Palladium-Item from Richmond, Indiana • Page 6

The Palladium-Item, Richmond, Ind. Will It Yet Be Kennedy? The Palladium -Item Member of The Associated Press United Press Intl Leased Wire Palladium Established Jan. 1, 1831 Sun-Telegram 1907. Item 1939 Our 142nd Year Help Others Help Themselves Better Shape Up, Fidel vored for the vice presidential nomination. "Kennedy gets everyone off the hook," one Western liberal pledged to Sen.

Edmund S. Muskie told us. The reason: Kennedy appeals to McGovern's militant cadres. His positions on; the war, welfare and defense are scarcely distinguishable from McGovern's. Yet, Kennedy is totally acceptable to party professionals such as Daley who justifiably think McGovern's cadres want to run them out of the party.

Teddy Kennedy, in short, has suddenly become the only port in the political hurricane now besetting the Democratic party. But would Kennedy accept if the convention drafts him? He says no. Kennedy's inner conviction is that 1972 is not his year, that President Nixon starts far in front and that he genuinely wants to follow the fervent desires of his family that he not run. Yet, Mills' continuing promotion of Kennedy and the dramatic metamorphosis among Democratic leaders show that his disavowal was not believed. But if McGovern fails, the convention may well stampede to Kennedy and make all his protests irrelevant As Mills told friends, he had an earlier conversation that day with Kennedy ending with Kennedy signing off in these "Yes, Mr.

Presidentmaker." (Publishers-Hall Syndicate) Moreover, the instinctive feeling across a broad spectrum of the party is that Kennedy could be compelled to accept the nomination despite his Sherma-nesque statement that "under no circumstances" would he run. Evans And Novak That feeling emerged recently in the office of Rep. Wilbur Mills of Arkansas. On an impulse, Mills reached into his pocket, extracted three nickels and offered Rep. Dan Rostenkowski of Illinois this bet: Mills three nickels that Kennedy would be nominated against Rosten-kowski's one that he would not.

Moments later, Mills was telling Ros-tenkowski's leader, Mayor Richard J. Daley of Chicago, over the telephone that he was helping Daley fight the credentials challenge and that "Teddy is going to win" the nomination. Then, with Brooklyn Democratic leader Meade Esposito on the line, Mills remarked: "Meade, get a room next to Ted Kennedy at Miami Beach if you want to get near the next president." Mills has a large stake in a Kennedy nomination. If it happened, Mills who, as Mr. Taxation on Capitol Hill, has the confidence of businessmen frightened by McGovern's tax policies would be fa WASHINGTON The depth of the dilemma threatening the Democrats is best understood in phenomenally transformed attitudes by southern and border state leaders toward Sen.

Edward M. Kennedy. "Ted Kennedy," a key Democrat In conservative Oklahoma told us, "is way ahead in this state today. It's amazing, but the Democrats here are looking to Kennedy as the savior of the party." What is true in Oklahoma is duplicated in state after state. The sudden proliferation of party leaders who see salvation only in nominating the last of the Kennedy brothers is supremely ironic.

Just months ago, many argued Kennedy and Chap-paquiddick would kill the Democratic party in 1972. What changed that was the rise of Sen. George McGovern and, within the last week, the deepening feeling that he spells disaster but might yet be stopped. McGovern hurt himself badly inside the party with his intemperate reaction to the California credentials decision by threatening a third-party bolt. McGovemites reply angrily the nomination would be worthless to anybody else.

But, counter beleaguered' party regulars, that would not apply to Kennedy, because he and he alone could cut losses by unifying the party. anti-American propaganda in the western hemisphere. Apparently right now though, Russia hopes to play down U.S.-Soviet tensions. Castro privately grumbles about it but he is not the man in power. As the professed savior of the Cuban economy, Castro has proved a real flop.

It's still mostly a one-crop country sugar and he has trouble producing enough even of that. Other Castro exports, including tobacco, are but a drop in the economic bucket. If the Cubans don't shout "Fidel, Fidel" with the same fervor which marked their original cheers, it might well be because Castro is a far tamer revolutionary than he once was. It's somewhat like a youngster claiming he can lick the neighborhood, while Big Brother is with him, but then not being quite so cocky if he were not sure of Big Brother's help The official communique out of Havana about Fidel Castro's visit to Moscow was cagey, but the implication is clear: Castro had better toe the mark and listen to what "Big Brother" has to say in the Kremlin. He also had better not for one minute forget that if it were not for Russia's economic aid.

his "people's paradise" in Cuba, now 14 years old, would soon die on the vine. Castro has not been too happy over a seeming move toward better relations between Moscow and Washington. But he soon learned that it was none of his business. The shots are being called by the Russians, not by the bearded Castro whom Moscow may be getting a bit tired of supporting. Russia is pouring in $2 million a day in economic and military aid into the island of Cuba, a cozy little spot which Russia sees as ideal for 'I Don't Mind Political Change-If It's In My Favor' Childishness Unchecked Inasmuch as Spassky will get a slice of the purse, win or lose, Fischer's holding out for more money was to the financial advantage of both players.

Spassky's tactics in demanding an apology contributed to -the publicity and anticipation of the match. The fact that both players will get a share of television and film receipts could not have been lost on Spassky and Fischer. The larger the audience the larger the take-home pay. Boxer-showman Muhammad AH could not have done a better job of drumming up interest in a grudge match. AH had his favorite pre-match slogan like a butterfly, sting like a Fischer and Spassky may have theirs: "Act like children, go home rich men." When the first piece in the world championship chess match in Iceland is moved forward, it will not be the game's opening move.

The first move in the game began days before when the challenger, America's Bobby Fischer, outpublicized the Soviet champion, Boris Spassky. Fischer wanted more money in the official purse of $125,000 and refused to play unless his demands were met. When a very rich chess fan in England doubled the purse, Fischer was ready to precede. Spassky wasn't. He wanted Fischer to apologize for the numerous delays which he (Fischer) caused.

Fischer did, and the game was on. A Conversation With Hubert vention is wide open" and because of the united opposition "there is every possibility McGovern won't get it (the nomination)." There is far more to the antipathy of labor to McGovern than the natural desire to have a friend, not a neutral, in Victor Riesel i a i 1 'I -kamu i i i ii' mo ii'ii Kitrlbutad by LA. TImw Syndicate Don't Sell Busing Issue Short WASHINGTON One day last month Hubert Humphrey put in a person-to-person call to labor chief George Meany on the Queen Elizabeth II then just one night out of docking in New York harbor. The broad-beamed leader of labor leaders, who directs a national political machine which is a national party in all but name, quickly took the shore-to-ship phone. "I telephoned Mr.

Meany," Senator Humphrey told me the other day, "to let him know that I intended to stay in this presidential thing right up to the convention and right through it; that I never intended to drop out despite the California primary results and never did I plan to quit I wanted to know what Mr. Meany's views were." What were the views of Meany and the overwhelming majority of the leaders of some 118 politically strategic national AFL-CIO unions? From what Humphrey told me, Meany's reply was that he sure as hell was not for McGovern and "his only concern was, was I going to stay in?" "I assured him," added HHH, "there was no doubt about it at all. Since then I have been in touch with Al Barkan (director of the AFL-CIO's Puerto Rico to Hawaii, New York to San Diego Committee on Political Education (COPE). Our people are working with him as he is working with Jackson, Muskie and Others." Humphrey added that "this con trade be carried in Russian or third-country ships. The American waterfront unions were insisting and still are today on a 50-50 share of all cargoes for American freighters.

It was not so much McGovern's vote as his disdain and what they called "elitist" criticism of them. This aloofness has carried through the 1972 primaries. He has made it clear and his campaigners have put in even sharper focus that they do not need the labor movement. "The basic difference between labor and McGovern," says one of its truly topside policy makers, "is that he is an elitist. He will attempt to sidetrack the labor movement.

In nis concept there is no room for any voluntary group which has power or influence today not the AFL-CIO McGovern would build his own social base in which there would be no room for the labor movement, they say. In effect, so says Humphrey. When he talked he noted that there were "no more than 30 Italo-Americans" in McGovern's convention delegation "despite the concentration in New York, Massachusetts and California. Nor were there many of the Jewish faith. Nor many big city mayors or county supervisors.

And few labor leaders. "If McGovern purists, and new recruits," snapped Humphrey, "push out the representatives of the labor movement, they'll end up with an empty shell." (PubIishen-HU Syndicate) the White House. Most labor leaders don't trust McGovern. Back in McGovern's early days, the AFL-CIO staked the neophyte McGovern. They gave him his first headquarters in South Dakota.

Late in the 1962 senatorial campaign, his first bid for the upper house, they gave him considerable sums. But toward the end, McGovern ran out of money. He went to Al Barkan and asked for $22,000 to be paid to a public relations firm. Barkan went to Meany. The grant was approved if McGovern would submit to an audit of previous labor contributions.

McGovern told them off. He did not get the money. But he already had gotten considerable funds and manpower. He won. Three years later he turned on them.

He voted against them, saying he could not whip up any enthusiasm for labor, on a technical Taft-Hartley issue. He bucked them because they would not surrender to the Soviets and the State Department's demand that all wheat racial-balance did not improve the quality of education, did not improve the level of achievement of black students, and Jeffrey Hart either had no effect on racial attitudes and interracial relations or, often, altered them for the worse. Poof! The educational rationale for busing vanishes under the impact of the facts. Armor's critics, when not reduced to calling him a fascist and a racist, are forced back to frivolous justifications for busing. For example, that even when racial balancing projects increase group hostility, this is desirable, because it's good for a child to experience hostility and conquer it, etc.

But these are frivolities. There existed only one serious argument for so drastic a program, and now that this argument has been shot down the discussion ought to be closed. Weirdly enough, however, the reverse is true. Even as the rationale disappears, the issue moves to the center of political controversy, and may even be decisive in the fall presidential election. Established black spokesmen, as well as ideological liberals, seem frozen in -a pro-busing stance not because busing is of any practical benefit but because it is a test of one's liberal purity.

And so much legal momentum has been built up that the question will certainly go all the way to the Supreme Court. (King Features Syndicate) Trudy In the statement he made after signing the federal aid to education bill, President Nixon pungently criticized the Ninety-second Congress for waffling on the busing issue, and served notice that busing-for-racial-balance would be a prime issue in the coming election. As far as the election is concerned, the Democratic leadership in Congress would have done George McGovern a big favor by passing tough antibusing legislation. If they had done so, McGovern could have stood up and said that though he, personally, was a busing enthusiast, well, Congress had spoken and he would uphold the law. As it stands now, McGovern is stuck as the busing candidate.

The whole argument about busing, however, is now rather like a dispute about how many angels can stand on the head of a pin among people who have given up the belief in angels. For the entire rationale for busing has evaporated. It had been held that racial balancing made for improved classroom performance on the part of ghetto pupils. This being so, it was further argued, to deny them the benefit of a racially mixed classroom, and hence of equal educational opportunity, was a violation of their Fourteenth Amendment rights. Proponents of this view usually based their claims on the 1966 Coleman report.

But this spring, Dr. James Coleman, under whose supervision the study was made, explicitly disavowed this interpretation. Judges, he said, had glanced at the report and "used the results much more strongly than the results warrant." "I don't think," added Coleman, "a judge can say there is prima facie evidence of inequality of educational opportunity on achievement grounds if there is school segregation." Next, along came Harvard Prof. David J. Armor with a 64-page report based on an extensive study of the results of busing in a dozen American cities.

Armor concluded that busing-for- School Lunch Programs Needed? 1 1' to xxxisxzy of evidence just which factors are present. Q. "I read one of your columns not too long ago on school vandalism. Why can't the authorities hire overnight "Just think, Mom! No more schooll" Q. "How important is the school limch program, anyhow? Our local school board has spent a lot of our tax dollars building huge eating establishments and hiring expensive food service directors.

I thought the schools existed to teach children, not to feed them." Los Angeles. A. There are some schools where distances andor poverty prevent children from going home for lunch, and where cafeterias are a must. But there are a lot of other schools where the only reason for spending tax money by the millions on the preparation of hot lunches is bo Mom won't have to interrupt "Dark Shadows" or "Young Dr. Malone's Other Wife." You should analyze the makeup and the problems of your own local school situation before you decide on the basis I'd rather spend a little more money on prevention instead of repair, and at the same time teach the vandals a badly needed lesson.

Q. "What ever happened to that overage destroyer, Professor Marcuse? The last time I heard of him, he was still spreading his poisonous mixture of hate and violence in the University of California." A.B., Tulsa. A. The university regents finally retired him, despite desperate efforts on the part of some of his professorial colleagues to continue him on the faculty regardless of his advanced age and virulence. He's still wheeling and swooping around the university's San Diego campus on his own time, however, like a vulture following an in-trouble wagon train.

(Loa Angeles Times Si alic te) Max Rafferty guards for each school? That should put a speedy stop to this kind of destructive wickedness." Mrs. S.P., Phoenix. A. That it would, ma'am, that it would. The trouble here is that hiring a guard every night in the year for every school in the district would cost more money than it costs to repair the vandalism, especially in a city as big as yours.

It's really a matter of unemotional economics. Just the same, I'm with you. T-J VlS" Or Vm.tmm Siut.mM. Ml. 1U Hghti "What'll I do all summer?.