Page 4 GRKKLEY TU1HUNE Friday, Oct. 17, 196D Speech Date Offers Clue To Strategy" By MURREY MARDER ThÂ« Washington Post WASHINGTON - President Nixon has given a clue lo his strategy for trying to ride out the tempest beating against the Vietnam policy, by selling a national speaking date for Nov. 3. The dale is just about midway between the two scheduled high points of Ihe early thrusts of the anti-war campaigns. 11 is wiser strategy, some moratorium administration Vietnam specialists inside Ihe government have concluded, to try to blunt Ihe domestic anti-war drive in its second, rather than its first stage. By this reckoning, they are concerned more about Nov. 15, when a march on Washington is planned, than they were about Oct. 15. The declared strategy of the moratorium sponsors is one of escalating the demonstrations, "(o expand (by) one day each month" that the war goes on. President Nixon's latest forecast, made public Tuesday, that he war will be over" threi years from would meai war's end by October, 1972. I the anti-war challengers hold ( their demonslration threat, tha would put them in a position o unending challenge lo the aci ministration as the war wind down by the President's pre diction. The Constant Uproar mathematics are inter esting: By December, 1970, Ihe war is slill on, which it i almost certain to be, (here pre sumably would be 15 days o demonstrating; if the wa should last until February, 1972 the sponsors would be. pledged tc a constant uproar of daily for ment. No one can clearly forecas what lies down that chaotii road. The state of the national mooi by Hie middle of next month ii unpredictable enough. But tin; can explain why the Presiden has now laid the groundwork for exercising his options abou what he announces on Nov. 3 This way the White House can Tribune Editorial Page Opinion - Analysis - Interpretation Pause and Ponder Where is the wise? where is the scribe? where is the dispulers of this world? hath not God made foolish the wisdom of this world?--I Corinthians 1:20. Ms Bruce Sees the BIA The new U.S. Indian commissioner, Louis R. BRice, thinks of himself as a sort of "tight-rope walker" who functions within the government, yet can do his job effectively only with the Indians' cooperation and support. "I want to get Indians fully involved affecting their lives," he said in a policy speech, "then to get the Bureau of Indian Affairs to be totally' responsive l o Indians' needs." ' ' Â· ' Â· ' Â· These broad guidelines, set forth before delegates to the National Congress of American Indians in Albuquerque, are important as a statement of intention to depart significantly from past practice. Bruce appears determined to move away from the deadening paternalism so often seen during the sad history of our government's dealings with this native minority. His is a laudable concept of. how the Bureau of Indian A f f a i r s should operate. The test, obviously, will lie in how Bruce and his colleagues in the BIA implement this concept. He himself alluded to this in discussing expenditure!; on Indian assistance. This will amount to some $(500 million from all pertinent federal agencies in the current fiscal year. Services are increasing. "Yet as far as I can determine," said Bruce, "the organizational structure and personnel deficiencies of the. BIA have prevented it from helping Indians organize to get optimum Indian utilization of Ibis new array of programs and services." He noted that the Bureau is in the process of being restructured to improve matters. This restructuring is of no small importance. Ho\\ the various programs are administered is, however less important than the Bureau's motivation and underlying philosophy. The formula described by Bruce-to deeply involve the Indian people in formulating their needs, and to make the BIA "totally responsive' to those needs -- sounds like an excellent approach. contend, as It is contending, that he is not being forced by current pressures lo schedule a Nov. 3 report "on the entire Vietnam situation as it exists at the lime." That date also happens to be a day before many municipal elections, in some of which there are candidates with identifiable "hawk" or "dove" views, on the war. Additional Facts at Hand By Nov. 3 the nation, and the President, will have a measure of the Impact of the first stage of the war moratorium drive. In addition, the President will have additional knowledge of the North Vietnamese, Viet Cong, and the Saigon government's appraisal of it. Not least of all, by then the President will have a few weeks additional knowledge of the level of combat in South Vietnam. If the President concludes that the domestic pressures on him are heavy enough to require it, he could announce an additional, limited, slice of American troop withdrawals, this year, or even a very large projection of withdrawals extending through 1970. Sen. Edward W. Brooke (R- Mass.) already has slated publicly that he expects the President lo announce a big long- term figure for major public impact. Brooke said "I'm not just talking about 10,000 to 25,000 troops" beyond the 60,000 now slated to be pulled back by Dec. 15, but reductions that would "generally continue right into 1970." Senate Hearings Whether i such an announce- menl would appease Ihe President's critics, or only cause them to press harder for a quick end to the war, is an open question. P a r t . o f the answer will depend Â· on the total domestic climate. And that climate is going to be affected by another factor apart from the anti-war moratorium, namely, the Vietnam hearings now set by the Senate foreign relations committee, starting Oct. 27.. What the Nixon Administration obviously is out lo do is not to satisfy its exlreme war cri- lics, which it obviously cannot accomplish, but to gain the tolerability of the middle Americans, between the "hawk" and 'dove" poles. So far, U. S. withdrawals from South Vietnam have been projected, since Ihe first announcement in June, at the rate of 10,000 men a month. If that rale were only con- Unued, through 1970, il would lake out 125,000 more U. S. troops, bringing the tolal pull- back near the 200,000 mark, including the 60,000 troops already scheduled to leave bv Dec. 15. . Difficult Remaint On Sunday, Secretary of State William P. Rogers indicated U. S. withdrawals could be quickened beyond 10,000-a-month. But the most difficult portion of the troop withdrawal strategy would still remain, unless American public pressures abated with the pullout of U. S. combat forces. South Vietnam wants lo retain about 200,000 American air, artillery,' combat and logistic troops beyond not just 1970, but beyond 1972. President Nixon's latest comment, on ending the war in three years, implies he disagrees with that Saigon strategy. None of those projections in Washington or Saigon, in any event, are based on any real knowledge of the long-term strategy of North Vietnam and the Viet Cong. Will they facilitate, or resist, Ihe controlled withdrawal of U. S. forces without getting the political power they seek in South Vietnam? The hurdles for administration slra- legisls, therefore, were not lowered after Wednesday they, too, escalate. Timing Advisors Trying to Tell President Hecan Stand Fast Only by Moving By D. J. R. BRUCKNER Tho Uos Angeles Times It is becoming fairly plain hat the nationwide movement igainst the war in Vietnam now nvolves a much more, serious trugglc, a bailie over the au- lorily and power of the presi- ency itself. It is not so plain rom his actions or pronounce- ncnls thai President. Nixon ealizcs how serious .his situa- 1011 is. The antiwar movement has rested just when. Congress is noving on a wide front lo cut iresidential power. The lasl n-esident this combination of orces hit was Harry S. Truman, iot once, but twice. There is an ironic difference, n 1946, and again in 1951, it -as the right wing of Congress vhicli was out to strip away Vhite House power; right-wing Senators charged that the coun- ry was in the hands of a mili- dictnlorship, and il was conservative voters who backed candidates promising to "bring the boys home." In such restless moments, even when a war has not turned sour as this ono has. Congress tends to have ono of its tlings at bringing down the president. The fact that this time it is the liberals who are on the attack only strengthens the argument of some administration advisers that Nixon would do well to concentrate on the structural aspects of this fight, and that he would do even better to start fighting, for time is running out on him. There doubt that the people want out of this war; [heir desire was confirmed in last year's presidential cam- paign'by Nixon himself. But it Is equally true that America's losition in Ihe world, and therefore the place of every other nation, will be affected by he method of our exit. It is certainly not obvious, 'rom its history or its present conducl, that Congress Is capa-! ble of conducting either the_ex-' ecutive or 'diplomatic 'functions iccessary to ' disentangle uri from this 1 war'; ' ' ' ' Â· ' - ' Â· Â· ' . The administration cannot win Its domestic' battle by arguing. If It argues that 60,000 troops are leaving Vietnam and further withdrawal orders are ready, that North Vietnamese infiltration is down and so are U. S. casualties, its critics can quite easily reply that our pullout is producing a kind of.ceasefire- in-place. So, why not pull out faster? If it complains that no progress is being made in the Paris peace talks, the critics can reply that fighting is subsiding without agreement; so why bother with agreement? This bickering is a dead end. The real problems appear in other guises. For instance, Ihere is now an open bailie between the Pentagon and Ihe Slale Department over evaluating intelligence reports on Vietnam, creating a dangerous ambiguity in the U. S. poslure in. the war. Such a division in a war situation is disastrous. It contributes to the overall dissipation of authority in government. Another face fo Ihis problem shows in the continual scandals the military breeds, the current one being of such magnitude that it could break either the military or the White House. Against this background, two statements last weekend assume reat importance. Sen. Mike Mansfield ID- Mont.) proposed in effect that Southeast Asia be "neutralized," citing specifically Nixon's previous suggestions about such a new U. S. policy for that area. And Sen. George D. Alken (R-Vt.) proposed that U. S. foreign policy in the future be demilitarized and civilized. Some presidential advisers are reading these as hard, public offers of support, if the President in turn will agree to assume firm control of his own administration and make clear decisions of policy. Nixon has not failed in Vietnam, but the war has come nome now; the people are closing the options he has tried to keep open. The President has said he wants to "stand fast" in his power to determine bolh policy and timetable for ending the war. What these senators, and some of his own close advisers, are trying to tell him is that an embattled leader can only stand fast by moving. Nixon has not yet lost this domestic fight, either; there are possibilities open to him. It is his time that has grown short. The Power Is There Opponents of the non-profit postal corporation envisioned to replace the Post Office Department are saying amonff other things, that constitutional 'authority for such a change is lacking. Whatever may be said of other objections, this one can easily be refuted. What the Constitution says, in Section 8 of Article I, is that Congress has the power "to establish post offices and post roads." The allegation being made is that this excludes establishment of a postal corporation. It does nothing of the sort. The Constitution, here as in many other passages, sets forth a basic power without specifically designating- how it is to be exercised. The wisdom of this approach, as a general matter, seems indisputable. The Constitution is the fundamental law, not a detailed compendium describing precisely what must be done in every circumstance; it could not be otherwise. Congress has the power, beyond doubt, to provide for postal service as it sees fit. By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS, Today is Friday, Oct. 17, the 2!)0th day of 1969. There are 75 days left in the year. Today's highlight in history: On this date .in 1777, Gen. John Burgoyne surrendered his brilisli forces at Saratoga, N.Y.. in one of the lurning points of the American Revolution. On Ihis date: | The Greeley Daily Tribune and The Grcclcy Republican EXECUTIVE STAFF Today in History ers on the East and Gulf coasts from resuming a strike for 00 days. Five years ago: Soviet leadership was being reorganized after the oiisler of Premier Nikita S. Khrushchev. One year ago: It was announced lhat Mrs. John F. Ken ncriy would marry the Greek shipping tycoon Aristotle Onas- TOKYO -- Japan fears another major earthquake. GRAFFITI T by Leary" In 1813. Napoleon Bonaparte's|- Confcdcration of the Rhine wasj dissolved. In 1854, the Russian Black Sea port of Sevastopol was bombarded for the first time in Ihej Moscow Visit Opens Oi In French Political Sti By JONATHAN C. RANDAL ThÂ» Washington Posh PARIS -- French Foreign Minister Maurice Schumann returned Tuesday from a routine official visit to the Soviet Union 'Â·" Â· /^\ ,4s Boyle l^[ Sees It A^W^ By . ' V Â· Â· HAL BOYLE By JOY STILLEY inch screen but is bulkier than For Hal Boyle NEW YORK (AP) -- There are seven basic problems that ead to marital conflict, a New ersey marriage counselor reports: children, sex', alcohol, in- aws, religion, housekeeping and inances. Although she seems to have covered the subject pretty well, she has failed to touch on the lasic problem in our household: who is going to run the wasle- asket concession. It's easier to sneak narcotics hrough customs than to sneak anything out of our house into he garbage can. My husband has a distinct reverence for age. I'm not talk- ng merely of his fondness for me but of his refusal to throw out anything that has been in lis possession even briefly. If I discard something when it is fairly new only a small reprimand ensues. But if anything las been around as long as a week it takes on all the value of a rare antique and my misdemeanor becomes a felony. "You're not throwing out our ear little baby's teething ring," my hoarding husband says in lorror. "Why, we've had that or years!" Indeed we have. Since our ear little baby is now in college and chewing on her fingernails rather than a small plastic circle, I doubt if there's much of a uture for that particular Hem. .ut it's small, so I retrieve it rom the trash with only a minimum of argument. However, the 20-year-old television, set is big enough to fight or-- or against. It has a seven- modern ones with screens more than twice that size. For 15 years it's been stuffed into the garage, along with trunks ol books, electric train sets from my husband's boyhood, cans ol dried-up paint and rusty nails. "But this was one of the firsl TVs made," the family collector insists. "It's a museum piece." So is Hie watch with no hands, no crystal and no stem his parents gave him when he graduated from junior high. So is the red metal dump truck with mosl of Ihe paint scratched off he had as a child. So is the broad- brimmed hat from his. Boy Scout days. But to date the Smithsonian Institution hasn't expressed much interest. He calls it sentiment. I call il clutter. One day, -when he was. safely at work, I decided to make a dent in the old newspapers nestled on closet shelves along with old scrapbooks and letters he wrote his parents from camp. I had just gotten down some 50 pounds worth chronicling such events as the start o: World War II when in he walked, home early for the. first time in months.. "What," he demanded accusingly, "do you have those out for?" I thought fast. "I've developed a sudden interest in ancient history," I said. "I was going to look through these an see if they really told it like it was." He's keeping an even sharper eye on the wastebaskel these days. The only way I'll be able to get rid of those papers is to chew them up and swallow them. Federal Diary By MIKE CAUSEY The Washington Post WASHINGTON -- With a stroke of the pen, President Nixon can send thousands (maybe as many as 75,000) federal workers into retirement, and hundreds (maybe thousands) of retirees to the altar. It's aU riding on the McGee- Daniels Retirement bill now somewhere in the White House. Nixon has until Oct. 20 to act on it. The benefits for future retirees have been given most of the play. It would permit those leaving after (and if) the bill becomes law to base their pensions on the highest three years of average salary. That would meant from $20 to $50 a month more in retirement income. That benefit, plus the credit for unused sick leave, isn't effective until the bill becomes law, so anybody retiring before it is signed is out of luck. Future retirees -- those who retire after the bill is signed and before Nov. 1 -- would also be eligible for the four per cent annuity cost-of-living increase, and the one per cent annuity "bonus" contained in the McGee-Daniels bill. For the 900,000 Civil Service Employes already retired, and their survivors, the annuity formula won't be changed, and they won't get retroactive credit for sick leave they turned back to the government. But the bill has a bonus for widowed riage because they couldn't afford to take a husband or wife. One section of the bill wouk permit anyone who remarries after July 18, 19GG, (don't ask why that particular date) to keep their survivor annuity upon reaching age CO. At present they lose this benefit upon remarriage. Apparently many people in this category have 'not remarried because of the pension loss. A member of Congress who argued for the change charged that Uncle Sam was regulatinf the retirees into "lives of sin" by making it economically unattractive to take new legal mates. The National Association ol Retired Civil Employes, which has also raised the living-in-sin issue, expects that many retirees and survivors will try marriage again, if the President signs the bill. Tax break: Several retirees have asked why the Senate removed an amndment from the McGee bill to exempt the firsl ?3,000 of annuity from federal taxes. The reason is that Sen. John Williams (R-Del.) correctly pointed out that revenue matters such as the tax exemption are supposed to originate in "the other body," meaning the House. McGee agreed that this was true, and withdrew the amendment. It will be introduced again in the house, bu' the exemption doesn't slant much chance this lale in the lorriel'if ivrt eoecirm which anti-Gaullisls charge was more concerned with France's 1 domestic than foreign policy. Partisan critics decry the Moscow visit'as further proof that President Georges Pompidou is timorously toeing General de Gaulle's sometimes equivocal foreign, policy line in order lo keep the unruly Gaullist parliamentary majority under control. ": Â·Â· ' This somewhat questionable i reasoning supposes that -Ponp jidou's hold on .Gaullist ranks . s so tenuous that 'the minide- p'arturc from the-general's do- 'nestic policies, necessilated by France's greatly reduced economic circumstances, must be counter-balanced by lolal fidelity in foreign affairs. In the absence of official explanations for such constancy, despite earlier hints of accelerated change, anti-Gaullists have seized on almost any argument. Thus they mutter knowingly that Andre Malraux, the former culture minister, said, albeit in a subsequently denied interview, that the general .would break his self-imposed silence only if Pompidou changed his "Atlantic to the-Urals" Eastern, policy. In a similar if far-out vein, anti-Gaullisls suggest that Schumann's real goal was less to arrange Pompidou's visit to Moscow next year than to enlist Soviet support in buying off communist-led labor . agitation in France itself. Nonetheless, even, analysis who do not 'share such partisan views have revised their thinking of only a few months ago, which foresaw major changes in French foreign policy under Pompidou. Such predicted changes were then seen as a logical result of evolution i n French foreign policy begun by the general himself after last year's Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia and the steady drain of France's once massive gold reserves. In this light Pompidou's planned visit to the United States next year was seen as part of a major change in Franco- American relations. The stale-controlled French radio and television has stopped its acidly anti-American comments on the Vietnam war, and U. S. Ambassador Sargent Shriver is increasingly sure of front page treatment by once-hostile pro-government newspapers during his occasional trips to the provinces. But Pompidou recently sent a message to North Vietnam reiterating that France's policy remains true to the general's anti- American speech delivered in Plinom Penh in 1966. During a recent visit lo Algeria, Schumann subscribed to' a communique favorable to turning the Mediterranean into a "sea of peace." In the jargon of Gaullisl and militantly underdeveloped diplomacy, that phrase means that both the U. S. Sixth Fleet and the Soviet Navy should get out of the Med- itterranean. Moreover, Pompidou seems committed to de Gaulle's official snubbing of Canada begun during the General's 1967 visit in one of his domestically most criticized initiatives. Jean de Lipkovski, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, infuriated the Canadian government by purposely leaving Ottawa off his itinerary during his current visit to'Que- bec. And summertime hints that Pompidou was about to revise the "selective embargo" on arms shipments to Israel or end France's boycott of the Western European Union have failed to materialize. Indeed, there are fresh reports that France once again has suggested that Israel should ask France to reimburse the $300 million the Jewish state has paid for* the slill embargoed delivery of 50 Mirage warplanes. Haynsworth Record Hard to Label Crimean War. By JAMES E. CLAYTON The Washington Post In 1855, the English engineerj WASHINGTON -- The trouble and factory owner, Henry BPS- w j t n ( i lc c j v ji rcco rd of semcr, patented his process for],j m i g e clement F. Haynsworth making sleel. I Jr. is that it's hard to label. In 1931, racketeer Al Caponcju is neither the record of an was convicted in Chicago of in-i,-iil-nut segregationist, as some come tax evasion. 'of his critics claim, nor the In 1933, the physicist, Dr. A1-:record of a friend of the civil bert Einstein, arrived in the!rights movement, as some of United States as a refugee fronvhis supporters have claimed. Nazi Germany. It lies somewhere in between MILDRED H A N S K N Pohl|.hÂ«| R O I I E R T W I D U I N D I.EO G. K O E N I t t .. Business M Â« r . | A . I.. PETEHSKN J A K E F.STRICK JR t.'irc. Mltr. ( I . A B K I'AC.f. .. Blitor .. Ailv. Mur. Ten years ago: A court order:, nm i t | 1( , evaluation anyone plac- ,vas issued barring dock work-| CS on it j s largely determined Publi'hed Every Weel: Day Kveninl The Tribune-Republican PitblMiinK Office, 7J fci;:h;h Si., Gree.I*i, t F0631. Colorado. .Member psld Â»t Grfcley. . The Port , e|Â»tn1. Audit the Single ropy price. SuttFcriptioq p r i c e -- B y m a i l in Colo- rnrto 1 year Hft.Ofi, 6 months $.*.flfl, m o n t h fj..'0. Ity mail OUHi.ie o f j NEW DELHI (AP) -- India's: proachcd. largely way the record is ap- attorney - general Niren Take, for instance, eight cases letter we received in mid-August. What seems to stand out as you read the opinions of Judge Haynsworth on civil rights in the last 12 years, and there are 25 or so of ihem, is this: Unlike some other federal judges in the South (the heroes of the civil rights movement), lie was not willing to go beyond what the Supreme Court or Congress specifically ordered. Also unlike some other federal judges in the South (the heroes of Ihe segregationists), he was not willing to oppose what the Supreme Court, or a majority of against him; most of his civil rights cases were easy. But they parted company most of the time when Sobeloff wanted to break new ground in the civil rights struggle or to put a broad interpretation on Supreme Court opinions. The prolonged litigation in Prince Edward County, Va., illustrates this point. In 1959, Judge Haynsworth voted to is not Ihe subject of constilu- Inland Daily I're-.Â«* As- Ituieau of Circulation. 'Ike A"o-iÂ»lc-l I'rc's 1-. or.lltle.l e. mely m Ibe i,-e (.f r.'r-uljliL-Mi'-n *f i:ie to;*] new- j,rii!H-il in I'M- i. ,,.,.,, ,, .ell Â»- Â»ll AP ,.,Â«. iMr'jef. All articief in the report of or.,!... 1 yenr fl FoieiKn er month. C i l v cnrrie PIIIII.IC POlillM: leri must be no I n one month 5S..'.0 per n:cmth. black gown is the best cited in a letter to the editor of his own court, had already f.,, lin-i-nrc nilrl llinrrt nc ' (lift \lMcliinrrlfin Pnof 'IP Â«ir!_' rlnÂ»n \Jn nvnfni-rrtrl In T-n'n] Q l t _ _ for lawyers and more peeiaHy for women laywcrs. Washington Post as cvi- done. He preferred lo read Su- jdence that Judge Haynswort f'.pvr.'jrhted by the 'i 'TO "If women If.ywcrs were to. is a man who has "actively op- Iwear pink, blue or green saris, -posed desegregation." Three of we may lose our concentration those same cases were cited to in the court room," lie told support Ihp proposition that Ihe ,1 sr-iniiiflr. jini^e is pro-civil rights in a long SCRAM-IETS ANSWERS Waiter - V/'a}e.r - Haven - Wisdom - SHOWER i New product: Plastic song sheets have been created. I lor people who sing in the SHOWER. 1 0- 17 ' ;hlprcme Court opinions literally and lo interpret them narrowly, doing precisely what that court said had lo be done but rarely, if pjpr, going beyond that narrow iXj-pretalion. The result was that Judge strike down a lower court order giving that county 10 years to desegregate. In 1963, after the public schools were replaced with "private" white schools, he cast the key vote, when his court decided to abstain while the Virginia Supreme Court handled the matter. After Ihe Virginia court acted, the Supreme Court reversed this Haynsworth opinion. Two years laler, the judge dissented when n majority of his court found I'rincc Edward officials in con- Haynsworth voted with the tempt for appropriating money run the "private" schools! most pro-civil rights judge in lo his circuit, Simon Sobeloff, far pure pro- or anti-civil rights basis, his score comes out 1 for and 2 against. But there i s - a substantial argument that he was right as a matter of law in one of the latter two votes. Beyond that, while voting to abstain, Haynsworlh wrote, "Schools thai are operated must be made available to all citizens withoul regard lo race, but what public schools a state provides tional command." And, in Ihe contempt case, he agreed that the action of the officials was "contemptible" and "unconscionable" but said the court lacked jurisdiction to hold Ihcm guilly of conlempt. There is a similar pattern in his opinions dealing with freedom of choice. Until the Supreme Court ruled out such plans and insisted that school boards take affirmative action to desegregate, his position was that a frcedom-of-choico plan was acceptable as long as each student was free to choose each coercive action. After the' Supreme Court ruled, he voted against freedom of choice pians. You can argue that Judgt Haynsworth should havÂ» seen the handwriting on the wall for these plans, as did Judge Sobeloff and a majority of the judges in the Fifth Circuit. And you can argue that ho found coercion to exist only when the pressure on Negro children was extremely heavy. But the other side can argua that he was doing all the Supreme Court said ought to be done. To pursue the issue into other areas, the judge's critics point with validity to his vote, in dissent, that a hospital receiving federal funds under tho Hill- Burton Act could discriminate against Negroes. His supporters argue, rather weakly, that the "state-action" aspect of the law,the key to his decision, was not really clear in 1963 and, anyway, that once the issue was more than he voted while the case was pending, i year the school he attended and; decided in his circuit he cn- If you count these votes on a his choice was uninhibited byjforced it.
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