy By TOM BRADEN hides the fact that they are not alike at all. It is true, for example, that McGovern, like Goldwater in 1964, benefited from superior organization. The little old ladies in tennis shoes who canvassed California gave way this year to McGovern volunteers in sandals and boots. was an enormous difference in the way the two organizations set about getting those nonprimary delegates. Goldwater's forces held secret or sudden delegate selection meetings from which the opposition was excluded.

McGovern's forces simply showed up at publicly scheduled and open meetings in larger numbers than the opposition. Quite apart from the fact that the McGovern people were much more kindly and more clever than Goldwater's (they refrained from taking all the delegates in some states where all could have been had), the difference between the ways in which the two men won nonprimary delegates is roughly the difference between deception and democracy. To all this must be added the fact that Goldwater was the choice of Republican leaders not of Republican voters. In April of 1964, a poll of Republican county chairmen gave him a 70 per cent preference. Yet he won only one contested primary California and that by 57,000 out of 2 million votes cast.

McGovern on the other hand, is clearly not the choice of Democratic leaders. Yet he won nine contested primaries, got more popular votes if you count New York State than Humphrey, Wallace or Muskie and has the best right to claim that he is the choice of the sparty's rank and file. Is McGovern, like Goldwater, an This is the most serious of the charges made by those who find a Goldwater parallel. If the charge is true, the voters do not know it. McGovern's chief pollster, young Pat Caddell, has regularly tested the air for the "radical" label and as regularly found it missing.

Which does not mean that Republicans will not try to pin him to extremism as Democrats pinned Goldwater. One difference is that McGovern unlike Goldwater has refused to dig his own grave. He is the author of no such aphorism as "Extremism in the defense of liberty is no he has not talked about selling the TVA or "lobbying one into the men's room of the Kremlin." More important, the McGovern positions which are thought to be most far out are also most representative. On the war, on tax reform, on cuts in the Pentagon budget, he is speaking of discontents which have been building in the nation for years and he speaks in a familiar tongue. He reminds us of those sober, industrious, ethical men who made up the Progressive Movement of 1912, and he repeats their familiar message: that everybody is in some sense responsible for everybody else.

If this is extremism, then so is the Protestant ethic. So were the Bull Moosers; so was trust-busting and the progressive income tax and direct election of senators. And if these things were not extremist, then Barry Goldwater bears about the same relationship to George McGovern as the country club does to the country. WASHINGTON As it heads for a last stand at Miami, the Stop McGovern co-captained by Hubert Humphrey and George Meany, has adopted for its slogan the charge that George McGovern is the Democratic version of Sen. Barry Goldwater in 1964.

If this charge were true, then a McGovern candidacy would be hopeless. Democrats ought to go back once more to Edward Kennedy and plead. But the Goldwater parallel seems to me too easy. There is a superficial likeness to the two campaigns and the superficiality I 1 1 But this is a likeness to which no stigma can attach. Shall we say that a candidate is doomed to defeat because he is a good organizer? It is also true that McGovern, like Goldwater, used his organization effectively in nonprimary states.

But there I I Editorial Kennedy Gains Many Backers Worthwhile Plan The Mojave and Colorado deserts in southern California may finally receive the protection they have long deserved. After years of rapidly increasing desecration by littering, indiscriminate road building, mineral prospecting, speculative real estate ventures, and hordes of motorcycles and other off-road vehicles, the Federal Government now seems ready to save some of what still remains of the fragile, awesome desert landscapes. In ceremonies recently at the Imperial Sand Hills, Secretary of the Interior Morton designated 19 areas, totaling 2.7 million acres, as "recreational lands." These scattered tracts include many of the rugged desert mountains, as well as canyons, rock formations, sand dunes, habitat of rare flora and fauna, and archaeological and historic sites. A special force of desert rangers is to patrol these areas and help visitors enjoy them safely. As a further step, the Interior Department has given its support to an important legislative proposal to establish a California Desert National Conservation Area.

H.R. 9661, by Representative Robert B. Mathias of California, would authorize a broad program for the protection and orderly development of these vast public lands administered by the Bureau of Land Management. Time is rapidly running out for the Mojave and Colorado deserts. The Office of Management and Budget ought to give its approval soon so that Congress can act quickly to authorize the urgently needed safeguards.

New York Times. cs: li tott it.1 0 tt i il 'si 111) II' ,0 Nt i :1 00 1 'Ir. i A) i r--1- 4110411111C ,...,,..) rr i1 L. 1 r----'' I ---;) crl 1 0 -'''7-' 1 9 i 4:: lik 1 it .) iso, 1 f. 1 I UHF i i 1, 111.1.111 1 i 1 i ,............0, ..,1 ant AB, 1 1 4 By ROWLAND EVANS and ROBERT NOVAK WASHINGTON The depth of the dilemma threatening the Democrats is best understood in phenomenally transformed attitudes by southern and border state leaders toward Sen.

Edward M. Kennedy. "Ted Kennedy," a key Democrat in conservative Oklahoma told us, "is way ahead in this state today. It's amazing, but the Democrats here are looking to Kennedy as the savior of the party." What is true in Oklahoma is duplicated in state after state. The sudden proliferation of party leaders who see salvation only in nominating the last of the Kennedy brothers is supremely ironic.

Just months ago many argued Kennedy and Chappaquiddick would kill the Democratic party in 1972. What changed that was the rise of Sen. George McGovern and, within the last week, the deepening feeling that he spells disaster but might yet be stopped. McGovern hurt himself badly inside the party with his intemperate reaction to the California credentials decision by threatening a third-party bolt. That credentials loss, in turn, reduced McGovern's first-ballot nomination prospects from 100 to 1 down to around 10 to 1.

McGovernites reply angrily the nomination would be worthless to anybody else. But, counter beleaguered party regulars, that would not apply to Kennedy, because he and he alone could cut losses by unifying the party. Moreover, the instinctive feeling across a broad spectrum of the party is that Kennedy could be compelled to accept the nomination despite his Shermanesque statement that "under no circumstances" would he run. College Study standardizing courses offered. Students who feel they must attend community colleges for reasons of economy and those who come.

to serious scholarships late should certainly benefit. All such efforts increase the personal mobility which is the most basic of all freedoms, in educational circles and out. A study now being undertaken by faculty members from two-year colleges in Western New York should yield benefits for young people who want to change plans after their first year or two of college. Funded by the National Science Foundation, the group is seeking ways to ease transfer from two-year colleges to four-year colleges by remarked: "Meade, get a room next to Ted Kennedy at Miami Beach if you want to get near the next president." Mills has a large stake in a Kennedy nomination. If it happened, Mills who, as Mr.

Taxation on Capitol Hill, has the confidence of businessmen frightened by McGovern's tax policies would be favored for the vice-presidential nomination. Other reliable signs are mounting that if McGovern fails on the first two ballots, an overpowering demand for Kennedy is predictable. The irresistible pressure behind such a scenario is the conviction among Democrats of all persuasions that Kennedy alone could prevent a third-party movement if McGovern is stopped. "Kennedy gets everyone off the hook," one western liberal pledged to Sen. Edmund S.

Muskie told us. The reason: Kennedy appeals to McGovern's militant cadres. His positions on the war, welfare and defense are scarcely distinguishable from McGovern's. Yet, Kennedy is totally acceptable to party professionals such as Daley who justifiably think McGovern's cadres want to run them out of the party. Teddy Kennedy, in short, has suddenly become the only port in the political hurricane now besetting the Democratic party.

But would Kennedy accept if the convention drafts him? It took Kennedy months of soul-searching before issuing his Shermanesque statement. and the reason goes to the heart of the problem. Kennedy did not feel such a statement would be credible coming from an elective politician. Indeed, Kennedy's inner conviction is that 1972 is not his year, that President Nixon starts far in front and that he genuinely wants to follow the fervent desires of his family that he not run. Yet, Mills's continued promotion of Kennedy and the dramatic metamorphosis among Democratic leaders show that his disavowal was not believed.

The press has staked out the Kennedy Hyannis Port cottage, where he is spending convention week, and his office is deluged with calls from politicians asking him to reconsider. His answer: still no. But if McGovern fails, the convention may well stampede to Kennedy and make all his protests irrelevant. As Mills told friends last Thursday, he had an earlier conversation that day with Kennedy ending with Kennedy signing off in these words: "Yes, Mr. President Maker." "Maybe they can float the British pound, but that wouldn't work here.

Our dollar would sink." Lavelle's Private War is uota Democracy By JOHN P. ROCHE Gen. John D. Lavelle's private war with North Vietnam has justifiably touched off quite a stir. Lavelle, it will be recalled, was Commanding General of the 7th Air Force and apparently decided to use the ambiguity of "protective reaction" as a justification for some preemptive strikes against North Vietnamese military installations.

He had the records of these strikes doctored up in such a fashion that they indicated compliance with the rules of engagement. However, because the President subsequently authorized wider bombing, the chances are that many people will write off the Lavelle incident on the ground that he was premature but sensible. Actually the Lavelle initiative is symptomatic of a far more basic problem than simple battlefield improvisation. Democrats 'Draft' Surprise Candidate people who all these years have felt left out, squeezed out, forgotten? There is a good chance of their feeling that a party and social system which makes such delegates possible can't be as bad as they thought. If McGovern can get most of the youth and minorities votes, and a sizable part of the women's votes.

he will stand a chance. But he will also have to add a big chunk of the other appeals groups. And running against someone like Richard Nixon will be an untried experience for him. McGovern has been a brilliant Democratic organizer in South Dakota, a traditionally Republican state. But he never had a really formidable candidate to run against there.

In the recent primaries. he again had the luck that there was nobody strong as an alternative: He ran against a vacuum of candidates. Against someone like Ted Kennedy he couldn't have got off the ground. Running against Nixon will require a strong appeal to the voters and a strong organization to get out the vote. Nixon has made inroads into groups traditionally Democratic the Catholics (on the issues of abortion and of parochial schools the Jews on military aid to Israel, the white ethnics like Poles and Italians and the South.

where Wallace's strength is likely to accrue to Nixon rather than McGovern. Add a number of liberal internationalists who like the Nixon-Kissinger diplomatic trips. That feeling emerged at 3:20 p.m. last Thursday in the office of Rep. Wilbut Mills of Arkansas.

On impulse, Mills reached into his pocket, extracted three nickels and offered Rep. Dan Rostenkowski of Illinois this bet: Mills's three nickels that Kennedy would be nominated against Rostenkowski's one that he would not. Moments later, Mills was telling Rostenkowski's leader. Mayor Richard J. Daley of Chicago, over the telephone that he was helping Daley fight the credentials challenge and that "Teddy is going to win" the nomination.

Then, with Brooklyn Democratic leader Meade Esposito on the line, Mills By MAX LERNER NEW YORK With the Miami convention coming up there will be a new wind blowing through our political forest, and it may be a fresh or a blighting one. It doesn't have a name yet. Call it, for the moment, quota democracy. It has emerged in admissions and recruiting policies in the schools, colleges, public hospitals. But it got its big political fillip with the Fraser-O'Hara reforms for the Democratic convention.

That convention is going to be like nothing before it, on land or sea or in the skies. The new built-in factors are compulsory massive representation of women, ethnic minorities and young people from 18 to 25. This means new faces with a vengeance. You can't get a firm figure now, before the delegate challenges (Alabama, Georgia. California and others have been settled.

But most estimates have it that at least three out of four delegates perhaps as many as 85 per cent will be Democrats who have never been to a presidential convention before. Aside from its being a good education for the delegates, it will be an exhilarating TV experience for the convention-watchers. There will be 18-year-old student politicians. Chicano organizers, black teachers. women lawyers, young social workers.

For the TV audience, the sense of identification with this new breed of delegates is bound to be strong. So will the recoil be among those who feel that their familiar universe is crumbling, and that amidst the group pressures going to make up a quota democracy they have been squeezed out. But how about the multitude of ordinary (Highlights in History) By ART BUCHWALD Everyone has his own scenario for this week's Democratic National Convention. The way things have been going with the party, one scenario has as much validity as the next. This is the one that I have written and if it comes true, remember, you read it here: It is the fourth day of the convention and the Democrats have been unable to decide on a presidential candidate.

The fight to seat delegations has taken up three days, and those people who were ruled ineligible have refused to give up their seats to those who were officially designated as delegates to the convention. Almost every state delegation has two people sitting in every chair. No one dares leave the floor for fear that someone will grab his seat. When someone tries to speak, he is hooted down by the opposition faction. Larry O'Brien, the chairman of the party, has the podium ringed with the National Guard so no one can grab the microphone.

Leaving aside the Strangelove scenarios which have local commanders joyously firing off Minutemen, what occurred was a complete failure of the command structure that should concern all of us. It was far more than a breakdown in civilian control over the military; it was a breakdown in military control over the military. Not since Abraham Lincoln put U.S. Grant in command of the Union armies have we seen such a shambles as the command structure of the Vietnamese War. Who is theoretically the top American official in the Republic of Vietnam? The Chief of Mission.

Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker. What was the official function of General William Westmoreland and, later, General Creighton Abrams? They were the ambassador's subordinates in charge of the Military Assistant Command (MACV That is, in theory, these four-star generals had exactly the same status as, say, the colonel who is in charge of an American Military Assistance group in some Latin American nation. For openers, then. the commanding general, MACV, worked for the ambassador, just like the local director of the Agency for International Development or the local head of the Central Intelligence Agency. Then came the war and a half million American troops Army, Air Force, and Marines, plus the assets of the Seventh Fleet in the Gulf of Tonkin.

Now who was in charge? Well, if you can believe it, the ambassador. At this point General of the Army George C. Marshall must have been spinning in his grave. Vietnam was never made into a military theater of command with the highly sturctured lines of control that existed in World War II (and even then there were problems; George Patton, for instance. had a do-it-yourself view of strategy Nor were our ambassadors, either by character or conviction, willing to take on the job of procunsul.

Which brings us to General Lavelle and the 7th Air Force. Who was Lavelle's boss? In one capaicity, he worked for Abrams: in another, for the Commander in Chief, U.S. Forces in the Pacific (CINCPAC an admiral in Hawaii; in still a third, for the Chief of Staff of the Air Force in Washington. I have often thoght in this context that perhaps President Johnson's greatest error was in not accepting Robert F. Kennedy's offer to go to Saigon as ambassador.

With Bobby at the head of the table there would have been no ambiguities in the command structure. Robert Leonard, sailed into the Inlet port at W. Buffalo St. at 3:30 p.m. yesterday and docked their 50-foot motor launch.

The ship was assigned them by the U.S. Navy through Louis Aggassiz Fuertes Council, Boy Scouts. Despite the rugged weather of the last few days. from which their boat offered them little protection except for its seaworthiness and never-failing 65-horsepower diesel engine, the Scouts arrived home hale and hearty. people to change their minds.

But it was impossible. On NBC, John Chancellor and David Brinkley became shorttempered and refused to talk to each other. Howard K. Smith and Harry Reasoner on ABC were also not speaking to each other, and on CBS, Walter Cronkite wasn't talking to himself. It was obvious to everyone in and out of Convention Hall that a compromise candidate had to be found one who had not already been nominated.

But who? The Democratic Party leaders call a recess behind the podium. They argue and thrash it out for several hours. The only man whose name is proposed as the compromise candidate is a very famous, but controversial, figure on the American scene. He has announced many times that he is not a candidate for the presidency or the vice presidency, and has said under no conditions would he accept a draft. Yet, the leaders argue he is the one person who can save the party.

This young man. whose name had been associated with a very embarrassing incident, is a household word now. Because of the deadlock at the convention, he is the only one who can possibly beat Nixon in November. The compromise candidate is not at the convention. He has purposely stayed away so people would believe he was not interested in the nomination.

O'Brien puts in a call to him. Everyone, in turn, gets on the phone and tells him he has to be the candidate. The compromise candidate speaks to George McGovern, Humphrey, NIuskie and Wallace. They urge him to run. The candidate finally agrees to a draft and says he will take the next plane to Miami.

And that's how Bobby Fischer, the U.S. chess champion, became the Democratic presidential nominee for 1972. THE ITHACA JOURNAL with which was merged the Daily News in 1919 Local July 8, 1922-50 Years Ago Front Page headline Was: "Allies Seek U.S. Aid in Rehabilitation of German Republic" In the photogravure section of The Journal-News today is printed a picture of Miss Helen Heckman of Oklahoma, a summer resident on the east shore of Cayuga Lake, who, though totally deaf from infancy, is a dancer of some note, keeping perfect time to the music she cannot hear. Besides being able to dance, she has learned to play the piano with some skill and now is adding singing to her other accomplishments.

Miss Heckman owes her accomplishments to the patience and skill of her stepmother, Mrs. P. E. Heckman, who began training her when she was about 14 years old. A MEMBER OF THE GANNETT GROUP FRANK GANNETT, Founder 1876-1957 McGovern starts with the miracle of his primary victories behind him.

If he is the nominee he will have three months work another miracle. It isn't impossible. But he had better face the stark fact that the quota democracy which gave him his new breed of militant precinct and district workers also will alienate the Democratic Party pros. The episode of Meade Esposito. the Democratic leader in Brooklyn.

is as good as any. When McGovern's New York aide came to distribute the group of at-large delegates in the New York victory, he found that 19 had to be women, one black, one Puerto Rican. "and that left room for only four white males over 30." The four turned out to be close McGovern associates and didn't include Esposito. as they also didn't include former mayor Robert Wagner. as they didn't include Democratic pros like City Controller Beam and State Controller Levitt.

"I have never been so demeaned in all my life," said Esposito. and he added, "no one demeans me twice." There is McGovern's problem, all wrapped up in a single minipackage. Esposito spoke de profundis out of the depths of his self-image as well as his sense of lost power. McGovern may be able to woo him and others back into the fold, as he may also try to woo the self-image and power image of George Meany and Richard Daley. But the fact is that he is committed to displacing the Daleys, Meanys, Espositos, Beams.

Levitts. They know it and he knows that they know it. The new organizers may prove far better than the old ones at the same game of getting voters out. If they succeed in 1972, it spells the end of the pros, which means that in running against Nixon. McGovern is strictly on his own, and he will have to invoke the full aid of quota democracy in a battle at Armageddon.

Published by ITHACA JOURNAL-NEWS Paul T. Miller II, president; John R. Purcell, treasurer; Douglas H. McCorkindale, secretary; 123-125 W. State Ithaca, N.Y., telephone (607 272-2321.

PAUL T. MILLER II Publisher MALCOLM APPLEG ATE Editor The nomination speeches have not been heard. but the candidates have been nominated McGovern, Humphrey. Wallace, Chisholm, Jackson, and Muskie. There have been no demonstrations for the candidates in the hall because everyone is afraid if he gets up and marches they won't let him back in his section again.

On the first ballot McGovern picked up 1,234 votes, well shy of the 1,509 he needed. The rest were split between the other candidates, with the uncommitted refusing to vote for anyone. The second and third ballot found no one budging. By the tenth ballot of Wednesday's all-night session, the convention was hopelessly deadlocked. The state delegations caucused right on the floor, trying to get Elsewhere By The Associated Press In 1919, President Woodrow Wilson received a tumultuous welcome in New York as he returned from the peace conference at Versailles.

In 1940, the government of Norway moved to London after 62 days of fierce fighting against Nazi invaders in World War In 1950, Gen. Douglas MacArthur was appointed United Nations commander in the Korean war. Ten years ago: Floods and landslides killed 46 persons in Japan. Five years ago: Air and ground fighting between Israel and Egypt broke out along the Suez Canal. One year ago: Ninety persons died and 250 were injured in an earthquake in Chile.

Member of the Audit Bureau of Circulation MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS rhe Associated Press is entitled exclusively the use for republication of all local news winted in this newspaper as well as all AP dispatches. July 8, 1947-25 Years Ago Frpmt Page Headline Was "Southern Coal Operators Face 'Final' Decision on Signing New Contract." Somewhat weary from the excitement and experience of a six-day boat trip from Staten Island, 24 members of Sea Scout Ship Spear and their skipper, 'age 6 Saturday, July 8, 1972.